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WAR  PUBLICATIONS 

and  Reports  of  the  War 
Committee 

OF    THE 

UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS 

1917-1919     , 


Publishe:d  by 

The  University  of  Illinois 

1923 


•I  \  ',   \  1 


PREFATORY  NOTE 

The  following  report  of  the  activities  of  the  War 
Committee  for  the  year  1918-19  reproduces  the  texts 
of  the  reports  submitted  by  the  Committee  to  President 
James,  on  January  7  and  June  24.  1919,  with  the  omis- 
sion of  those  parts  which  seem  to  have  less  permanent 
interest. 

EvARTs  B.  Greene 
Chairman,  University  War  Covimittee 
September  16,  19 18- J  line  24,  1919 


u 


UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS 
WAR  PUBLICATIONS 

Publication  Author 

Reports  of  the  War  Committee 

Food  Conservation^ Isabel  Bevier 

Municipal  War  Work R.  E.  Cushman 

Wheat   Saving Ruth   Wheeler 

The  War  Garden J-  W.  Lloyd 

Food  Production Eugene  Davenport 

War  Legislation R.  E.  Cushman 

War  Activities  and  Moral  Leadership E.  J.  James 

Aiilk Ruth    Wheeler 

Meat LuciLE  W  heeler 

Sugar  in  War  Time Viola  J.  Anderson 

The  Great  Condition David  Kinley 

The  German  War  Code J-  \^  ■  Garner 

Responsibility  for  the  Great  War L.  M.  Larson     ^ 

Report  of  the  War  Committee 

The  College  Man  and  the  \\  ar E.  J.  James  . 

Italy  and  the  Peace  Conference P.  \\  B.  Jones 

New  Arab  Kingdom A.  T.  Olmstead 

Territorial  Problems  of  the  Baltic  Basin L.  M.  Larson 

The  Republic  of  the  L^kraine Simon  Litman    ^ 

Conflict  of  Parties  in  the  Russian  Revolution Jacob  Zeitlin     ^■ 

Asiatic  Turkey P.  H.  Newell 

The  New  Poland P.  V.  B.  Jones 

Aims  and  Claims  of  Germany David  Kinley 

Mobilization  for  Food  Production College  of  Agriculture 

Farm  Machinery   Situation E.   A.  White 

Else  of  Farm  Labor  during  the  W  ar..\\\  F.  Handschin-J.  B.  Andrews 

■•The  public    '.3ns   are   arranged  and   listed   in   chronological  order. 

\        7612^1 


Publication  .  '         ..  Author 

Protect  the  Wheat  Crop W.  F.  Handschin 

Grow  More  Wheat  in  Ilhnois..W.  L.  Burlison  and  W.  F.  Handschin 
Home  Economics  Exhibits. .  .  .Minnie  Bunch  and  Naomi  Newburn 

Shall  I  Plant  a  Garden? J.  W.  Lloyd 

Simple  Seed-Corn  Testers Agricultural  Experiment  Station 

Ras  Doll  Tester  for  Corn W.  L.  Burlison  and  G.  H.  Duncan 

Apple  Flakes W.  F.  James 

Shall  We  Plant  More  Spring  Wheat? W.  L.  Burlison 

Growing  Plants  for  War  Gardens C.  E.  Durst 

Conserving  Sugar  in  Ice  Cream H.  A.  Ruehe 

o  o 

Corn  and  Corn  Products Ruth  Wheeler 

War  Bread  Receipts College  of  Agriculture 

Winter  Feeding;  of  Idle  Farm  Horses T.  L.  Edmonds 

Selection  and  Storage  of  Feed  Corn..W.  L.  Burlison  and  E.  A.  White 

War  Garden  Hotbed C.  E.  Durst 

Applications  of  Trigonometry A.  J.  Kempner 

An  Outline  of  Economic  Readjustment A'l.  H.  Robinson 

Political  and  Social  Institutions J.  W.  Garner 

Historical  Backoround  of  the  Great  War L.  M.  Larson 


\ 


PREFACE 

To  the  University  of  Illinois,  as  to  other  American  universities, 
the  entry  of  the  United  States  into  the  Great  War  brought  new 
obligations  and  new  opportunities  for  service.  The  largest  con- 
tributions were  doubtless  made  through  individual  members  of 
the  University  —  faculty,  alumni,  and  student  —  who  devoted 
themselves  to  the  great  cause  in  the  most  varied  forms  of  military 
and  civilian  service.  On  the  University  Honor  Roll  of  those  who 
died  in  the  service  are  the  names  of  181  men.  These  individual 
records  the  University  expects  to  preserve  in  some  appropriate 
and  permanent  form. 

The  University  also,  through  its  trustees,  president,  and  faculty, 
placed  its  corporate  resources  at  the  disposal  of  the  State  and  Federal 
governments  for  war  purposes.  The  careful  attention  which  has 
always  been  given  here  to  military  instruction  gave  the  University 
of  Illinois  a  certain  advantage  in  this  respect  over  most  other  in- 
stitutions. The  technical  knowledge  and  research  facilities  of 
certain  other  departments,  notably  engineering,  medicine,  chemistry, 
agriculture,  and  household  economics,  also  enabled  them  to  play 
an  important  part  in  the  great  task  ot  mobilizing  the  national  re- 
sources, whether  in  direct  relation  to  the  military  and  naval  service, 
in  such  civilian  activities  as  those  of  the  Food,  Fuel,  and  Railway 
Administrations,  or  in  the  auxiliary  services  of  the  Red  Cross  and 
the  various  organizations  which  were  finally  associated  in  the  United 
War  Work  Council.  An  adequate  record  of  all  these  things  is  not 
yet  possible,  but  a  University  Committee  is  already  gathering  the 
materials  upon  which  such  a  record  must  be  based. 

A  few  months  after  the  outbreak  of  the  war,  it  was  decided  to 
organize  a  University  War  Committee  for  the  purpose  of  correlating 
more  effectively  the  activities  of  the  University  in  relation  to  war 
service,  and  the  material  collected  in  this  volume  relates  largely, 
tho  not  exclusively,  to  the  work  of  that  Committee.  It  includes 
two  reports  of  the  War  Committee  printed  in  1918,  together  with 
material  from  two  subsequent  reports  not  previously  printed,  bring- 
ing the  narrative  down  to  the  date  of  the  Committee's  discharge 
in  June,  1917.  To  these  reports  are  added  a  number  of  pamphlets 
issued  by  the  Committee  as  a  part  of  its  program  of  civic  education. 
Some  of  these  were  intended  to  give  information  in  popular  form 
on  the  issues  and  objects  of  the  war,  and  the  problems  of  the  Peace 
Conference.  Others  offered  suggestions  as  to  ways  and  means  by 
which  the  individual  citizen  might  cooperate  more  effectively  with 
the  Government  in  conserving  and  utilizing  the  economic  resources 
of  the  country.  A  few  other  pamphlets  issued  by  particular 
officers,  departments,  or  committees,  as  for  instance,  the  Committee 
on  the  War  Issues  Course,  have  been  added  because  of  their 
relation  to  this  educational  program,  even  tho  they  were  not 
strictly  publications  of  the  War  Committee. 


It  is  needless  to  add  that  the  collection  does  not  include  any 
of  the  numerous  articles  on  war  topics  issued  by  members  of  the 
faculty  through  official  or  unofficial  agencies  outside  of  the  Uni- 
versity, such  as  government  publications,  and  professional  journals 
of  various  kinds. 

Taken  as  a  whole  it  is  hoped  that  the  volume  will  prove  a  con- 
venience to  future  students  who  may  wish  to  inform  themselves 
on  certain  phases  of  University  war  service. 

David  Kinley 
University  of  Illinois,   September   1,   1920  President 


REPORT  TO  THE  PRESIDENT 

January  7,  1919 

Activities  of  the  University  War  Comrnittee  for  the  Autumn  Quarter, 
September— Decejnber,  1918. 

Under  the  effective  plan  of  organization  developed  by  Dean 
Kinley  the  activities  of  the  university  community  in  relation  to  the 
War  were,  subject  to  the  general  supervision  of  the  central  War 
Committee,  directed  by  a  number  of  divisional  committees  largely 
composed  o/  members  of  the  faculty  but  enlisting  to  a  considerable 
extent  also  the  cooperation  of  students. 

The  opening  of  the  current  year  brought  a  radical  change  in  the 
whole  University  situation  and  naturally  affected  the  work  of  the 
War  Committee  itself.  With  the  establishment  of  the  Students 
Army  Training  Corps,  the  University  administration  and  teaching 
staff  became  virtually  a  "committee  of  the  whole"  for  war  purposes. 
A  large  part  of  the  work  of  spreading  information  regarding  the 
War  and  its  issues  was  taken  over  by  the  new  Committee  on  the 
War  Issues  Course,  since  a  considerable  majority  of  the  student 
body  was  registered  in  the  S.  A.  C.  T.  for  which  that  course  was  a 
requirement.  Finally,  in  the  middle  of  the  quarter  there  came  the 
announcement  of  the  armistice,  making  unnecessary,  or  less  import- 
ant, certain  previous  activities  of  the  committee. 

Keeping  in  mind  these  changed  conditions,  I  note  briefly:  (1) 
work  actually  done  during  this  period  either  by  the  War  Committee 
itself  or  by  agencies  more  or  less  connected  with  it;  (2)  phases  of 
the  work  which  may  profitably  be  continued  during  the  remainder 
of  the  year. 

I.  Actual  Service  during  the  First  ^niarter. 
(1)  War  Loan  Committee.  This  committee  under  the  energetic 
chairmanship  of  Professor  C.  M.  Thompson  was  largely  responsible 
for  the  remarkable  success  of  the  University  drive  for  the  Fourth 
Liberty  Loan.  No  definite  quota  was  assigned  to  the  University, 
individual  members  of  the  University  staff  and  students  making 
their  subscriptions  for  the  most  part  through  the  same  agencies  as 
other  citizens.  University  subscribers  were,  however,  asked  to 
report  their  subscriptions  to  the  Loan  Committee  so  that  a  fairly 
complete  record  of  the  LIniversity  contribution  was  secured.  The 
following  is  a  summary  of  the  result  which  is  I  believe  as  good  a 
showing  as  that  made  by  any  other  University  in  the  country: 
Chicago  Schools  and  Colleges 

Faculty  and  Students %  63,950 

Urbana  Schools  and  Colleges 

Faculty 137,000 

Employees 8,900 


Girls  (Undergraduate  and  Graduate) 46,000 

Undergraduate  Men  (Not  S.  A.  T.  C.) 4,000 

S.  A.  t.  C 29,250 

S.  M.  A.  (Officers,  Instructors,  and  Men) 24,800 

Total $    314,000 

T  wish  to  call  particular  attention  to  the  extraordinary  showing 
made  by  the  young  women  of  the  University.  It  seemed  desirable 
to  impress  upon  them  as  strongly  as  possible  the  idea  that  they, 
as  well  as  the  young  men  in  the  military  and  naval  services,  should 
share  in  the  responsibilities  and  sacrifices  which  the  war  involved. 
Prizes  in  the  form  of  Liberty  Bonds  for  University  women  who 
proved  themselves  most  efficient  in  this  work  were  placed  at  the 
disposal  of  the  committee;  but  quite  aside  from  this  the  spirit  was 
admirable  and  the  result  is  believed  to  be  a  quite  unique  achieve- 
ment of  American  University  women. 

(2)  JVar  Relief  Funds.  The  chief  enterprise  of  this  kind  during 
the  quarter  has  been  the  drive  for  the  United  War  Work  Fund. 
In  this  case  the  initative  came  in  large  part  from  the  students  them- 
selves and  at  their  request  I  approved  on  behalf  of  the  University 
W^ar  Committee  the  organization  of  a  special  committee  for  this 
drive  of  which  Professor  C.  M.  Thompson  agreed  to  take  the  chair- 
manship. The  amount  finally  secured  ($46,821),  though  slightly 
less  than  was  hoped  for,  was  nevertheless  sufficient  to  give  the  Uni- 
versity of  Illinois  a  very  high  rank  among  the  Universities  of  the 
country,  whether  in  the  proportion  of  its  contribution  to  the  number 
of  students  or  in  the  aggregate  amount. 

During  the  last  days  of  the  quarter  the  membership  campaign 
of  the  American  Red  Cross  was  also  carried  through  with  marked 
success.  The  number  of  memberships  secured  up  to  and  including 
January  6,  1919  (the  campaign  is  still  in  progress)  was  1850  and 
the  total  amount  raised  was  $2,040. 

To  reduce  to  a  minimum  the  complications  inevitably  resulting 
from  numerous  appeals  to  the  same  community,  it  was  voted  that 
the  acceptance  of  a  University  quota  for  any  war  relief  fund  should 
be  subject  to  approval  by  the  general  War  Committee. 

(3)  War  Employtnent  Committee.  This  service  under  the 
direction  of  Assistant  Dean  Jordan  of  the  College  of  Engineering 
was  continued  during  the  autumn.  The  general  character  of  this 
work  was  described  in  Dean  Kinley's  report  of  July  13. 

(4)  University  War  Records.  The  records  of  University  men 
in  the  military  and  naval  services  have  been  kept  under  the  direction 
of  Dean  Clark  with  the  cooperation  of  this  committee.  By  arrange- 
ment with  the  Comptroller  a  credit  of  $500  from  the  War  Committee 


appropriation  was  set  aside  for  this  purpose.  It  is  unnecessary  to 
dwell  upon  the  importance  of  these  records  as  material  for  the  future 
historian  of  the  University  and  as  sources  of  inspiration  to  the 
coming  generation  of  University  men. 

(5)  War  Memorials.  The  Committee  has  given  some  thought 
to  the  subject  of  permanent  memorials  at  the  University  for  those 
of  its  members  who  have  given  their  lives  in  the  military  and  naval 
services.  Ultimate  decisions  respecting  a  really  adequate  memorial 
naturally  lie  outside  the  jurisdiction  of  an  emergency  organization 
like  our  own.  Two  step's,  however,  have  been  taken  looking  in 
this  direction:  (1)  Mr.  H.  S.  Magill,  director  of  the  Illinois  Cent- 
ennial Commission  suggested  that  the  University  might  take  a 
certain  quota  of  the  Illinois  centennial  coins  (fifty  cent  pieces  coined 
by  the  United  States  mint  in  recognition  of  the  centennial  anniversary 
of  the  admission  of  Illinois  into  the  Union)  and  sell  them  to  students 
and  others  as  souvenirs  at  a  charge  of  one  dollar  each,  using  the 
profits  of  the  transaction  either  for  some  specific  smaller  memorial, 
such  as  a  bronze  tablet,  or  as  the  nucleus  of  a  larger  fund.  With 
your  approval,  we  agreed  to  undertake  this  enterprise  and  Assistant 
Dean  Warnock  was  appointed  a  committee  to  carry  out  the  plan. 
It  is  proposed  at  present  to  take  1,000  of  these  coins,  which,  if  all 
are  sold,  will  net  ?500  for  the  proposed  fund.  (2)  It  has  seemed 
also  worth  while  to  initiate  a  discussion  respecting  the  larger  memor- 
ial which  the  University  will  undoubtedly  wish  to  dedicate  to  those 
who  have  fallen  in  the  Great  War.  A  special  committee  has  been 
appointed  to  consider  this  subject  consisting  of  Dean  Kinley,  chair- 
man, Dean  Clark,  Professor  J.  M.  White,  and  Director  G.  A.  Hufi^. 

(6)  Conservation  Activities.  The  events  of  the  past  quarter 
have  naturally  lessened  the  need  for  this  kind  of  service.  The 
special  Committee  on  Fuel  of  which  Professor  A.  C.  Willard  is 
chairman  prepared  a  short  circular  to  members  of  the  University 
staff  designed  to  prevent  waste  in  University  buildings.  The  War 
Committee  cooperated  with  the  county  food  conservation  committee 
in  arranging  for  an  address  at  the  University  i\uditorium  by  Mrs. 
Forbes-Robertson  Hale. 

(7)  University  Lectures  on  War  Topics.  These  were  necessarily 
reduced  to  a  minimum  because  of  the  influenza  epidemic  and  the 
preoccupation  of  faculty  and  students  with  the  S.  A.  T.  C.  The 
most  notable  events  of  this  kind  were  the  meetings  held  in  honor 
of  the  British  and  French  Missions  and  the  series  of  lectures  given 
by  Lord  Charnwood.  A  special  service  was  held  under  the  auspices 
of  the  War  Committee  on  the  Sunday  after  Thanksgiving,  to  cele- 
brate the  signing  of  the  armistice.  The  exercises  consisted  of  music 
under  the  direction  of  Professor  Erb  and  an  address  by  Professor 
S.  P,  Sherman. 


(8)  Publications.  One  of  the  most  important  forms  of  service 
undertaken  by  the  Committee  last  year  was  the  publication  of  a 
series  of  leaflets  intended  to  furnish  information  for  the  general 
public  on  war  issues  and  problems.  A  list  of  these  pamphlets  is 
given  in  Dean  Kinley's  report  of  July  13.  A  considerable  part 
of  the  distributing  and  some  of  the  printing  were  not  completed 
until  after  that  date  with  the  result  that  over  $2,000  of  this  expense 
has  been  charged  to  this  year's  account.  These  pamphlets  have 
been  widely  distributed  and  requests  have  come  from  distant  states 
as  well  as  from  those  in  our  immediate  neighborhood. 

After  the  signing  of  the  armistice  it  seemed  to  us  that  a  different 
type  of  publication  was  desirable,  dealing  with  the  problems  in- 
volved in  the  international  settlement.  Accordingly  a  new  publi- 
cation committee  was  appointed  consisting  of  Professor  L.  M, 
Larson,  chairman.  Professors  Ernest  Bernbaum,  J.  W.  Garner, 
Simon  Litman,  A.  T.  Olmstead,  and  Jacob  Zeitlin.  A  partial  list 
of  the  publications  agreed  upon  for  a  series  of  short  pamphlets 
follows:  "The  New  Arabian  State,"  Professor  Olmstead;  "Con- 
stantinople," Professor  Olmstead;  "The  German  Colonies,"  Pro- 
fessor Bernbaum  (tentative);  "The  Russian  Situation,"  Professor 
Zeitlin;  "The  Ukraine,"  Professor  Litman;  "What  to  do  with 
Turkey,"  Professor  Newell;  "The  League  of  Nations,"  Professor 
Greene;  "Economic  Aspects  of  Reconstruction,"  Professor  Robinson; 
"The  Present  Status  of  Liternational  Law,"  Professor  Garner; 
"The  Jugo-Slavs,"  Dr.  P.  V.  B.  Jones;  "The  Basin  of  the  Baltic," 
Professor  Larson.  A  considerable  amount  of  work  has  already 
been  done  upon  this  series  and  it  is  expected  that  two  numbers 
will  be  ready  for  the  press  in  about  a  week.  It  is  proposed  to  in 
elude  in  these  pamphlets  simple  non-controversial  material  on 
geographic,  ethnographic,  economic,  and  political  factors  in  what 
may  be  called  the  "problem  areas"  of  Europe,  together  with  certain 
other  topics  likely  to  be  considered  by  the  peace  congress. 

IL     Continuation  of  Existing  Service. 

M  uch  of  the  work  above  described  will  not  be  needed  under 
the  changed  conditions  but  some  of  it  will  require  attention  during 
the  winter  and  spring  quarters.  The  following  activities  of  the 
Committee  seem  to  come  under  this  latter  head: 

The  War  Loan  Service.  The  Fifth  Liberty  Loan  has  already 
been  announced  and  there  should  be  some  University  agency  ready 
to  cooperate  in  securing  the  fullest  possible  subscription  by  the 
University  community;  It  would  be  a  misfortune  to  mar  the  fine 
record  already  made  by  any  slackening  at  the  end.  The  leadership 
of  University  men  is  peculiarly  important  now  in  view  of  the  natural 
tendency  of  the  public  to  relax  after  the  peculiar  strain  of  war  has 
been  removed.  ' 


War  Relief  Funds.  There  is  still  need  for  assistance  and  some 
supervision  not  merely  to  insure  liberal  giving  but  also  to  avoid 
the  irritation  which  sometimes  comes  from  injudicious  methods. 

University  War  Service  Records.  This  work  will  of  course  be 
continued  in  Dean  Clark's  office  but  its  future  financial  support 
is  a  matter  which  should  doubtless  be  taken  up  independently  of 
this  Committee. 

Publications.  I  hope  that  it  may  be  possible  to  carry  through 
the  pamphlet  series  above  described. 

Lectures  and  Conferences  on  Problems  of  International  Settlement 
arid  Reconstruction.  By  enlisting  the  cooperation  of  members  of 
the  faculty  we  fnay  be  able  to  initiate  some  helpful  discussions 
even  though  no  considerable  amount  is  available  for  speakers  from 
the  outside,  though  such  a  series  could  be  made  stronger  if  some 
outside  assistance  could  be  secured.* 


*The  remaining  paragraphs  of  the  report,  dealing  with  certain  matters  of  detail 
in  connection  with  the  business  of  the  Committee,  are  omitted.  The  full  report 
has  been  filed  with  the  collection  of  materials  in  the  hands  of  the  Committee  on  the 
Participation  of  the  University  in  the  War. 


REPORT  TO  THE  PRESIDENT 

June  24,  1919 

Final  Report  of  the  University  War  Coinmittee,  January-June,  1919. 
The  activities  of  the  Committee  before  these  dates  were  covered  in 
Dean  Kinley's  printed  reports  of  January  7,  and  August  5,  1918, 
and  my  own  report  of  January  7,  1919.  As  I  indicated  in  the  report 
of  January  7,  the  work  of  many  of  our  divisional  committees  practi- 
cally ended  with  the  signing  of  the  armistice  in  November.  With 
your  approval  the  work  of  the  Committee  has  been  continued  for 
the  purpose  of  dealing  with  a  few  services  which  are  described  below. 

I.  War  Loan  Committee — The  Chief  task  of  this  Committee 
was  the  organization  of  the  University  drive  for  the  Victory  Loan. 
Professor  C.  M.  Thompson  having  resigned  the  chairmanship  of 
the  Committee,  he  was  succeeded  by  Professor  C.  A.  Ellis  of  the 
Department  of  Civil  Engineering.  The  work  was  carried  on  under 
obvious  difficulties  since  we  lacked  some  of  the  stimulus  which 
comes  from  an  actual  state  of  war.  Nevertheless,  the  Committee 
did  its  work  seriously  and  effectively  with  the  result  that  a  creditable 
showing  was  made.  The  procedure  adopted,  as  in  the  case  of  the 
Fourth  Liberty  Loan,  was  not  to  take  the  actual  subscriptions  in 
the  University,  but  to  ask  each  person  to  subscribe  at  his  own  bank 
and  report  the  amount  of  his  subscriptions  to  the  University  Com- 
mittee. The  total  amount  raised  in  the  University  was  $86,300, 
of  which  the  faculty  and  members  of  the  operating  staff  contributed 
?82,000  and  the  students  $4,050.  The  amount  is  of  course  much 
less  than  that  of  the  Fourth  Loan,  which  reached  approximately 
$314,000.  It  should  be  noted,  however,  that  the  former  amount 
included  $63,950  from  the  Chicago  schools  and  colleges,  which  were 
unable  to  report  on  the  subscriptions  taken  by  their  instructors 
and  students  in  the  Victory  Loan.  Included  in  the  Fourth  Loan, 
also,  were  $54,050  taken  through  the  S.  A.  T.  C.  and  S_.  M.  A.  organ- 
izations and  $46,100  from  the  women  of  the  University.  The 
military  organizations  were  not  available  for  the  Victory  Loan 
and  it  was  not  thought  best  to  canvass  the  undergraduates  closely 
at  this  time,  in  view  of  the  very  generous  help  which  the  wornen 
especially  had  given  to  the  Fourth  Loan.  The  total  for  the  third, 
fourth,  and  fifth  loans,  which  have  been  conducted  under  the  aus- 
pices of  this  Committee  was  approximately  $620,300. 

II.  War  Relief  Funds — Professor  Decker  served  as  chairman 
of  this  Committee  during  the  early  part  of  the  year,  but  on  his 
going  to  Washington  Professor  W.  C.  Coffey  was  appointed  to 
succeed  him.  The  only  notable  organized  effort  in  this  field  was 
that  undertaken  for  the  Armenian  and  Syrian  Relief  Fund.  Mr. 
Lloyd  Morey,  the  treasurer  of  this  fund,  reports  that  a  total  of 
$2509.36  was  raised  in  the  University  community. 

10 


III.  University  War  Service  Records — As  I  stated  in  my  report 
of  January  7,  the  War  Committee  allotted  the  sum  of  $500  for  the 
continuance  of  this  work  which  was  begun  last  year.  I  assume 
that  the  admirable  service  which  has  been  given  by  Dean  Clark 
will  be  continued  and  pushed  to  a  conclusion.  Dean  Clark  has 
made  the  following  statement  regarding  his  work,  under  date  of 
April  23: 

"At  your  request  I  am  submitting  a  brief  report  of  the  work 
which  I  have  done  as  the  committee  on  war  records.  Early  in  the 
history  of  the  war  I  began  to  collect  all  the  information  I  could 
relative  to  men  who  had  gone  into  the  service.  Later  I  was  appoint- 
ed by  the  Council  of  Administration  to  do  this  work.  I  have  sent 
out  a  half-dozen  or  more  questionnaires  to  parents,  former  students, 
and  men  in  the  service,  have  started  a  record  for  each  man,  and 
have  kept  clippings,  photographs,  and  souvenirs  of  individual  men, 
and  these  I  have  filed  alphabetically.  I  sent  out  a  Christmas  letter 
in  1917  and  one  in  1918  to  all  men  in  the  service.  I  have  also  sent 
out  postal  cards  of  University  scenes  to  everybody  and  one  or  two 
circular  letters.  By  this  means  I  have  been  able  to  gather  a  good 
deal  of  information  regarding  the  men. 

This  work  has  cost  for  the  past  two  years  or  more  probably 
$125  a  month.  If  I  am  to  keep  it  up,  it  will  continue  to  cost  at 
least  $100  a  month.  I  am  of  the  opinion  that  it  would  be  far  better 
if  the  University  could  engage  a  man  who  would  give  his  time  to 
this  work  and  follow  up  and  complete  the  records  of  the  men  whom 
I  have  not  been  able  fully  to  trace." 

Dean  Clark  has  kindly  undertaken  to  prepare  a  summary  of 
University  men  in  the  military  and  naval  services,  to  accompany 
this   report. 

IV.  Committee  on  Publications— This  Committee  has  consisted 
during  the  present  year  of  Professor  L.  M.  Larson,  Chairman, 
Professors  Bernbaum,  Garner,  Litman,  Olmstead,  and  Zeitlin. 
The  principal  work  of  the  Committee  has  been  the  preparation  and 
publication  of  short  leaflets,  copies  of  which  have,  I  believe,  been 
sent  to  you.  The  authors  and  subjects  are  as  follows:  P.  V.  B.  Jones, 
"Italy  and  the  Peace  Conference;"  A.  T.  Olmstead,  "The  New 
Arab  Kingdom  and  the  Fate  of  the  Muslim  World;"  L.  M.  Larson, 
"Territorial  Problems  of  the  Baltic  Basin;"  S.  Litman,  "The  Re- 
public of  Ukraine;"  J.  Zeitlin,  "The  Conflict  of  Parties  in  the  Russian 
Revolution;"  F.  H.  Newell,  "Asiatic  Turkey,  its  Problems  and 
Resources;"  P.  V.  B.  Jones,  "New  Poland."  The  first  two  of  these 
were  printed  in  editions  of  10,000  each,  and  the  remainder  in  editions 
of  5,000  each. 

As  will  be  seen  from  the  titles  the  series  was  intended  to  furnish 
information  on  some  of  the  problems  involved  in  the  international 
settlement  after  the  war.     The  treatment  was  made  simple  in  order 

11 


to  attract  non-expert  readers;  but  pains  were  taken  to  secure  an 
accurate  and  fairminded  presentation  of  facts,  rather  than  mere 
party  pleading.  The  mailing  list  included  among  others  the  public 
libraries  of  the  state,  and  an  extended  list  of  superintendents,  princi- 
pals, and  teachers;  some  of  the  latter  have  asked  for  additional 
copies  in  quantity  for  use  with  their  classes. 

V.  Committee  on  Lectures  and  Conferences  at  the  Univei:sity — 
This  work  was  under  the  direction  of  Professor  Bernbaum  of  the 
Department  of  English,  who  arranged  a  series  of  conference^  in- 
cluding most  of  the  topics  dealt  with  in  the  publications  above- 
mentioned.  In  addition  four  meetings  were  devoted  to  the  League 
of  Nations,  with  formal  addresses  by  Professor  Garner  and  myself, 
and  a  round  table  conference  presided  over  by  Professor  Bernbaum. 
At  another  meeting,  Professor  Robinson  discussed  the  problems  of 
"Reparation  and  Indemnities."  These  conferences  began  in  the 
Commerce  Lecture  Room,  but  the  increasing  size  of  the  audience 
made  it  necessary  to  transfer  them  to  Morrow  Hall;  every  effort 
was  made  to  present  the  topics  fairly  and  to  encourage  discussion. 
It  is  believed  that  these  conferences  have  constituted  a  substantial, 
tho  modest,  contribution  to  the  important  task  of  helping  our 
young  people  to  take  an  enlightened  view  of  international  problems 
and  their  own  responsibility  as  citizens. 

VI.  University  War  Memorial— -The  problem  of  a  University 
War  Memorial  is  obviously  one  which  belongs  to  a  more  permanent 
organization  than  the  War  Committee.  It  was  thought  worth 
while,  however,  to  name  a  committee  to  carry  on  a  preliminary 
discussion  of  this  subject.  The  original  committee  consisted  of 
Dean  Kinley,  Chairman,  Dean  Clark,  Professor  White,  Director 
Huff,  and  Mr.  H.  B.  Johnston,  editor  of  the  Illini.  Dean  Kinley 
withdrew  on  account  of  the  pressure  of  other  duties  and  Professor 
L.  H.  Provine  was  named  in  his  place.  At  the  suggestion  of  Professor 
Scott,  Mr.  E.  C.  Craig  of  Mattoon  was  added  to  the  committee  to 
represent  the  alumni  outside  of  the  University.  Letters  asking 
for  suggestions  were  sent  to  the  President  and  Vice-president  of 
the  University,  the  members  of  the  Board  of  Trustees,  the  Woman's 
League,  the  Student  Council  of  the  Illinois  Union,  several  distin- 
guished artists  and  architects,  the  faculty,  and  the  administrative 
staff.  The  subject  was  also  discussed  at  a  student  mass  meeting 
called  by  the  Committee  and  there  were  numerous  communications 
in  The  Illini.  The  students  haveshown  an  especially  keen  interest 
in  the  possibility  of  associating  the  memorial  idea  with  the  proposed 
Illinois  Union  Building.  There  is  something  to  be  said,  in  my 
opinion,  for  making  such  a  memorial  the  central  feature  of  a  building 
which  is  sure  to  be  frequented  by  a  large  number  of  young  men. 

Professor  Provine  reports  that  the  Committee  has  not  been  able 
to  reach  a  definite  conclusion  as  to  the  character  of  the  memorial 
and  recommends  the  appointment  of  a  Permanent  Memorial  Com- 

12 


mittee  to  be  composed  of  loyal  alumni  to  continue  the  investigation. 
He  adds:  "This  work  cannot  be  pushed  and  hasty  conclusions 
drawn;  it  will  take  time.  Any  memorial  which  is  eventually  erected 
should  be  of  the  type  which  will  stand  the  test  of  ages  and  forever 
commemorate  the  part  which  the  University  played  in  the  Great 
War." 

Meantime,  he  makes  the  following  suggestions  regarding  a  War 
Museum  and  the  temporary  housing  ot  it:  ' 

"It  seemed  to  this  Memorial  Committee  that  while  we  were 
trying  to  find  out  the  type  of  permanent  memorial  which  should  be 
erected  that  a  temporary  war  museum  should  be  started  as  soon 
as  practicable,  and  the  Memorial  Committee  was  authorized  to 
consider  this  subject  and  make  recommendations.  Under  this 
authority  Dean  Clark  has  sent  out  a  great  many  letters  to  the 
mini  asking  for  museum  specimens,  and  the  near  future  will 
probably  see  a  generous  response  to  this  request.  The  location  of 
a  temporary  war  museum  was  considered,  and  it  seems  to  the 
Committee  that  the  best  place,  under  the  conditions,  would  be  the 
rotunda  (second  story)  of  the  University  Library.  This  building 
is  opened  to  the  public  at  all  reasonable  hours,  is  well  located  on 
the  campus,  and  the  exhibit  would  have  more  or  less  supervision 
by  the  library  attendants. 


This  recommendation  has  my  hearty  approval. 

VII.  Publicity^Professor  Harrington  has  been,  as  heretofore; 
in  charge  of  the  publicity  service.  His  relations  with  the  Illin^ 
staff,  and  with  the  newspapers  of  the  state  through  his  weekly 
bulletins  and  otherwise,  have  enabled  him  to  render  service  of  the 
greatest  value.  Much  of  the  material  appearing  in  the  latter  was 
furnished  through  the  War  Committee  or  some  one  of  its  various 
divisions. 

VIII.  War  Employment — This  work,  in  charge  of  Assistant 
Dean  Jordan,  has  naturally  changed  its  character  since  the  de- 
mobilization process  began  and  has  since  consisted  mainly  of  trying 
to  help  returning  soldiers.  Mr.  Jordan  has  presented  an  extended 
report  on  this  subject  to  President  James. 


Acknowledgements — I  wish  to  acknowledge  the  generous  co- 
operation of  all  my  associates  in  the  Committee  and  its  various 
divisions.  I  am  especially  indebted  to  the  following  colleagues: 
Dean  Davenport,  for  constant  support  and  counsel;  Professor  Larson, 
for  his  oversight  of  our  publications;  Professor  Bernbaum,  for  the 

13 


organization  of  the  "War  Committee  Conferences;"  Professor 
C.  M.  Thompson,  for  his  extraordinarily  effective  service  on  the 
Fourth  Liberty  Loan  and  the  last  Y.  M.  C.  A.  drive;  Professor 
H.  F.  Harrington,  for  his  cheerful  and  effective  cooperation  in 
publicity  service.  I  need  not  repeat  what  I  have  said  elsewhere 
about  the  importance  of  Dean  Clark's  work  on  the  University  War 
Records. 

The  greater  part  of  the  service  of  this  Committee  was,  of  course? 
performed  before  I  became  chairman.  Whatever  success  may  have 
been  achieved  during  the  past  few  months  is  largely  due  to  the 
original  organization  of  this  work  by  Dean  Kinley  and  the  momentum 
which  he  was  able  to  develop  last  year.  I  appreciate  very  much 
your  own  hearty  cooperation. 

Recommendations — I  request,  first  that  this  report  be  accepted 
as  the  final  report  of  the  University  War  Committee  and  that  the 
Committee  be  now  discharged.  I  venture  also  to  offer  a  few  re- 
commendations regarding  possible  future  action  of  the  University 
more  or  less  related  to  the  emergency  service  of  this  Committee. 
I  should  add  that  these  recommendations  are  made  on  my  own 
responsibility,  without  opportunity  for  formal  committee  action. 

L  That  as  generous  provision  as  possible  be  made  for  continuing 
and  pushing  to  an  early  conclusion  the  work  of  Dean  Clark  on  the 
L^niversity  War  Records.  He  is,  I  understand,  willing  to  keep  a 
general  oversight  of  this  work,  but  he  should  have  a  competent 
assistant  to  relieve  him  of  the  details.  I  recommend  an  appro- 
priation of  $2000  for  this  purpose,  to  be  expended  under  Dean  Clark's 
direction.  It  would  be  regrettable  if  the  University  should  let  slip 
the  opportunity  to  make  this  record  as  nearly  complete  as  may  be 
humanly  possible.  Ultimately  the  result  should  be  put  in  book 
form. 

2.  That  the  University  take  steps  at  once  toward  the  compila- 
tion of  a  record  of  its  corporate  activities  in  connection  with  the 
war,  and  of  the  civilian  services  of  individual  members  of  its  faculties. 
Dean  Clark's  record  is,  I  understand,  confined  to  individual  members 
of  the  University  and  alumni  in  the  military  and  naval  services. 

3.  That  steps  be  taken  to  make  effective  the  present  interest 
in  a  permanent  memorial  structure  for  the  Illinois  men  who  fell 
in  the  Great  War,  either  on  the  lines  indicated  in  section  VI  of  this 
report  or  otherwise,  as  may  seem  desirable. 

4.  That  provision  be  made  for  binding  the  series  of  leaflets 
issued  by  the  War  Committee.  I  have  asked  Professor  Larson, 
Professor  Windsor,  and  Mr.  Cunningham  to  serve  as  a  committee 
to  investigate  the  feasibility  of  making  up  fifty  or  more  bound  sets 
of  this  series.     I  will  ask  them  to  report  their  conclusions  to  you. 

I 

14  ■ 


5.  That  the  Memorial  Dav  exercises  be  pubhshed  in  some 
suitable  form.  There  was  much  in  that  program  which  should  be  of 
permanent  interest  to  alumni  and  other  friends  of  the  University. 

6.  That  the  University  consider  seriously  the  reorganization 
of  our  employment  service,  other  than  that  for  teachers,  taking 
advantage  of  suggestions  gathered  from  our  experience  with  the 
War  Employment  Service.  This  seems  of  special  importance  for  our 
returning  soldiers. 

7.  That  the  University,  perhaps  the  University  Senate,  provide 
a  permanent  Committee  to  plan  from  year  to  year  (1)  a  more  ade- 
quate observance  of  certain  important  anniversaries,  including  one 
or  more  especially  associated  with  the  late  war;  (2)  a  continuance  of 
conferences  on  civic  and  international  topics,  corresponding  to  those 
maintained  during  the  past  two  years  bv  the  War  Committee.  To 
a  certain  extent,  this  would  involve  an  effort  to  correlate  the  efforts 
of  the  various  colleges  and  departments. 

8.  That  the  University  consider  the  possibility  of  expanding 
its  extension  service,  so  as  to  include  not  only  the  existing  work  of 
such  departments  as  Household  Economics  and  Agriculture,  but 
other  subjects  of  civic  interest.  There  are  obvious  difficulties,  but 
the  problem  should,  I  believe,  be  reconsidered  in  view  of  the  changed 
conditions.  The  efficiency  of  our  War  Committee  outside  the 
University  would  certainlv  have  been  much  greater,  if  a  comprehen- 
sive extension  service  had  been  ready  at  hand.  We  did,  of  course, 
profit  largely  by  the  extension  work  of  the  departments  above 
mentioned. 

9.  I  call  attention  finallv,  to  the  recommendation  regardine  a 
War  Museum  in  section  VI  of  this  report. 

E.  B.  Greene,  Chairman 

E.  Davenport 
C.  A.  Ellis 

S.  A.  Forbes 

F.  H.  Newell 

C.  M.  Thompson 

Committee  for  191S-19 


15 


UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS  BULLETIN 


Vol.  XV. 


Issued  Weekly 
JANUARY  7,  1918 


No.  19 


[Entered  as  second-class  matter  December   11,    1912,   at  the  post   office  at   Urbana,   Illinois, 
under  the  Act  of  August  24,    1912.] 


THE  WAR  COMMITTEE 


of  the 


UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS 


PUBLISHED   BY   THE   UNIVERSITY   OF   ILLINOIS 

URBANA 


BOARD  OF  TRUSTEES 


The  Governor  of  Illinois Ex  Officio 

FRANK  O.   LOWDEN    Springfield 

The  President  of  the  State  Board  of  Agriculture Ex-Officio 

JAMES    E.   TAGGART Freeport 

The  Superintendent  of  Public  Instruction Ex-Officio 

FRANCIS  G.  BLAIR Springfield 

Term 
Expires 

John  R.  Trevett,  Champaign 1919 

Cairo  A.  Trimble,  Princeton 1919 

Florence  E.  Watson,  Tuscola 1919 

Laura  B.  Evans,  Taylorville 1921 

Robert  F.  Carr,  Chicago 1921 

Robert  R.  Ward,  Benton 1921 

William  L.  Abbott,  yz  W.  xA.dams  Street,  Chicago 1923 

Otis  W.  Hoit,  Geneseo 1923 

Mary  E.  Busey,  Urbana.. 1923 

OFFICERS  OF  THE  BOARD 

William  L.  Abbott,  '/2  W.  Adams  Street,  Chicago President 

Harrison  E.  Cunningham,  Urbana Secretary 

Edmund  D.  Hulbert,  Chicago Treasurer 

Lloyd  Morey,  Urbana Acting  Comptroller 


A  PARTIAL  LIST  OF  THE  ACTIVITIES  OF  ;  ■ 

THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS  IN  THE  WAR 

To  January,  1918 

1.  ]\Iilitary  drill  required  of  all  freshmen  and  sophomores. 

2.  Reserve  Officers  Training  Corps  at  the  LTniversity. 

3.  Men  of  all  classes  under  military  instruction  about  1400.  -  .       .  ■■ 

4.  February,   1917,   President  offers   facilities  of  University  to  the 

President  of  the  United  States  through  the  Governor  of  the 
State. 

5.  Loss  of  students  since  declaration  of  war  last  April,  more    than 

1200. 

6.  Number  of  faculty,  students  and  alumni  now  in  the  service  of  their 

country  in  the  war,  2582,  300  of  them  now  abroad,  and  also 
200  medical  and  dental  students  in  the  enlisted  reserve. 

7.  Illinois  men  largely  in  charge  of  construction  of  the  military  camps 

during  the  past  six  months. 

8.  Classes  organized  last  spring  to  furnish  men  to  the  ordnance  and 

quartermaster's    departments,    about    120   students    enrolled. 

9.  Red  Cross  course  given  completed  by  140  students. 

10.  Ambulance  unit  sent  to  France.     About  $10,000  in  money  raised 

for  ambulance  support. 

11.  United  States  Government  Army  School  of  Alilitary  Aeronautics 

at  the  University. 

12.  Food  conservation.     Professor  Isabel  Bevier  spent  t\vo  months 

assisting  the  Food  Department  in  Washington.  The  exten- 
sion division  of  the  Household' Science  Department  has  or- 
ganized a  food  conservation  campaign. 

13.  Belgian  Relief.    The  first  service  was  about  two  months  after  the 

beginning  of  the  war,  with  a  donation  of  50  boxes  of  clothing 
and  $1500  in  cash.    Cash  raised  for  Belgian  relief  $13625. 


14-     Syrian  and  Armenian  Relief,  $5928.09. 

15.  Red  Cross  subscriptions,  approximately  $3800. 

16.  Y.  M.  C.  A.  War  fund,  $28,738. 

17.  College  of  Agriculture;  Advising  farmers  concerning  crops,  etc., 

in  the  emergency. 

18.  A  number  of  special  investigations  of   a  confidential  nature   in 

connection  with  the  war  are  under  way. 

19.  University  Battery  now  in  France. 


THE  WAR  COMMITTEE  OF  THE  UNIVERSITY 

Honorary  Chairmen 

Hon.  Frank  O.  Lowden — Governor  of  the  State. 

Dr.  Edmund  J.  James — President  of  the  University. 

Hon.  Samuel  Insull — Chairman  Ilhnois  State  Council  of  Defense 

General  Committee 

Vice  President  David  Kinley — Chairman 

Dean  Eugene  Davenport 

Professor  S.  A.  Forbes 

Professor  F.  H.  Newell 

Professor  S.  P.  S'herman 

Professor  C.  A.  Ellis 

Professor  C.  M.  Thompson 

The  War  Committee  of  the  University  of  Illinois  was  appointed 
for  these  purposes : 

1.  To  give  information  about  the  war  to  the  students  and  faculty 
of  the  University. 

2.  To  spread  similar  information  among  the  people  of  the  state 
by  lectures  and  articles,  and  to  furnish  the  press  with  news  items. 

3.  To  publish  war  leaflets  on  topics  of  interest  to  the  people  of 
the  state. 

4.  To  coordinate  the  work  of  the  many  organizations  and  indi- 
viduals now  engaged  in  different  lines  of  "war  work"  at  the  University. 

5.  To  raise  and  maintain  a  University  service  flag. 

6.  To  keep  records  of  the  University  men  and  women  in  the 
government  service,  especially  in  the  army  and  navy. 

7.  To  stimulate  in  every  way  interest  in  military  work  and  in 
the  war. 

By  authority  of  the  Board  of  Trustees  a  general  connmittee  of 
seven  was  appointed  by  the  President  of  the  University. 

This  committee  organized  by  selecting  three  honorary  chairmen, 
who  have  consented  to  the  use  of  their  names,  and  by  providing  divi- 
sional committees  as  follows : 

Divisional  Committees 
[For  names  of  members  of  committees  see  pages  9  ff.] 
1.     On  the  Publication  of  War  Leaflets: 

The  duty  of  this  committee  is  to  publish  leaflets  of  from  one  to 

5 


four  pages  on  subjects  of  importance  concerning  the  war,  for  distribu- 
tion in  large  editions  among  the  people  of  the  state.  Pamphlets  of 
larger  size  may  also  be  printed  and  distributed  occasionally.  The  com- 
mittee has  four  divisions  eadi  with  its  own  chairman,  as  follows:  (a) 
Agriculture;  (b)  Food;  (c)  Politics,  international  law  and  history; 
(d)   General  topics. 

2.  On  Publicity : 

The  duties  of  the  committee  on  publicity  are  to  gather  and  give 
to  the  newspapers,  through  the  Associated  Press  and  otherwise,  all  im- 
portant items  of  news  about  the  work  of  the  committees ;  to  secure 
from  members  of  the  faculty  articles  for  publication  in  periodicals,  and 
in  every  way  to  disseminate  information  on  the  activities  of  the  com- 
mittee. The  committee  has  two  subdivisions :  (a)  News;  (b)  Periodi- 
cal articles. 

3.  On  Talks  and  Lectures  at  the  University: 

The  duty  of  this  committee  is  to  provide  short  talks  and  occasional 
lectures  for  the  University  as  a  whole  and  for  separate  groups  and  or- 
ganizations therein  on  subjects  connected  with  the  war.  A  group  of 
sub-committees  will  be  constituted  by  the  membersof  the  committee, 
consisting  of  one  faculty  and  one  or  more  student  members  from  the 
different  student  organizations.  Each  of  these  sub-committees  is  ex- 
pected to  provide  talks  for  one  or  more  organizations  from  week  to 
week  or  month  to  month. 

.    4.     On  Extension  Lectures  in  the  State: 

The  duty  of  the  committee  is  explained  by  its  title.  Members  of 
the  University  faculty  on  the  Farmers'  Institute  programs  will  be  ex- 
pected to  devote  some  part  of  their  talks  to  war  topics.  Requests  for 
war  talks  from  public  schools,  teachers'  associations  and  other  educa- 
tional bodies  will  be  supplied  as  far  as  possible.  The  third  division  of 
the  committee  will  care  for  similar  requests  from  Women's  Clubs, 
Commercial  Clubs,  churches  and  other  organizations  and  individuals. 

5.     On  Funds  Collection  : 

Beginning  January  i,  191 8,  all  individuals  or  organizations  desiring 
to  canvass  or  to  oft'er  entertainments  in  the  University  for  funds  des- 
tined for  purposes  connected  with  the  war,  must  submit  to  this  commit- 
tee a  request  for  approval  so  to  canvass.  The  committee  will  issue  cards 
of  authorization.  The  committee  will  give  advice  as  to  the  best  time  for 
soliciting  so  that  campaigns  to  raise  funds  for  different  purposes  will 

6 


not  conflict.  The  committee  may,  if  it  sees  fit,  initiate  a  collection 
campaign  for  some  appropriate  war  purpose.  Authority  to  perform  these 
services  has  been  given  by  the  Council  of  Administration. 

6.  On  the  University  Program : 

The  duty  of  this  committee  is  to  study  the  University  class  schedule, 
utilization  of  rooms,  courses  offered,  etc.,  with  a  view  to  determining 
whether  a  more  efficient  use  can  be  made  of  our  equipment  and  rooms, 
whether  any  condensation  of  courses  ottered  seems  advisable,  and 
whether  new  short  courses  bearing  on  the  war  may  be  provided.  The 
committee  will  make  its  recommendations  or  suggestions  to  the  central 
committee  which  will  then  take  the  matter  up  with  the  proper  University 
officers. 

7.  On  United  States  Savings  Certificates  and  Loans : 

This  committee  is  appointed  to  arouse  interest  in  and  promote  the 
sale  of  United  States  savings  certificates,  liberty  bonds  and  other  loans 
of  the  Government  in  connection  with  the  war. 

8.  On  Students'  Cooperation : 

The  duty  of  this  committee  is  to  bring  about  cooperation  between 
the  faculty  and  students  in  all  things  undertaken  at  the  University  with 
relation  to  the  war. 

9.  On  the  University  Service  Flag  : 

The  duty  of  this  committee  is  to  provide  and  raise  with  appropriate 
ceremonies,  and  later  to  maintain,  a  University  service  flag. 

10.  On  University  War  Service  Records  : 

Since  the  beginning  of  the  war  the  Dean  of  Men  has  kept  a  record 
of  the  members  of  the  University,  past  and  present,  who  have  entered 
or  expect  to  enter  the  government  service  in  connection  with  the  war. 
The  war  committee,  realizing  that  it  could  make  no  better  provision 
for  carrying  on  this  work  simply  adopts  Dean  Clark's  staft'  as  its  com- 
mittee on  this  work.  To  this  Dean  Clark  has  consented.  The  com- 
mittee therefore  consists  of  Dean  T.  A.  Clark  and  his  staff  on  this  work. 

11.  On  University  War  Employment : 

This  committee  secures  information  concerning  the  location,  oc- 
cupation, qualifications  and  availability  for  service,  of  students,  faculty 
and  alumni,  and  keeps  in  touch  with  the  various  government  depart- 
ments so  that  when  individuals  are  needed  for  special  work  we  may 
be  able  to  recommend  and  place  suitable  members  of  the  University. 

7 


This  work,  like  that  described  under  committee  number  lo,  has  been 
carried  on  from  the  beginning  of  the  war,  and  has  been  done  by  the 
Assistant  Dean  of  the  College  of  Engineering,  Dean  H.  H.  Jordan, 
Chairman. 

12.  On  Military  Organization  and  Exhibitions.: 

The  duty  of  this  committee  is  to  participate  in  a  military  way  in 
occasional  afitairs  planned  by  itself  or  in  connection  with  the  work  of 
other  committees. 

13.  On  Conservation  and  Economy : 

The  duty  of  this  committee  is  to  influence  the  University  commun- 
ity to  economize  as  far  as  possible  in  their  mode  of  living,  materials 
consumed,  etc.  It  is  believed  that  the  boarding  bouses,  fraternities 
and  sororities  can  be  assisted  to  a  more  economical  scheme  of  expendi- 
ture, and  that  there  is  room  for  economy  in  expenditures  connected  with 
public  functions  of  the  various  University  organizations. 

14.  On  Legal  Advice  to  Drafted  Men  : 

Certain  members  of  the  law  faculty  have  been  appointed  associate 
members  of  the  Legal  Advisory  Board,  Division  No.  i.  Champaign 
County  (including  Urbana)  and  also  associate  members  of  Legal 
Advisory  Board,  Division  No.  2,  Champaign  County  (including  Cham- 
paign) and  are  Hsted,  with  their  consent,  as  one  of  the  divisional  war 
committees. 

The  Selective  Service  Regulations  issued  by  President  Wilson, 
November  8,  19 17,  provide  for  a  classification  of  drafted  men  not  yet 
called  to  the  colors  in  order  to  determine  as  to  each, — "the  place  in  the 
military,  industrial  or  agricultural  ranks  of  the  nation  in  which  his  ex- 
perience and  training  can  best  be  made  to  serve  the  common  good.  This 
project  involves  an  inquiry  by  the  Selective  Boards  into  the  domestic, 
industrial  and  educational  qualifications  of  nearly  ten  million  men." 
For  this  purpose  an  elaborate  questionnaire  has  been  mailed  to  the 
registered  men.  A  Legal  Advisory  Board,  consisting  of  three  members 
appointed  by  the  President,  together  with  associate  members  designated 
by  the  Boards  themselves,  is  established  in  each  registration  locality 
whose  duty  is  to  give  advice  concerning  rights  and  obligations  under 
the  Selective  Draft  Act  and  Regulations,  and  to  assist  registrants  in 
making  full  and  true  answer  to  the  questionnaire.  Every  registrant  is 
expected,  and  by  some  Boards  at  least  required,  to  confer  with  a  mem- 
ber of  an  Advisory  Board  before  he  writes  his  answers.  ' 


Divisional  and  Sub-Committees  .     . 

1.  On  the  Publication  of  War  Leaflets: 
Professor  L.  jNI.  Larson,  General  Chairman. 

a.  Agriculture :     Professor  J.  C.  Blair,  Professor  N.  W.  Hep- 

burn, Professor  C.  S.  Crandall. 

b.  Food :    Professor  Isabel  Bevier,  Professor  Howard  B.  Lewis, 

Professor  W.  C.  Coffey,  Professor  L.  H.  Smith,  Profes- 
sor Ruth  Wheeler,  Miss  Luoile  Wheeler,  Dr.  Lorinda 
Perry. 

c.  Politics.    International   law   and    History :      Professor   J.    W. 

Garner,  Professor  J.  A.  Fairlie,  Professor  J-  M.  Mathews, 
Professor  E.  L.  Bogart,  Professor  A.  T.  Olmstead. 

d.  General  Topics :     Professor  H.  J.  Barton,  Professor  C.  M. 

Moss,  Professor  T.  E.  Oliver. 

2.  On  Publicity : 

Mr.  H.  F.  Harrington,  Associate  in  Journalism,  General  Cliairuian; 
Mr.  Carl  Stephens,  Professor  H.  F.  IMoore,  ]\Ir.  W.  H. 
Buschman. 

a.  News  :     Mr.  K.  D.  Pulcipher  and  staff  of  The  Daily  Illini. 

b.  Periodical  Articles:    Dr.  B.  E.  Powell,  Professor  A.  S.  Pease. 

3.  0)1  Talks  and  Lectures  at  the  University. 

Professor  Ernest  Bernbaum,  General  Chairman;  Dean  Fanny  C. 
Gates,  Dean  A.  R.  Warnock,  Professor  D.  K.  Dodge. 

Sub-Committees : 

The  following  sub-committees  of  faculty  and  students  have  been 

appointed  to  promote  interest  in  the  series  of  war  talks  that  are  to  be 

given  before  student  organizations,  and  will  arrange  programs  therefor  : 

Social  Fraternities :     Lew  R.   Sarrett,   chairman ;  R.   E.   Foulke, 

R.  C.  Haas,  C.  Fairman. 
Sororities  and  House  Units  :     Miss  Clarissa  Rinaker,  chairman ; 

Rowena  Kohl,  Lucile  Peirson.  Beryl  Love. 
Engineering  Societies  and  Fraternities:     Assistant  Dean  H.   H. 
Joi^dan,  chairman;  H.  C.  Dieserud,  D.  B.  Ohrum,  H.  E.  Kel- 
ly, W.  E.  Bull,  Logan  Smith. 
Agricultural  Clubs  and  Societies:     J.  H.  Checkley,  chairman;  F. 
B.  Manny,  E.  A.  Bierbaum,  W.  H.  Eichhorn. 

9 


Commerce  Clubs  and  Fraternities :  Professor  H.  T.  Scovill, 
chairman ;  George  Salladin,  Chester  Kreidler,  Robert  A. 
Bryant. 

L.  A.  and  S.  Groups  of  Societies  and  Fraternities:  Professor 
Jacob  Zeitlin,  chairman ;  R.  R.  Thompson,  McKinley  Gardner, 

E.  B.  Vhet,  P.  N.  Landis. 

Men's  Literary  Societies,  Law  and  Pohtical  Clubs :  Professor 
D.  K.  Dodge,  chairman :  G.  V.  Knight,  T.  G.  Searle,  R.  H. 
Antoszewski,  J.  H.  Armstrong.  F.  H.  Fisk. 

Musical  and  Dramatic  Literests :     Professor  J.  L.  Erb,  chairman; 

F.  K.  W.  Drury,  W.  C.  Langdon,  Robert  Bryant,  C.  E.  Snell. 

Women's  Organizations;  (except  social  and  religious):  Miss 
Louise  Freer,  chairman ;  Francelia  Sargent,  Iva  Newburn, 
Eunice  Badger,  Ruth  Lieber. 

Religious  Associations  :  Dean  A.  R.  Warnock.  chairman ;  R.  C. 
Haas,  Jennis  E.  Barry. 

4.  Oil  Extension  Lectures  in  tJie  State:  '., 

Mr.  R.  E.  Hieronymus,  General  CJiairnian. 

a.  Farmers'  Institutes  :    j\Ir.  A.  W.  Jamison,  Miss  Mamie  Bunch. 

b.  Public  Schools  and  other  educational  bodies  :    Professor  H.  G. 

Paul,  Professor  H.  A.  Hollister. 

c.  Other  bodies  :    Professor  E.  C.  Hayes. 

5.  On  Funds  Collection: 

Professor  E.  H.  Decker,  General  Cliainnan;  Professor  Kenneth 
]\'IcKenzie,  Miss  Francelia  Sargent,  President  Women's 
League,  Dr.  W.  L.  Burlison,  Mr.  A.  W.  Gross,  President  of 
the  Graduate  Club,  i\Ir.  Hugh  W.  Cross. 

6.  On  the  University  Program  : 

Dean  N.  A.  Weston,  General  Chairman;  Assistant  Dean  H.  H. 
Jordan,  Assistant  Dean  H.  V.  Canter,  Professor  W.  C.  Cof- 
fey, Lieut.  J\L  S.  Mason,  School  of  Military  Aeronautics. 

7.  On  United  States  Savings  Certificates  and  Loans: 

Dr.  Charles  L.  Stewart,  General  Chairman;  Professor  D.  F.  Mc- 
Farland,  Professor  N.  C.  Brooks.  ^ 

10 


8.  On  Students'  Cooperation  : 

Professor  J.  B.  Shaw,  General  Chairman;  Dr.  G.  D.  Eeal,  Miss 
Ruth  Lieber,  Mr.  R.  H.  Mallory,  Mr.  J.  W.  Dietz,  Vice 
President  Ilhnois  Union. 

9.  On  the  University  Service  Flag: 

Professor  F.  H.  Newell,  General  Chairman,  Professor  C.  S.  Sale, 
Professor  L.  H.  Provine,  Dean  A.  R.  Warnock,  Miss  Louise 
Freer. 

10.  On  University  War  Service  Records: 
Dean  T.  A.  Clark  and  staff. 

11.  On  University  War  Employment: 
Dean  H.  H.  Jordan. 

12.  On  Military  Organisation  and  Exhibitions: 

Major  E.  W.  McCaskey,  General  Chairman,  Cadet  Col.  C.  Fair- 
man,  Cadet  Col.  F.  C.  Kalthoff,  Cadet  Lt.  Col.  E.  R.  Brig- 
ham,  Cadet  Lt.  Col.  L.  E.  Yeager. 

13.  On  Conservation  and  Economy: 
Professor  Henry  B.  Ward,  General  Chairman. 

General  Committee : 

Professor  Henry  B.  Ward,  Chairnian;  Professor  Maurice 
H.  Robinson,  Professor  Arthur  C.  Willard.  Aliss  M.  F.  Par- 
sons, Mr.  John  A.  Stevenson. 

a.  Finances  of  Organizations  : 

Professor  Maurice  H.  Robinson.  Chairman  ;  Mr.  A.  C.  Lit- 
tleton, AL  R.  E.  Foulke,  Air.  G.  E.  Salladin,  Mr.  ].  L.  Klein. 

b.  Coal : 

Professor  Arthur  C.  Willard,  Chairman ;  Mr.  Russell  S. 
White,  Mr.  A.  D.  Halliwell,  Mr.  L.  M.  Winters.  Mr.  L.  L. 
Horen. 

c.  Food : 

Miss  M.  E.  Parsons,  Chairman;  Professor  E.  A.  White,  Miss 
Lillian  Woerman,  Mr.  L.  L.  Smith. 

d.  Entertainments : 

Mr.  John  A.  Stevenson,  Chairman;  Dr.  J.  E.  Aliller,  Mr.  W. 
E.  Hayne,  Miss  Helene  Doty,  Miss  Edna  C.  Vail. 

14.  On  Legal  Advice  to  Drafted  Men: 

Dean  Henry  W.  Ballantine,  General  Chairnian,  Professor  Charles 
E.  Carpenter,  Professor  Edward  H.  Decker,  Professor  Fred- 
erick Green,  Professor  W.  G.  Hale,  Professor  John  Norton 
Pomeroy. 

II 


UNIVERSITY     OF     ILLINOIS    BULLETIN 

Issued  Weekly 
Vol.  XV  *'        •■      JANUARY  28,  1918  No.  22 

[Entered  as  second-class  matter  December   ii,    1912,   at  the  post   office  at  Urbana,  Illinois, 
under  the  Act  of  August  24,    191 2.] 


PRACTICAL  SUGGESTIONS 
FOR  FOOD  CONSERVATION 


Prepared  by 

ISABEL    BEVIER 

Professor  of  Household  Science 


PUBLISHED  BY  THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS 

Under  the  Direction  of  the  War  Committee 

URBANA 

Women  of  Illinois:    This  is  your  chance  for  War  Service  in  your  Home. 
Serve  in  your  trench  as  the  boys  do  in  theirs. 


THE  PROBLEM 

To  save  certain  foods  :    wheat,  beef,  pork,  fats,  sugar. 
To  encourage  a   larger  use   of   other  kinds   of   food :      fruits, 
vegetables,  fish,  fowl,  game. 

THE   TOOLS 

Changed  Recipes 

You  have  many  good  recipes  made  in  the  time  of  peace.  Now 
these  must  be  changed  to  meet  war  conditions.     Change  them  by : 

1.  Using  flour  from  other  grains  or  from  potatoes  or  peanuts, 
to  save  wheat.  In  Illinois,  corn  is  the  great  wheat  saver.  Use  it  all 
you  can. 

2.  Using  vegetable  fats,  such  as  corn,  cotton  seed,  and  peanut 
oil,  for  animal  fats. 

3.  Using  corn,  maple,  or  other  sirups,  honey,  and  dried  fruits 
in  place  of  sugar. 

4.  Using  fish,  fowl,  and  game  instead  of  beef  and  pork. 

Wise  Buying 

Wise  buying  is  inexpensive  buying !  Study  these  rules  for  wise 
buying: 

1.  Don't  Begin  to  Save  on  Milk. — Children  must  have  it;  adults 
ought  to.     Milk  builds  bone  and  muscle  better  than  any  other  food. 

2.  Spend  at  least  as  Much  for  Milk  as  for  Meat. — Remember  that 
a  quart  of  milk  is  equal  in  food  value  to  a  pound  of  steak.  "A  quart  of 
milk  a  day  for  every  child"  is  a  good  rule- — easy  to  remember.  At  least 
try  to  provide  a  quart  of  milk  a  day  for  every  member  of  the  family. 

3.  Spend  at  Least  as  Much  for  Vegetables  and  Fruits  as  for  Meat 
and  Fish. — ^Fresh  vegetables  and  fruit  cannot  well  be  sent  abroad  to  the 
army;  a  free  use  of  them  makes  your  family  dietary  better;  if  purchased 
in  season  and  of  the  sorts  grown  in  your  own  locality  they  need  not  be 
expensive. 

4.  Use  Breadstuffs  More  or  Less  Freely  According  to  Your  Desire 
for  Economy. — The  cereals  and  breadstuffs  are  usually  the  most  econom- 
ical of  all  foods.  The  Food  Adm_inistration  does  not  ask  you  to  use  less 
bread  but  less  wheat  in  yoiir  bread. 

5.  Be  Sparing  in  the  Use  of  Meats.— These  are  usually  the  most  ex- 
pensive of  the  staple  foods  in  proportion  to  their  food  value,  and  are  not 
strictly  necessary  when  a  proper  amount  of  milk  is  used.  Meat  may  be 
decreased  with  less  harm  than  any  of  the  Other  foods  mentioned.  The 
amount  spent  for  meat  may  decrease  as  the  amount  for  milk  increases. 

Fezver  Courses 

Another  kind  of  conservation  which  saves  food,  energy,  and 
time  is  in  serving  fewer  courses.     This  means  less  work  in  prepar- 


ation  and  service ;  fewer  dishes  to  wash  ;  more  time  to  spend  with 
the  family.  To  get  these  good  results,  you  must  plan  your  meals 
carefully.  Prepare  as  many  two-course  meals  as  you  can.  Here 
are  some : 

Vegetable  soup,  nut  and  cottage  cheese  loaf. 

Potted  hominy  and  beef,  fruit  salad. 

Fish  chowder,  stewed  prunes,  spiced  oatmeal  cakes. 

Recipes 

Potted  Hominy  and  Beef 

5  cups  cooked  hominy  i/4  pound  dried  beef 

4  potatoes  2  cups  milk 

2  cups  carrots  2  tablespoons  fat 

1  teaspoon  salt  2  tablespoons  flour 

Melt  the  fat,  stir  in  the  flour,  add  the  cold  milk,  and  mix  well.  Cook 
until  it  thickens.  Cut  the  potatoes  and  carrots  in  dice,  mix  all  the  mater- 
ials in  a  baking  dish,  and  bake  for  one  hour. 

Nut  and  Cottage  Cheese  Loaf 

1  cup  cottage  cheese  Viteaspoon  pepper 

1   cup   nut     meats    (use     those  2  tablespoons  chopped  onion 

locally  grown)  1  tablespoon     butter  substitute, 

1  cup  stale  bread  crumbs  meat   drippings   or   vegetable 

Juice  of  %  lemon  oils 
1  teaspoon  salt 

Mix  the  cheese,  ground  nuts,  crumbs,  lemon  juice,  salt  and  pepper. 
Cook  the  onion  in  the  fat  and  a  little  water  until  tender.  Add  to  the 
first  mixture  the  onion  and  sufficient  water  or  meat  stock  to  moisten. 
Mix  well,  pour  into  a  baking  dish  and  brown  in  the  oven. 

Fish  Chowder 

1  onion  sliced  '     2  cups  milk 

4  tablespoons  drippings  1  impounds  fish  (fresh,  salted  or 

12   potatoes,  peeled   and   cut  in  canned) 

small  pieces  Vsteaspoon  pepper 

3  tablespoons  flour 

Cook  the  chopped  onion  with  the  fat  for  five  minutes.  Put  fat, 
onion,  and  potatoes  in  kettle  and  cover  with  boiling  water.  Cook  until 
vegetables  are  tender.  Mix  the  three  tablespoons  flour  with  one-half  cup 
of  cold  milk  and  stir  in  the  liquid  in  the  pot  to  thicken.  Add  the  rest  of 
the  milk  and  the  fish  which  has  been  removed  from  the  bone  and  cut  in 
small  pieces.  Cook  until  the  fish  is  tender,  about  ten  minutes.  Serve 
hot. 

Choose  food  wisely  ! 
Cook  it  carefully  ! 
Serve  it  nicely  ! 


DEPARTMENT  OF  AGRICULTURE  LEAFLETS 

Get  the  leaflets,  "Do  you  know  Corn"  and  "Do  you  know  Oat- 
meal" from  the  United  States  Department  of  Agriculture,  Wash- 
ington, D.  C,  or  from  your  Food  Administrator,  ]\Ir.  Harry 
Wheeler,  Conway  Building,  Chicago. 

PLAY  THE  GAME 

Play  the  game  by  saving  wheat  and  fat  and  increasing  the  use 
of  potatoes.  So  shall  the  women  of  Illinois  greatly  increase  the  food 
supply  of  the  allies.  Remember  every  yard  of  material,  every  pound 
of  food  you  set  free  for  the  Government  counts.  This  is  not  a 
choice ;  it  is  a  duty. 

America  expects  every  woman  to  do  her  duty  in  the  same  spirit 
as  she  expects  each  soldier,  when  the  command  comes,  to  "go  over  the 
top"  without  turning  to  see  if  his  neighbor  has  gone  first! 


UNIVERSITY   OF   ILLINOIS    BULLETIN 

Issued  Weekly 
Vol.  XV  FEBRUARY  4,  1918  No.  23 

[Entered  as  second-class  matter  December  11,  1912,  at  the  post  office  at  Urbana,  Illinois,  under  the 
Act  of  August  24,  1912.  .Acceptance  for  mailing  at  the  special  rate  of  postaee  provided  for  in 
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MUNICIPAL  WAR  WORK 


By 

ROBERT    EUGENE    C  U  S  H  M  A  N,    Ph.D 

Instructor  in  Political  Science 


PUBLISHED    BY  THE   UNIVERSITY   OF    ILLINOIS 

Under  the  Direction  of  the  W.ar  Co^^imittee 

URBANA 


MUNICIPAL  WAR  WORK 
Robert  E.  Cushman 

Instructor  in  Political  Science,  University  of  Illinois 

The  gigantic  task  in  which  America  now  finds  herself  engaged 
is  demanding  of  every  individual,  organization  and  governmental 
unit  two  things.  The  first  is  service,  loyal,  unstinted,  intelligent,  effi- 
cient. The  other  is  team-work.  It  is  not  enough  to  realize  that 
every  resource  of  property  and  energy  must  be  put  unhesitatingly 
at  the  nation's  disposal.  We  must  paraphrase  Milton's  famous  line 
to  read  "He  also  serves  who  keeps  from  getting  in  the  way,"  and 
stand  willing  to  cooperate  to  the  point  of  individual  self-effacement,  to 
coordinate  our  activities  so  that  friction  is  avoided,  useless  duplication 
of  effort  is  spared,  leakage  and  waste  and  inefficiency  are  stopped. 

This,  then,  is  the  two-fold  task  of  the  American  municipality 
in  war  work — to  render  cheerfully  its  utmost  service;  and  to  render 
it  in  intelligent  cooperation  with  all  the  other  agencies,  great  and 
small,  which  are  putting  forth  their  own  loyal  efforts  to  the  same 
great  end.  It  is  these  two  aspects  of  municipal  war  service  which 
will  mark  out  the  two  main  divisions  of  this  paper. 

I.     TYPES  OF  MUNICIPAL  WAR  WORK 

In  the  first  place,  then,  what  can  the  American  city  do  to  help 
win  the  war.^     Perhaps  this  question  may  be  most  easily  answered 
y  stating  briefly  what  the  American  city  has  thus  far  done.     Natur- 
ly,  needs,  opportunities  and  facilities  for  war  service  differ  widely. 
ley  will  vary  with  the  size,  location,  racial  problems  and  industrial 
conditions  of  the  municipality.     The  city  of  30,000  need  not  strive 
to  duplicate  the  war  activities  of  the  metropolitan  district  of  New 
York  any  more  than  it  should  content  itself  with  emulating  those  of 
the  country  village.     The  following  analysis,  however,  makes  an  ef- 
fort to  place  on  exhibition  the  more  important  styles   and  sizes  of 
municipal  war  work,  with  the  idea  that  the  individual  town  or  city 
may  select  those  best  suited  to  its  own  peculiar  problems  and  condi- 
tions.    These  activities  may  be  placed  roughly  in  ten  groups,  each 
one  of  which  warrants  some  little  comment. 


1.     Coordination  of  Societies  and  Organizations 

First,  there  is  the  task  of  coordinating  the  patriotic  work  of 
societies  and  organizations.  All  kinds  of  private  groups,  clubs  and 
associations,  social,  professional,  political,  religious,  philanthropic  and 
propagandist,  are  endeavoring  to  contribute  in  some  degree  to  the 
successful  prosecution  of  the  war.  Sometimes  they  are  trying  to  do 
the  same  thing  when  there  should  be  a  division  of  labor;  sometimes 
they  are  attempting  different  things  when  their  energies  and  re- 
sources should  be  pooled;  sometimes  they  are  seeking  to  accomplish 
the  same  end  by  a  variety  of  different  means.  Alany  municipalities 
have  successfully  arranged  for  a  central  agency,  a  local  committee  or 
council  of  defense,  in  which  these  agencies  may  be  directly  or  in- 
directly represented,  and  through  which  their  efforts  may  be  coordi- 
nated so  that  the  multiplication  of  overhead  expense,  the  duplication 
of  machinery  and  the  wasting  of  effort  may  be  largely  eliminated. 
The  energies  of  all  the  private  agencies  can  thus  be  marshaled  solidly 
behind  a  community  effort,  such  as  the  promotion  of  the  liberty  loan, 
in  which  concerted  action  is  necessary,  while  at  other  times  each  one 
can  be  assigned  the  particular  kind  of  work  which  it  is  best  fitted  to 
do.  One  of  the  serious  problems  produced  by  the  war  has  risen  from 
the  repeated,  competing,  multifarious  and  sometimes  ill-advised 
campaigns  undertaken  in  so  many  cities  by  self-authorized  persons 
or  groups  for  the  raising  of  money.  One  or  two  states  have  felt 
obliged  to  deal  rather  drastically  with  this  problem,  and  passed  legis- 
lation making  It  Illegal  to  solicit  war  funds  of  any  nature  without 
first  securing  a  permit  from  the  state  council  of  defense.  It  Is  be- 
lieved that  such  stringent  action  would  be  unnecessary  if  In  cities  as 
well  as  in  counties  and  states  the  patriotic  activities  of  societies  and 
organizations  were  coordinated  by  the  creation  of  some  central 
agency  which  could  act  as  a  sort  of  clearing  house  and  directing 
force. 

2.     Publicity  and  Education 

In  the  second  place  municipalities  can  make  themselves  most  effi- 
cient agencies  of  publicity  and  education  on  matters  relating  to  the 
war  and  its  problems.  Its  work  in  this  direction  may  be  either  di- 
rect or  Indirect.  To  begin  with,  the  city  may,  of  course,  pay  for 
such  advertising  facilities  as  arc  necessary  for  its  work  and  which  It 


cannot  secure  free  of  charge.  But  many  existing  agencies  and  instru- 
mentalities may  be  turned  to  account  for  this  purpose  without  great- 
er expense.  Streets  and  pubHc  places  may  be  utilized  for  purpose  of 
display,  parade  or  demonstration,  public  buildings  may  be  used  for 
mass  meetings,  the  schools  may  be  utilized  as  a  means  of  reaching 
parents  as  well  as  children.  Churches,  clubs,  theatres  and  newspapers 
are  usually  willing  to  cooperate  in  providing  effective  means  of 
publicity,  if  the  city  will  call  upon  such  agencies  and  tell  them  what 
to  do.  It  is  unnecessary  to  discuss  or  even  fully  to  enumerate  the 
kinds  of  propaganda  which  the  city  might  well  further  through  the 
various  means  just  mentioned.  Whether  it  be  helping  Uncle  Sam 
to  recruit  men  for  the  army  or  navy,  or  persuading  its  citizens  to  buy 
a  bond,  or  raise  potatoes,  or  cut  the  loaf  at  the  table,  the  munici- 
pality may  render  exceedingly  valuable  service  to  the  nation  by  act- 
ing upon  the  principle  that  it  pays  to  advertise. 

3.     The  Mobilization  oj  Municipal  Property  and  Labor 

In  the  third  place,  the  city  may  place  at  the  disposal  of  the 
national  interest  such  municipal  property  and  such  time  and  energy 
of  municipal  officers  or  employees  as  may  be  so  utilized  without 
prejudice  to  the  work  and  welfare  of  the  city.  Cities  have  only  begun 
to  realize,  for  example,  how  useful  the  public  schools  may  be  made 
for  war  service.  As  agencies  of  publicity  they  have  already  been 
mentioned.  Municipalities  here  and  there  have  found  that  school 
buildings  are  conveniently  located  and  well  equipped  for  meeting 
places  after  school  hours,  for  various  patriotic  gatherings,  that  they 
can  be  effectively  utilized  for  headquarters  for  registration  or  draft, 
for  administering  relief,  for  assembling  and  dispatching  war  material 
or  for  the  conducting  of  work  among  aliens.  School  gymnasiums, 
playgrounds  and  parks  have  been  put  at  the  disposal  of  organiza- 
tions, official  or  private,  who  have  wished  facilities  for  military  in- 
struction and  drill.  Other  public  buildings  have  been  made  available 
in  like  manner.  Vacant  land  owned  by  the  city  has  been  thrown 
open  for  the  cultivation  of  war  gardens.  Not  only  have  buildings 
and  property  been  enlisted  in  war  service,  but  the  municipality  has 
in  some  instances  set  its  officers  and  employees  at  work  to  the  same 
end.  With  careful  planning  several  kinds  of  work  may  be  turned 
over  to  the  police  department  without  perceptibly  interfering  with 


the  efficiency  of  that  organization.  The  officer  on  the  beat  is  fre- 
quently in  a  position  to  secure  information,  make  inquiries  and  in- 
vestigate conditions  much  more  easily  than  any  one  else.  The  in- 
valuable service  rendered  by  the  police  of  New  York  City  during  the 
hard  times  of  three  years  ago  in  helping  to  cope  with  the  problem  of 
unemployment  is  illustrative  of  what  may  be  done  along  this  line. 
There  is  no  reason  why  the  police  officer  in  these  war  times  should 
not  secure  data  regarding  unemployment,  destitution,  location  of 
aliens  and  many  other  matters  about  which  the  municipality  ought 
to  keep  itself  informed.  In  short,  if  our  cities  were  to  make  a  careful 
inventory  of  their  present  resources  and  use  their  imaginations  and 
ingenuity,  they  would  be  astonished  at  the  extent  of  the  war  service 
they  could  render  with  very  little  expense  merely  by  this  effective 
mobilization  of  their  property  and  the  spare  time  of  their  public 
service  servants. 

4.    Employment  and  the  Labor  Supply 

A  fourth  form  of  war  service  open  to  the  municipality  relates 
to  labor  and  employment.  If  there  ever  was  a  time  in  the  history 
of  the  country  when  there  was  no  excuse  for  idleness,  now  is  that 
time.  And  yet  the  problem  of  bringing  together  the  man  who  can 
do  the  work  and  the  job  that  needs  to  be  done  is  not  an  easy  one. 
One  of  the  most  common  forms  of  municipal,  county  and  state  war 
activity  has  been  that  of  trying  to  solve  this  problem  of  the  distri- 
bution of  labor.  A  free  employment  agency  constantly  endeavoring 
to  keep  in  touch  with  men  available  for  work  in  war  industries  or  on 
the  farms  renders  invaluable  service  when  cooperating  with  those 
state  or  national  agencies  which  are  attempting  to  place  most  ad- 
vantageously every  available  unit  of  labor.  Such  an  employment 
bureau  or  labor  exchange  can  also  keep  a  register  of  the  persons 
who  are  willing  to  volunteer  for  various  forms  of  war  service  and 
act  as  a  medium  between  them  and  those  who  can  effectively  direct 
their   patriotic   efforts. 

5.    Relief — Charities — Health 

In  the  fifth  place,  an  important  work  can  be  done  by  our  cities 
in  the  dispensing  of  needed  relief,  the  administration  of  charity  and 
the  safeguarding  of  public  health.  First  of  all,  the  families  of  the 
men  who  arc  in  the  army   and  navy  will   frequently  need   at  least 

5 


temporary  assistance  until  the  national  government  can  apply  a 
permanent  policy  for  their  relief.  Even  more  frequently  will  they 
need  comfort  and  advice  and  guidance.  Surely  the  city  can  do  no 
more  useful  work  and  discharge  no  higher  obligation  than  in  render- 
ing such  aid  as  it  can  to  these  people.  Many  of  the  problems  inci- 
dent to  the  ordinary  administration  of  public  charity  become  more 
complex  and  acute  under  the  stress  of  war  and  will  call  for  special 
exertions  and  high  efficiency  on  the  part  of  the  city.  And,  finally, 
at  a  time  when  the  staying  power  of  the  nation  is  more  than  ever 
before  dependent  upon  the  physical  vigor  of  its  citizens  and  at  a 
time  when  many  of  the  common  restraints  and  precautions  are  in 
danger  of  being  forgotten,  the  municipality  must  put  forth  unusual 
efforts  to  see  that  existing  health  regulations  are  rigidly  enforced 
and  new  measures  taken  to  meet  emergencies  which  may  arise. 

6.   Work  among  Aliens 

A  sixth  and  most  important  type  of  war  service  may  be  rendered 
by  many  cities  in  dealing  with  aliens  and  the  problems  which  their 
presence  in  our  midst  creates.  The  acuteness  and  complexity  of  this 
problem  will  vary  greatly  from  place  to  place.  In  cities  where  aliens 
are  numerous  at  least  three  forms  of  work  may  well  be  undertaken 
under  the  direction  of  the  municipal  authorities.  First,  we  note  cer- 
tain protective  measures  which  may  be  taken  to  forestall  or  check 
depredations  or  injurious  propaganda  carried  on  by  enemy  aliens. 
Of  course,  the  national  government  is  the  authority  which  must  deal 
with  the  cases  of  treason,  espionage  and  sedition.  The  city  may  ren- 
der valuable  aid,  however,  by  securing  through  its  police  or  other 
agencies  as  accurate  information  as  possible,  relating  to  the  presence 
of  enemy  aliens  or  the  existence  of  suspicious  circumstances.  Should 
it  seem  desirable  to  require  a  nation-wide  or  state-wide  registration 
of  aliens  the  cities  would  naturally  undertake  the  task  of  doing  that 
work  or  helping  with  it  within  their  own  limits. 

Secondly,  either  directly  or  by  coordinating  the  work  of  other 
agencies,  the  city  may  help  along  the  Americanization  of  aliens. 
Suggestions,  information,  advice  and  encouragement  are  frequently 
needed  by  the  foreigner  who  wishes  to  become  naturalized.  With 
the  enormous  increase  in  the  number  of  applicants  for  citizenship, 
the  need  has  also  increased  for  agencies  which  will  help  the  alien 

6 


through  the  complexities  of  the  naturahzation  process,  and  many 
municipahties  whose  foreign-born  population  is  large,  have  rendered 
efficient  service  in  this  direction. 

Thirdly,  some  cities  have  established  bureaus  for  the  purpose 
of  bringing  about  among  the  foreign-born — be  they  naturalized  or 
not — a  greater  feeling  of  loyalty  for  the  government  and  of  giving 
them  an  opportunity  to  air  their  grievances  and  understand  more 
fully  why  sacrifices  and  burdens  are  required  of  them.  It  has  been 
true,  in  many  cases,  that  the  most  absurd  and  erroneous  ideas  re- 
garding conscription  have  prevailed  among  relatives  of  drafted  men 
of  foreign  birth  many  of  whom  do  not  understand  English.  These 
ridiculous  impressions  turn  the  potential  patriot  into  the  bitterest 
malcontent.  To  the  shame  of  some  communities,  peaceful  and  law- 
abiding  German  or  Austrian  citizens  have  been  subjected  to  wholly 
unwarranted  abuse  and  discrimination  by  persons  to  whom  all  Ger- 
mans look  alike;  and  these  bureaus  have  been  able  to  adjust  many 
such  difficulties  and  preserve  the  loyalty  of  the  man  who  is  trying 
his  best  to  adjust  himself  to  the  bitter  fact  of  war  between  the  coun- 
try of  his  birth  and  the  country  of  his  adoption.  The  problem  of  the 
alien  in  time  of  war  has  vexed  the  nations  of  Europe  and  is  vexing 
us.  It  must  be  met  with  firmness,  justice  and  tact.  A  municipality 
may  do  much  in  a  broadminded  and  sensible  way  to  keep  that  prob- 
lem from  becoming  acute  within  its  limits. 

7.  Food  Production  and  Conservation 

In  the  seventh  place,  no  more  valuable  work  has  been  done  by 
American  municipalities  than  that  designed  to  promote  the  produc- 
tion of  food  and  its  conservation.  In  the  spring  of  this  year,  at  the 
sussrestion  of  Mr.  Hoover  and  others,  a  very  large  number  of  our 
cities  threw  themselves  wholeheartedly  into  the  campaign  for  war 
garden  and  vacant  lot  cultivation.  The  ways  in  which  municipalities 
aided  in  this  work  were  multifarious  indeed.  It  has  already  been 
mentioned  that  unused  land  owned  by  the  city  was  thrown  open  to 
cultivation.  In  other  cases  the  city  either  rented  vacant  land  for 
gardens,  or  lent  its  support  to  secure  the  donation  of  the  use  of  such 
lands.  Some  cities  hired  tractors  to  plow  and  harrow  free  of  cost 
the  lands  which  could  not  otherwise  be  made  ready  for  planting,  and 
in  a  few  instances  workhouse  labor  was  employed  for  the  purpose. 
Seeds  were  supplied  at  cost  or  even  less,  and  water  was  sometimes 


supplied  at  half  price  for  garden  use.  All  the  agencies  of  publicity 
at  the  city's  disposal  were  put  into  play  not  only  to  persuade  people 
to  raise  vegetables  who  had  never  done  so  before,  but  to  put  at  their 
disposal  expert  advice,  demonstration  and  assistance  to  enable  them 
to  carry  out  their  good  intentions.  It  is  unnecessary  to  go  further 
into  detail  regarding  a  matter  so  familiar  to  us  all.  It  is  enough  to 
say  that,  largely  due  to  the  aid  rendered  directly  or  indirectly  by  the 
cities,  the  national  food  supply  for  1917  was  substantially  increased, 
while  the  tired  business  man  or  laborer  found  in  hoeing  beans  and 
potatoes  his  favorite  outdoor  sport.  Similar  efforts  were  made  to  aid 
the  national  movement  for  food  conservation.  Through  the  schools 
and  other  agencies  municipalities  helped  the  food  administration  by 
urging  upon  housekeepers  the  desirability  of  preserving  and  canning 
perishable  products,  and  of  conserving  the  supplies  needed  to  feed 
the  armies  in  the  field. 

8.  Distribution  and  Marketing  of  Food 
The  problem  of  food  production  and  conservation  suggests  the 
related  work  which  forms  the  eighth  type  of  municipal  war  activity, 
namely,  the  work  of  helping  in  the  marketing  and  distribution  of 
food.  This  is  a  problem  which  we  have  not  solved  and  to  which  the 
energies  and  ingenuity  of  city,  state  and  nation  will  have  to  be  ap- 
plied. Some  of  the  municipal  efforts  to  cope  with  it  are,  however, 
worthy  of  mention.  Some  cities  substantially  increased  their  market- 
ing facilities  by  putting  at  the  disposal  of  farmers  and  producers 
municipal  property,  under  adequate  regulation,  for  market  purposes. 
In  this  way  the  producer  and  consumer  were  brought  closer  together 
to  their  mutual  benefit.  A  few  cities  have  adopted  plans  contemplat- 
ing the  establishment  of  what  have  been  called  "glut"  markets,  in 
which  consumers  who  desire  to  purchase  produce  in  large  quantities 
for  preserving  or  canning  may  do  so  at  wholesale  rates.  It  seems 
clear  that  in  the  future  the  American  city  is  going  to  be  called  upon 
to  face  more  directly  and  intelligently  the  problem  of  the  distribu- 
tion of  the  food  supply. 

9.   Transportation  Facilities 
A  ninth  form  of  war  service  which  municipalities  may  render  re- 
lates to  the  means  of  transportation.     This  is  a  problem  which,  of 
course,  concerns   more  those   cities   or   towns   which   are   under  the 
necessity  of  providing  facilities  for  handling  troops  or  war  supplies. 

8 


But  there  is  no  municipality  which  can  afford  to  practice  the  false 
economy  which  would  permit  streets  or  roads  or  other  transportation 
facilities  to  deteriorate.  The  avenues  of  traffic  throughout  the 
country  should  be  kept  efficient.  Municipalities  which,  by  reason 
of  their  location,  become  the  centers  for  mobilization  of  troops  or 
war  supplies  have  taken  more  constructive  measures  to  provide 
means  of  transportation.  Registers  have  been  made  up  of  the  owners 
of  automobiles  and  other  vehicles  which  could,  in  time  of  emergency, 
be  placed  at  the  service  of  the  military  department.  Automobile 
squadrons  have,  in  some  cases,  been  organized  out  of  those  who  are 
willing  to  serve  in  this  way.  There  are  many  things  which  cities 
may  do  to  aid  In  the  prompt  and  efficient  movement  of  soldiers  and 
supplies. 

10.  Home  Defense  and  Law  Enforcement 
It  remains  to  consider  the  efforts  made  by  many  cities  to  secure 
adequate  home  defense  and  effective  law  enforcement.  Once  more 
the  individual  city  will  find  its  activities  determined  by  its  size, 
location,  racial  characteristics  and  other  considerations.  Ever  since 
the  dawn  of  history  when  armies  have  gone  forth  to  war  the  duty  of 
protecting  the  forsaken  walls  and  firesides  has  devolved  upon  those 
who,  by  reason  of  age  or  other  disabilities,  were  not  called  into  the 
active  service  in  the  ranks.  Many  American  municipalities  are  fac- 
ing just  that  problem.  The  result  has  been  the  organization  in 
many  places  of  home  guards  made  up  of  men  who  are  not  liable  to 
federal  service.  These  home  guards  are  organized  and  drilled  at 
such  times  as  render  unnecessary  their  withdrawal  from  their  cus- 
tomary occupations.  They  are  a  sort  of  emergency  police  force  or 
posse  comltatus,  available  for  the  suppression  of  riots,  disturbances 
or  insurrections,  and  the  guarding  of  strategic  points  such  as  bridges, 
tunnels,  water  supplies  or  cargoes  of  munitions  or  food.  In  some  in- 
stances, as  in  New  York  and  other  metropolitan  centers,  they  have 
been  made  adjuncts  of  the  police  force;  but  In  other  cases,  their 
organization  has  been  Independent.  Another  measure  for  home  de- 
fense has  been  the  mobilizing  and  training  of  the  police  and  fire 
departments  for  distinct  war  service.  This  has  been  done  in  several 
ways.  By  the  organizing  of  police  and  fire  reserves  composed  either 
of  those  not  in  active  service  who  have  had  experience  or  of  men 
who  are  applicants  for  positions  In  those  departments,  the  effective- 
ness of  the  police  and  fire  protection  work  has  been  well  nigh  doubled 

9 


in  some  cases.  The  work  of  the  two  departments  has  been  coordinat- 
ed. The  fire  department  has  been  trained  to  render  "riot  service"  on 
the  behef  that  a  powerful  stream  of  water  is  frequently  as  efficacious 
in  dispersing  an  irresponsible  mob  as  is  the  machine  gun,  and  does 
the  work  with  less  danger  to  human  life.  The  prevalence  of  incen- 
diary fires  has  led  a  few  municipalities  to  give  the  power  to  arrest  to 
firemen  so  that  suspicious  characters  at  the  scene  of  conflagration 
may  be  apprehended  with  the  least  possible  delay.  Stricter  ordi- 
nances have  been  passed  to  control  the  possession  and  use  of  explo- 
sives; contractors,  for  example,  being  compelled  to  keep  their  stores 
of  dynamite  at  night  under  the  protection  of  armed  guards. 

A  vigorous,  steady  and  just  enforcement  of  the  law  is  a  great 
preventive  of  crime  and  disorder.  It  is  needed  now  as  never  before. 
Cooperation  with  the  federal  authorities  for  the  discovery  and  sup- 
pression of  sedition,  treason  and  sabotage  is  the  duty  of  every  muni- 
cipality. Throughout  the  country  and  especially  near  the  military 
encampments  every  available  means  should  be  employed  for  the 
stamping  out  of  the  evils  of  vice  and  intoxication.  No  efforts  made 
by  the  national  government  for  the  control  of  the  moral  conditions 
surrounding  the  army  posts  can  be  so  effective  as  to  render  un- 
necessary all  the  help  which  the  administrations  of  nearby  munici- 
palities can  render.  In  short,  in  all  these  matters,  no  matter  what 
the  state  or  nation  may  attempt  to  do,  on  the  city  itself  must  rest 
a  very  large  measure  of  responsibility  for  adequate  home  defense 
and  protection,  effective  law  enforcement  and  vice  control. 

Before  leaving  our  discussion  of  the  kinds  of  war  work  which 
municipalities  have  in  the  past,  or  may  in  the  future  undertake,  it 
may  be  well  to  suggest  that  now,  if  never  before,  the  American  city 
must  realize  the  necessity  of  subjecting  every  enterprise  and  activity 
to  the  most  rigid  tests  of  efficiency  and  economy.  This  is  no  time  for 
slipshod  work,  partisan  patronage,  careless  accounting  and  extrava- 
gance. In  the  city,  as  everywhere,  retrenchment  is  the  slogan.  Waste 
is  no  longer  merely  foolish — it  has  become  criminal.  This  does  not 
mean  that  there  must  be  a  sharp  reduction  in  the  expenditures 
for  necessary  public  work  and  the  ordinary  municipal  undertakings. 
Municipal  economy  is  sometimes  to  be  judged  perhaps  not  so  much 
by  the  purposes  for  which  the  public  funds  are  spent  as  by  the  value 
received  for  that  expenditure.  One  of  the  luxuries  which  the  American 
municipality  must  forego,  as  a  war  measure,  if  for  no  other  reason,. 

10 


is  the  luxury  of  paying  its  officers,  its  laborers,  its  contractors,  the 
firm  from  which  it  purchases  supplies,  more  than  it  receives  in  ser- 
vices or  goods. 

II.  COOPERATION  IX  MUXICIPAL  WAR  WORK 

The  kinds  of  work  which  municipalities  have  found  it  possible 
to  do  to  help  win  the  war  have  been  discussed,  perhaps  at  too  great 
length.  It  remains  to  consider  briefly  the  methods  by  which  munici- 
pal war  work  may  be  coordinated  with  that  of  county,  state  or  na- 
tion. What  demands  are  made  upon  the  city  in  the  way  of  coopera- 
tion .' 

There  are  two  phases  to  this  problem  of  cooperation.  There  is 
first  the  problem  of  cooperative  organization  and  there  is  second  the 
problem  of  division  of  labor. 

1.  Cooperative  Organization 

In  the  first  place,  then,  how  should  municipal  war  work  be  or- 
ganized and  how  should  that  organization  be  connected  with  the 
county,  state,  or  national  councils  of  defense.' 

There  is  no  hard  and  fast  form  of  organization.  The  usual  plan 
has  been  to  appoint  a  council,  nonpolitical  in  character,  composed  of 
men  who  enjoy  the  public  confidence  and  who  will  give  their  services 
in  an  advisory  capacity.  Certain  city  officials  may  be  members  ex 
officiis  of  that  body,  and  frequently  the  problem  of  coordinating  the 
war  activities  of  private  clubs  or  associations  has  been  solved  by 
making  the  heads  of  such  organizations  members  of  the  municipal 
council  of  defense.  This  central  council  will  serve  as  a  general 
advisory  and  directing  agency  for  the  purpose  of  outlining  and  co- 
ordinating the  work  of  the  committees  which  it  organizes  to  take 
charge  of  the  special  kinds  of  work  in  which  it  seems  desirable  to 
engage.  It  is  assumed  that  all  of  the  persons  appointed  to  the 
municipal  council  of  defense  or  its  committees  will  serve  without 
compensation.  The  city  itself  will  probably  pay  the  necessary 
expenses,  although  in  some  cases  private  generosity  may  make  even 
this  unnecessary.  This  scheme  of  organization  is  susceptible  of 
many  modifications  and  may  be  made  as  complex  or  as  simple  as 
local  problems  render  desirable. 

Assuming  that  the  city  has  a  satisfactory  board  or  council  or- 
ganized which  may  direct  its  war  activities,  the  manner  in  which  it 

11 


can  bring  itself  into  working  relations  with  the  forces  of  the  state 
and  nation  will  depend  largely  upon  the  way  in  which  the  state  is 
organized  for  war  service.  Practically  every  state  in  the  Union 
has  organized  a  state  council  of  defense  to  cooperate  with  the  Na- 
tional Council  of  Defense. 

The  relationship  between  the  municipal  defense  councils  and 
the  state  councils  of  defense  is  in  general  of  two  distinct  types.  First 
there  are  states  in  which  there  is  direct  connection  between  the  state 
council  and  that  of  the  city,  without  the  aid  of  any  intermediate 
agency.  Second,  there  are  states  in  which  the  local  unit  for  war 
work  is  the  county,  and  the  municipality  is  regarded  as  an  adminis- 
trative subdivision  of  the  county. 

Turning  first  to  those  states  in  which  the  cities  cooperate  direct- 
ly with  the  state  councils  of  defense  we  find  considerable  variation  as 
to  the  scheme  of  organization.  In  the  first  place  there  are  states  in 
which  the  state  council  has  been  made  large  enough  to  include 
among  its  members,  either  active  or  advisory,  the  mayors  of  all  the 
important  towns  and  cities.  In  these  cases,  the  mayors  serving 
on  the  state  council  have  naturally  been  able  to  direct  more  wisely 
the  activities  in  their  own  cities.  In  the  second  place  the  direct  co- 
operation of  municipalities  with  the  state  council  has  been  asked  and 
received  even  when  the  county  or  township  was  the  regular  local 
unit  for  war  work.  In  Iowa  and  New  York,  at  least,  direct  appeals 
for  assistance  have  been  made  to  the  mayors  of  cities.  In  Louisiana 
and  Iowa  the  president  of  the  municipal  league  of  the  state  is  a 
member  of  the  state  council  of  defense  and,  though  in  neither  case 
does  he  hold  that  office  ex  officio,  an  additional  channel  of  commun- 
ication is  thus  opened  up  between  the  state  and  municipality.  In 
the  third  place,  there  is  the  quite  unique  type  of  organization  of 
war  service  in  New  Jersey.  In  that  state  all  war  activities  are  placed 
under  the  control  of  the  adjutant  general's  office  with  which  is  as- 
sociated a  committee  of  public  safety,  composed  exclusively  of  the 
mayors  of  the  state  and  working  through  a  small  executive  commit- 
tee. While  many  states  have  councils  of  defense  in  which  the  officers 
of  important  cities  have  places,  this  seems  to  be  the  only  instance 
in  which  the  state  council  is  composed  only  of  city  officials  and  on 
which  no  other  subdivisions,  interests  and  organizations  are  given 
representation. 

Much  more  numerous,  however,  than  these  instances  of  direct 

12  ■  ' 


cooperation  between  city  and  state  are  the  cases  where  the  county 
or  township  is  made  the  unit  for  local  war  service.  This  county 
form  of  organization  has  very  generally  commended  itself  to  state 
defense  authorities  because  it  covers  the  entire  geographical  area  of 
the  state  and  brings  both  urban  and  rural  districts  alike  into  touch 
with  the  central  agency. 

The  relation  between  the  municipality  and  these  county  coun- 
cils of  defense  differs  from  state  to  state.  In  a  few  cases  the  city 
organization  will  supersede  that  of  the  county.  In  Xew  York  City, 
for  example,  the  mayor's  committee  on  national  defense  controls 
the  war  activities  of  the  five  counties  comprising  Greater  New  York. 
In  other  cases  where  cities  are  important  but  do  not  swallow  up  the 
county  they  are  given  ample  representation  on  the  county  councils 
of  defense  and  may  even  dominate  its  policy  though  they  do  not 
exercise  independent  power.  In  many  of  the  primarily  rural  middle 
western  counties,  however,  the  county  council  will  itself  control  the 
war  work  for  that  district  through  the  agencies  of  committees  in 
towns  or  villages  or  in  some  cases  by  its  own  direct  action.  In  the 
state  of  Texas  the  existence  of  the  city  Is  being  ignored  and  a  plan 
is  on  foot  to  organize,  under  the  direction  of  the  county  councils  of 
defense,  subcommittees  In  every  voting  precinct  in  the  county. 

The  foregoing  analysis  indicates  how  many  possibilities  there 
are  In  the  way  of  organizing  the  war  work  of  a  state  and  giving  the 
municipality  a  place  in  that  general  program  of  patriotic  endeavor. 
Thus  far  the  Illinois  state  council  of  defense  seems  not  to  have 
adopted  any  definite  scheme  of  local  organization.  Should  It  decide 
to  do  so  the  probabilities  are  that  the  county  would  be  made  the 
local  unit  as  such  a  plan  would  seem  to  be  necessary  to  reach  effec- 
tively all  the  districts  in  a  state  so  largely  rural.  But  It  is  hardly  con- 
ceivable that  any  plan  of  organizing  the  war  resources  of  the  state 
would  fall  to  avail  itself  of  the  services  of  such  effective  councils  of 
defense  as  might  be  operating  in  the  towns  and  cities  of  the  state. 
Whether  Illinois  municipalities  are  asked  to  coordinate  their  patrio- 
tic efforts  with  those  of  a  county  organization  or  a  state  organization 
is  a  matter  of  small  importance  so  long  as  they  work  loyally  and  co- 
operate intelligently  and  wholeheartedly. 

2.  Division  of  Labor 
■         It  has  already  been  noted  that  while  cooperation  in  war  work 

13 


demands  efficient  organization  to  that  end,  it  also  calls  for  division 
of  labor  between  the  cooperating  agencies.  Viewed  from  this  stand- 
point of  effective  division  of  labor,  the  kinds  of  war  service  which 
municipalities  may  from  time  to  time  consider  undertaking  will  fall 
into  three  distinct  categories.  First,  there  is  work  which  the  city 
alone  should  undertake  or  which  it  can  effectively  do  independently. 
Second,  there  are  tasks  which  the  city  must  do  In  conjunction  with 
the  county  or  state  organizations.  And  third,  there  are  things  which 
the  city  should  not  undertake  at  all  but  leave  to  the  state  or  na- 
tion. 

The  war  work  which  the  city  can  most  effectively  do  alone  Is 
that,  ol  course,  which  relates  to  its  own  local  problems  or  conditions, 
the  assumption  of  its  own  unique  responsibilities  and  obligations.  By 
far  the  largest  part  of  the  service,  however,  which  the  municipality 
can  render  will  fall  In  the  second  class  of  undertakings,  in  the  doing 
of  which  It  must  work  in  effective  cooperation  with  other  agencies  do- 
ing that  task,  or  part  of  a  task,  in  which  it  can  best  serve  the  great 
common  end.  Finally,  there  are  a  few  sorts  of  municipal  war  work, 
entered  upon  with  the  best  intentions  and  the  highest  motives  which  ■ 
are  rather  generally  admitted  to  be  Ill-advised.  The  Council  of 
National  Defense  has  urgently  requested  local  defense  organizations 
to  postpone  the  adoption  of  any  comprehensive  plans  for  the  perma-  , 
nent  relief  of  soldiers  or  their  dependents  until  the  policy  of  the 
national  government  in  regard  to  that  matter  shall  have  been  worked 
out.  The  commandeering  of  supplies  of  food  and  coal  and  the 
fixing  of  prices  should  be  done  in  accord  with  policies  formulated  to 
meet  national  or  state  rather  than  municipal  conditions;  and  there 
have  been  some  recent  cases  in  which  well-meaning  mayors  and 
sheriffs  have  found  themselves  within  the  grip  of  the  federal  law 
because  of  their  unauthorized  seizure  of  supplies  Intended  by  the 
national  authorities  for  other  places  and  purposes.  Finally,  one 
cannot  too  severely  condemn  the  occasional  acts  of  a  few  munici- 
palities whose  authorities  in  their  misguided  zeal  sought  to  serve 
their  country  by  taking  the  law  into  their  own  hands.  The  brand  of 
patriotism  v/hich  confiscates  land  or  the  use  of  land  for  war  gardens 
without  paying  for  it,  compels  a  man  to  buy  a  liberty  bond  under 
threat  of  bodily  harm  or  imprisonment,  or  In  any  other  way  violates 
the  constitutional  rights  of  the  law-abiding  citizen,  even  though  his 
patriotic  ardor  be  somewhat  cooler  than  it  ought  to  be,  that  brand 

14 


of  patriotism  closely  resembles  the  brand  of  justice  dealt  out  by  the 
mob  in  accordance  with  the  uncivilized  code  of  lynch-law.  No  muni- 
cipality can  afford  so  seriously  to  injure  the  great  cause  which  it  is 
trying  to  serve. 

Before  embarking  upon  any  form  of  patriotic  endeavor,  then, 
it  is  incumbent  upon  every  city  to  judge  carefully,  in  the  light  of 
such  advice  as  it  can  secure  from  county,  state,  or  nation,  in  which 
of  these  three  classes  just  mentioned  that  enterprise  will  fall.  Thus 
and  thus  only  may  it  perform  effectively  its  own  peculiar  duties,  de- 
termine the  things  it  may  most  efficiently  do  in  cooperation  with 
other  agencies  and  learn  v/hat  it  had  best  let  alone.  And  all  this  to 
the  end  that  its  service  may  count  for  the  very  most  in  the  winning 
of  this  great  war. 

It  seems  to  me  that  this  is  not  a  problem  in  which  this  organiza- 
tion can  afford  to  take  merely  a  casual  or  purely  academic  interest. 
It  Is  true  that  the  Illinois  Municipal  League  is  not  a  body  which  can 
directly  engage  in  war  work  with  any  real  effectiveness.  But  it 
does  not  follow  that  there  is  nothing  of  value  which  It  can  do.  I  sub- 
mit to  you  that  there  are  tv/o  distinct  things  which  this  organiza- 
tion might  consider  undertaking. 

It  might,  In  the  first  place,  provide  for  or  sponsor  the  making 
of  a  careful  investigation  of  just  what  has  been  done  by  the  towns 
and  cities  of  Illinois  In  the  way  of  effective  war  service,  and  what  the 
•  possibilities  In  that  direction  arc  which  have  not  been  adequately 
developed.  A  report  embodying  these  facts,  coupled  perhaps  with 
such  recommendations  as  a  committee  of  the  league  might  care  to 
make  would  be  of  inestimable  value  to  the  municipalities  of  this  state 
by  letting  them  know  what  their  neighbors  are  doing  and  how  they 
are  doing  it. 

In  the  second  place,  it  seems  to  me  that  such  an  organization 
as  this  might  well  have  a  committee  on  municipal  war  work  which 
could  put  Itself  in  touch  with  the  state  council  of  defense,  suggesting 
its  willingness  to  coordinate  with  that  body  in  any  effective  way 
in  which  its  services  could  be  utilized.  The  chairman  of  the  state 
council  of  defense  states  that  no  data  has  been  collected  regarding 
the  war  work  of  Illinois  cities  nor  have  any  plans  been  matured  for 
the  coordination  of  those  activities.  He  declares  that  the  state  coun- 
cil would  gladly  welcome  any  suggestions  which  the  Illinois  Munici- 
pal League  might  make  relating  to  those  problems  with  the  assur- 

15 


ance  that  they  would  be  of  value  and  would  receive  careful  conside- 
ration. 

It  seems  to  me  that  in  these  two  ways  the  Illinois  Municipal 
League  might  render  definite  service  to  the  cities  of  this  state  and 
to  the  state  itself.  It  would  at  least  make  clear  its  willingness  to 
further  the  great  cause  of  the  war  by  helping,  however  slightly,  to 
mobilize  the  resources  of  our  municipalities  for  the  effective  service 
to  the  nation. 


16 


UNIVERSITY   OF  ILLINOIS   BULLETIN 

Issued  Weekly 

Vol.  XV  FEBRUARY  ii,  1918  No.  24 

[Entered  as  second-class  matter  December  ii,  19:3,  at  the  post  office  at  Urbana,  Illinois, 
under  the  Act  of  August  24,  1912.] 


WHEAT  SAVING 


Prepared  By 

RUTH    WHEELER 

Assistant  Professor  of   Household   Science 


PUBLISHED  BY  THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS 

Under  the  Direction  of  the  War  Committee 

URBANA 


Women  of  Illinois:     Saving  wheat  is  more  important  now  than  saving 

money 


Women  of  Illinois: 

It  is  imperative  that  we  make  a  greater  effort  to  save  wheat. 

Our  soldiers  and  sailors  and  the  allies  must  have  bread. 

A  light  digestible  loaf  cannot  be  made  without  some  wheat. 

There  is  not  enough  wheat  in  the  world  to  give  everybody  the 
necessary  minimum  amount  if  anybody  uses  wheat  unnecessarily. 

And  as  far  as  the  nourishment  of  the  body  is  coiicerned,  wheat 
is  not  at  all  superior  to  corn  or  oats. 

Therefore,  be  sure  your  breakfast  food  is  not  made  of  wheat, 
no  matter  w'hat  ornamental  name  it  may  bear;  serve  quick  breads, 
cookies,  puddings,  pastries  made  without  wheat;  replace  one-third 
or  even  one-half  of  the  wheat  in  yeast  bread  by  finely  ground  corn 
or  oats  or  by  potato  flour  or  mashed  potato. 

The  Irish  potato  is  one  of  the  most  highly  nutritious  foods  we 
have.  Potato  bread  is  delicious  ;  it  keeps  fresh  longer  than  all- wheat 
bread ;  it  makes  a  beautiful  golden  toast. 

Remember  that  graham  flour  and  macaroni  are  all  wheat!  Use 
crackers  made  of  other  grains  than  wheat. 

YEAST  BREADS 
Potato 

Riced  boiled  potato  or  commercial  potato  flour  can  be  substituted 
for  one-half  of  the  wheat  flour  in  bread.  The  product  is  es- 
pecially satisfactory  if  the  coarser  wheat  flours,  graham  or  whole 
wheat,  are  used.  The  baking  temperature  should  be  somewhat 
lower  than  that  for  wheat  bread. 

Corn 

A  mixture  of  one-half  white  wheat  flour,  one-fourth  corn  meal, 
and  one- fourth  corn  flour  makes  a  good  bread. 

Oats 

When  one-half  of  the  wheat  is  replaced  by  oats,  the  latter 
should  be  in  the  form  of  meal  or  of  rolled  oats  put  thru  a  food 
chopper.  The  sponge  should  be  made  of  wheat  and  the  baking  tem- 
perature the  same  as  that  of  all-wheat  bread. 

Rye 

One-half  the  wheat  flour  in  bread  may  be  replaced  by  rye  flour 
or  rye  meal,  the  latter  giving  a  rather  better  product.  The  first  dough 
should  be  relatively  soft  and  contain  all  of  the  ingredients  except 
one-fifth  of  the  white  flour  which  is  saved  for  the  last  mixing. 

A  fair  bread  may  be  made  by  using  half  rye  and  for  the  other 
half  of  the  flour  a  mixture  of  three-fifths  wheat  flour  and  two- 
fifths  commercial  potato  flour. 


Rye  breads  should  be  baked  at  a  lower  temperature  than  wheat 
breads  thruout  the  baking  period. 

Our  supply  of  rye  and  barley  is  being  rapidly  decreased  by 
shipments  to  the  allies.  Use  corn,  oats,  and  potato,  preferably, 
therefore. 

QUICK  BREADS 

Good  digestible  quick  breads  may  be  made  without  any  wheat. 
On  wheatless  days  either  these  should  be  served  or  no  bread  at  all. 
When  large  quantities  must  be  baked  at  once,  quick  corn  bread,  such 
as  wafer  corn  bread  or  corn  dodger,  is  particularly  useful.  It  is  a 
good  food  from  the  nutritive  standpoint,  is  palatable,  takes  little 
manipulation,  and  so  is  quickly  made.    . 

Wafer  Corn  Bread 
2  cups  fine  corn  meal  i    egg 

2  teaspoons  baking  powder  i  tablespoon  fat 

%   teaspoon  salt  2  cups  milk 

2  tablespoons  molasses 

Mix  corn  meal,  baking  powder,  and  salt.  Add  melted  shortening, 
molasses,  and  beaten  egg.  Beat.  Pour  into  shallow  pans  to  a  depth  of  not 
more  than  one-fourth  inch.    Bake  in  hot  oven. 

Prairie  Bread 

V2  cup  corn  meal  iVz   cups  rye  flour 

Ys  teaspoon  salt        _       _  4  teaspoons  baking  powder 

1  tablespoon  vegetable  oil  %cup  milk 

Ys  cup  boiling  water  V2  cup  chopped  nut  meats 

Put  corn  meal  into  a  bowl,  add  salt,  oil  and  boiling  water.  Mix.  Let 
stand  twenty  minutes.  Now  add  flour  mixed  with  baking  powder  and  the 
milk  and  nuts.  Mix  lightly,  pour  into  a  well  greased  bread  pan ;  let  st?.nd  in 
a  warm  place  twenty  minutes.  Bake  in  a  moderately  hot  oven.  Do  not  cut 
until  cold. 

Corn  Dodger 

2  cups  corn  meal  2  teaspoons   fat 

1  teaspoon  salt  1%  cups  boiling  water 

Pour  the  boiling  water  over  the  other  materials.  Beat  well.  When 
cool,  form  into  thin  cakes  and  bake  thirty  minutes  in  a  hot  oven.  Makes 
fourteen  biscuits. 

Boston  Brozvn  Bread 

2  cups   corn  meal  2  teaspoons   soda 
2  cups  rye  flour  i  cup  molasses 

1  teaspoon  salt  2  cups  sour  milk 

Steam  for  three  hours.  This  is  a  good  flavored  bread  and  compares 
favorably  with  other  brown  breads. 

Drop  Barley  Biscuits 

2  cups  barley  flour  i  teaspoon  salt 

3  teaspoons  baking  powder  i  egg 

2  tablespoons  fat  i  cup  milk 


Muffins 

Good  muffins  can  be  made  without  wheat  by  using  one  cup  of  rye  meal 
with  one  cup  of  potato,  rice,  corn,  or  barley  flour,  or  by  using  one  cup  of  rye 
flour  with  one  cup  of  corn,  buckwheat  or  oat  meal.  In  either  case,  one  egg, 
milk,  fat,  sirup  or  sugar,  baking  powder,  and  salt  are  used,  and  the  whole 
baked  in  a  hot  oven. 

DESSERTS 

Rye  and  Rice  Pastry 

2%   cups  rye  flour  I  teaspoon  salt 

iVz  cups  rice  flour  %  cup  fat 

I  teaspoon  baking  powder  %  cup  water 

Sift  flour,  salt,  and  baking  powder  together;  cut  the  fat  into  the  flour 
mixture.  Add  water,  mixing  and  handling  as  little  as  possible.  Chill  until 
ready  to  roll. 

Drop  Cakes 
I   cup  rye  flour  3  tablespoons  water 

1%  cups  rolled  oats  2  teaspoons  baking  powder 

Vz  cup  shortening  V2  teaspoon  salt 

1/4  cup  brown  s.ugar  ^    teaspoon  cinnamon 

%  cup  corn  sirup  %  cup  nut  meats 

I  egg  %  cup  raisins 

Combine  the  sugar  and  the  fat.    Add  the  sirup  and  the  water.    Combine 

the  flour,  rolled  oats,  baking  powder,  and  salt,  and  add  to  the  first  mixture. 

Add  the  cinnamon,  nuts,  and  raisins.     Drop  on  greased  pans  and  bake  in  a 

moderately  hot  oven. 

MENU  FOR  A  WHEATLESS  DAY 
Breakfast :    Fruit,  rice  and  corn  meal  waffles  and  maple  sirup,  coffee 
Lunch:     Baked  soy  beans,  oatmeal  muffins,  jam 
Dinner :     Tomato  soup,  pot  roast,  mashed  potatoes,  rice  custard,  coffee 

REFERENCES 

Secure  the  following  bulletins  from  the  United  States  Department  of 
Agriculture,  Washington,  D.  C. 

"Start  the  Day  Right" 

"Do  you  know  Corn" 

"Do  you  know  Oatmeal" 

"Plenty  of  Potatoes" 

"Cereal  Foods,"  Caroline  L.  Hunt  and  Helen  W.  Atwater,  Farmers' 
Bulletin  No.  817. 

"Partial  Substitutes  for  Wheat  in  Bread  Making",  Hannah  L.  Wessling, 
States  Relations  Service  Document  No.  64. 

Let  us  do  more  than  the  Food  Administration  asks !  We  can 
if  all  American  women  make  food  conservation  their  first  concern 
and  put  their  best  thought  into  planning  wheatless,  meatless,  sugar- 
less meals  that  are  nutritious  and  so  interesting  that  the  family  will 
look  forward  to  the  " less"  meals  ! 

We  must  save  more  wheat  even  if  it  costs  more  money! 


UNIVERSITY   OF   ILLINOIS   BULLETIN 

Issued  Weekly 
Vol.  XV  '  FEBRUARY  i8,  1918  '  No.  25 

[Entered  as  second-class  matter  December   ii,    191 2,  at  the  post  office  at  Urbana,   Illinois, 
under  the  Act  of  August  24,   1912.] 


THE  WAR  GARDEN 


By 

J.   W.   LLOYD 

Professor  of  Olericulture 


PUBLISHED  BY  THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS 

Under  the  Direction  of  the  War  Committee 

URBANA 


"The  proportion  of  our  national  diet  in  vegetables  is  very  low,  and 
it  will  not  only  do  no  harm  to  increase  it,  but  in  fact  will  contribute  to 
public  health." — Herbert  Hoover. 


OBJECTS  OF  THE  WAR  GARDEN 

1.  To  enable  the  family  to  produce  a  supply  of  vegetables  which 
may  be  substituted  in  part  for  cereals  and  meats. 

2.  To  grow  food  supplies  at  home  and  thus  relieve  transporta- 
tion facilities. 

Our  Army  and  our  x\llies  need  the  concentrated  foods  that  can 
readily  be  transported ;  and  the  transportation  facilities  are  needed 
to  carry  war  supplies.  The  free  use  of  home-grown  vegetables  will 
aid  materially  in  both  these  matters. 

WHAT  TO  PLANT  IN  A  WAR  GARDEN 

1.  Vegetables  of  high  food  value,  (a)  Vegetables  rich  in 
protein  (meat-savers)  :  Dry  beans,  fresb  Lima  beans,  green  peas. 
(b)  Vegetables  rich  in  carbohydrates  (substitutes  for  other  foods 
rich  in  starch  or  sugar)  :  Potatoes,  beans,  sweet  corn,  peas,  parsnips, 
beets,  carrots,  onions. 

2.  Vegetables  suitable  for  canning :  Sweet  corn,  tomatoes, 
string  beans,  peas — staple  canned  goods  of  the  market ;  easily  pro- 
duced at  home.    If  cans  are  scarce  the  corn  may  be  dried. 

3.  Vegetables  that  may  be  stored  fresh :  Potatoes,  beets,  car- 
rots, parsnips,  onions.  Production  and  storage  at  home  save  trans- 
portation. 

4.  Vegetables  for  summer  use:  In  addition  to  the  sorts  men- 
tioned above,  plant  lettuce,  spinach,  turnips,  and  early  cabbage. 
Confine  your  efforts  to  staple  products ;  do  not  experiment  with 
vegetables  difficult  to  grow  in  your  locality. 

HOW  MUCH  TO  PLANT  ^" 

For  the  winter  supply,  plant  enough  to  have  one  quart  of  canned 
vegetables  to  five  persons  every  day,  for  seven  months.  This  would 
mean  approximately  210  quarts.  In  addition  to  the  canned  vegeta- 
bles, those  stored  for  winter  use  should  include,  for  a  family  of  five, 
approximately  fifteen  bushels  of  potatoes,  five  bushels  of  root  crops 
(parsnips,  carrots,  beets),  and  three  bushels  of  onions.  A  half- 
bushel  of  dry  beans  should  also  be  grown  if  the  locality  is  well 
adapted  to  this  crop  and  facilities  for  threshing  are  available. 


The  following  table  gives  the  amounts  of  seed  and  land  required, 
under  normal  Illinois  conditions  and  good  care,  to  produce  the 
quantities  of  food  materials  mentioned  above. 


Sweet  corn  . 
Tomatoes  .... 
String  beans 

Peas   

Potatoes  

Beets 

Carrots 

Parsnips 

Onions 

Dry  beans 


Amount  of 
seed 


I  pt. 

50  plants 

I  pt. 

3  Pts. 

1V2  bu. 

I  oz. 

I  oz. 

1  oz. 

2  oz. 
2  qts. 


Area  of  land 


1500  sq.  ft. 

800  sq.  ft. 

300  sq.  ft. 
1200  sq.  ft. 
3600  sq.  ft. 

100  sq.  ft. 

150  sq.  ft. 

150  sq.  ft. 

400  sq.  ft. 
1200  sq.  ft. 


Product 


40  doz. 
6  bu. 

2  bu. 

3  bu. 
15  bu. 

1  bu. 

2  bu. 

2  bu. 

3  bu. 
1/2  bu. 


Prod,  after 
processing 


60  qts. 

100  qts. 

30  qts. 

20  qts. 


Lima  beans  may  be  advantageously  substituted  for  part  of  the 
corn.  The  total  area  of  land  indicated  is  9,400  square  feet — equi- 
valent to  a  town  lot  66  by  approximately  142  feet.  For  growing  a 
supply  of  vegetables  for  summer  use,  about  50  percent  additional 
seed  and  space  would  be  required. 


WHAT  TO  DO  AND  HOW 

1.  Prepare  the  soil  thorouglily  before  planting.  If  manure 
can  be  obtained,  apply  it  before  plowing.  Plow  as  early  as  the  soil 
is  in  suitable  condition  for  working.  Disk  and  harrow  until  the 
surface  is  thoroughly  pulverized.  Use  steamed  bone  meal  and  dried 
blood  for  fertilizer  if  manure  cannot  be  obtained.  j\Iix  these 
materials  with  the  surface  soil  by  harrowing.  Finish  the  preparation 
of  the  seed  bed  for  small  seeds  by  planking  or  hand-raking. 

2.  Plant  good  seed.    Seed  is  scarce  this  year;  order  early. 

3.  Plant  carefully.  Don't  waste  any  seed.  Plant  small  seeds 
shallow  and  large  seeds  more  deeply.  Firm  the  soil  well  over  the 
seeds  after  covering. 

4.  Plant  at  the  proper  distances.  Allow  enough  space  between 
rows  for  tillage  and  for  full  development  of  the  plants.  Corn  needs 
more  space  than  carrots. 

5.  Plant  at  the  right  time.  Potatoes,  peas,  beets,  carrots, 
parsnips,  and  onions  should  be  planted  early — as  early  as  the  ground 
can  be  worked  in  spring.  The  planting  of  beans,  corn,  and  tomatoes 
must  be  deferred  until  the  weather  is  warm. 


6.  Take  good  care  of  the  growing  crops.  Cultivate  frequently. 
Weed  and  thin  where  necessary.  Protect  from  attacks  of  insects 
and  fungous  diseases. 

GET  MORE  INFORMATION 

Get  Circular  No.  198,  on  Home  Vegetable  Gardening,  from 
the  Illinois  Agricultural  Experiment  Station,  Urbana,  Illinois ; 
and  the  following  publications  from  the  United  States  Department 
of  Agriculture,  Washington,  D.  C. :  Farmers'  Bulletin  818,  The 
Small  Vegetable  Garden ;  Farmers'  Bulletin  853,  Home  Canning  of 
Fruits  and  Vegetables ;  Farmers'  Bulletin  879,  Home  Storage  of 
Vegetables. 

WHAT  TO  DO  NOW 

1.  Select  your  garden  site. 

2.  Plan  your  garden. 

3.  Order  your  seeds. 

4.  Read  gardening  literature. 


UNIVERSITY    OF  ILLINOIS    BULLETIN 

Issued  Weekly 


Vol.  XV 


MARCH  18,  1918 


No.  29 


[Entered  as  second-class  matter  December  11,  1912,  at  the  post  office  at  Urbana,  Illinois,  under  the  Act 

of  August  24,  1912.] 


A  PROGRAM  IN 

FOOD  PRODUCTION 


By 
EUGENE     DAVENPORT 

Dean  of  the  College  of  Agriculture 


PUBLISHED  BY  THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS 

Under  the  Direction  of  the  War  Committee 
URBANA 


The  Latest  Word:     Sell  wheat;  don't  hold  it.    To  hold  back  wheat  for 

a  higher  price  may  mean  to  lose  the  war.     The  outcome  depends 

today  more  upon  the  civil  population  than  upon  the  military. 


A  PROGRAM  IN  FOOD  PRODUCTION 

In  ordinary  times  the  farmer  follows  the  markets  and  raises  the 
crops  that  pay  him  best.  This  is  not  only  good  business  but  in  the 
long  run  it  is  the  best  way  of  serving  the  public. 

Now,  however,  a  higher  duty  rests  upon  him.  He  is  in  posses- 
sion of  our  lands  and  he  must  produce,  first  of  all,  those  foods  which 
the  world  needs  most,  regardless  of  what  may  be  most  profitable. 
Like  the  soldier,  he  must  do  the  thing  which  circumstances  require, 
even  at  a  sacrifice.  Unlike  the  soldier,  he  will  not  be  called  upon  to 
make  the  supreme  sacrifice.  While  the  war  lasts,  the  obligation  of 
the  farmer  is  to  work  his  lands  to  the  best  advantage  of  the  Nation 
and  its  Allies.  In  the  last  analysis  the  land  belongs  to  the  people, 
and  the  question  before  every  farmer  now  is  this:  "What  would 
Uncle  Sam  tell  me  to  do  on  my  farm  if  he  were  a  real  person  in  charge 
of  this  war  and  the  resources  of  the  country?" 

The  markets,  being  demoralized  by  congested  and  irregular 
transportation,  are  no  longer  a  guide  to  what  the  world  needs.  That 
guide  is  now  the  Food  Administration,  which  knows  the  needs  of  the 
armies  and  the  Allies  and  whose  expression  of  these  needs  as  en- 
dorsed by  the  Department  of  Agriculture  is  the  working  basis  for 
an  effective  program  in  food  production. 

All  these  needs  are  for  standard  foods,  and  we  shall  get  on  best 
by  adhering  to  the  major  foods  produced  by  methods  well  established 
by  long  experience.  The  situation  does  not  call  for  a  revolution  in 
American  farm  practice,  but  rather  for  certain  shifts  to  meet  the 
disturbed  conditions  across  the  water. 

THE  NEED  FOR  WHEAT 

The  supreme  need  is  for  wheat,  the  greatest  of  all  the  bread 
grains  and,  with  minor  exceptions,  the  most  readily  transported  and 
stored.  European  fields  are  devastated  and  European  farmers  have 
largely  turned  soldiers.  Remote  supplies  are  shut  away  by  lack  of 
shipping,  and  America  must  make  good  that  reduction.  This  will 
call  for  more  than  twice  our  usual  export.  With  a  world  shortage 
when  the  war  began  and  with  a  bad  season  behind  us,  every  acre 
that  can  grow  wheat  should  do  that  work  until  the  shortage  is  made 
good  and  a  safe  surplus  is  accumulated. 

FAT  ■•,,,,  ;■■-;'  . 

Wars  are  fought  on  fat,  and  fat  is  the  most  concentrated  of  all 
the  forms  of  food  that  put  energy  into  the  body.  It  is  fat  that  the 
Germans  lack,  it  is  fat  that  our  corn  can  produce  far  beyond  the 


capacity  of  any  other  crop.  Vegetable  fats  and  oils  are  good,  but 
for  a  variety  of  reasons  the  animal  fats  are  far  better.  Our  second 
great  undertaking  must  be,  therefore,  to  produce  the  largest  amounts 
possible  of  the  animal  fats. 

PORK 

Of  all  forms  of  animal  fat,  butter  and  pork  are  the  most  de- 
sirable, butter  for  sedentary  people  and  pork  for  the  laborer,  the 
camper,  the  soldier — the  man  who  lives  out  of  doors  and  who  needs 
to  get  the  greatest  possible  energy  out  of  his  food.  For  this  purpose 
pork  is  better  than  butter,  for  it  carries  a  considerable  proportion 
of  lean  meat. 

Pork  is  preferable  for  still  another  reason:  the  pig  can  make 
more  pounds  of  human  food  out  ot  his  feed  than  can  any  other 
animal  except  the  cow,  and  that  is  a  fundamental  consideration  now. 
The  following  table  from  Jordan's  "The  Feeding  of  Animals"  gives 
the  amounts  of  human  food  actually  eatable  that  can  be  made  by  the 
different  animals  from  one  hundred  pounds  of  digestible  feed. 


HUMAN  FOODS  PRODUCED  FROM  100  POUNDS  OF  DIGESTIBLE  MATTER  CONSUMED 

ANIMAL  EDIBLE    SOLIDS  ANIMAL  EDIBLE    SOLIDS 

IN    POUNDS  IN    POUNDS 

Cow  (mi;k)  18.0         Poultry   (eggs) S.l 

Pig   (dressed)   1S.6  Poultry   (dressed)   4.2 

Cow  (cheese)   9.4         Lamb   (dressed)   3.2 

Ca'f  (dressed)   ; , 8.1         Steer  (dressed)   2.8 

Cow   (butter)   S.4  Sheep   (dressed)   2.6 

Not  only  is  the  pig  the  most  efficient  source  of  all  the  fats,  but 
fortunately  Indian  corn,  the  great  crop  in  which  i^merica  excels,  is 
of  all  the  feeds  the  best  for  the  making  of  high-grade  pork.  Here 
is  a  cumulative  advantage  in  food  production  possessed  by  no  other 
country  in  the  world. 

LESS  Fx^T  BEEF  AND  MUTTON 

If  we  are  to  raise  more  wheat  with  less  labor,  it  must  mean  some 
reduction  in  the  corn  crop,  and  this  reduction  must  be  made  good 
by  marketing  our  beef  and  mutton  with  less  fat.  Tallow  and  mutton 
fat  are  far  less  eatable  than  are  pork  and  butter,  and  the  carcass  of 
beef  and  mutton  is  less  easily  transported  and  stored  than  is  bacon. 
We  shall  eat  leaner  beef  and  mutton,  therefore,  while  the  war'  lasts 
and,  for  a  time  at  least,  less  of  it. 

KEEP  UP  NUMBERS 

This  need  not  mean  that  we  shall  raise  fewer  animals.  Indeed 
the  opposite  policy  should  prevail.     Europe  will  need  our  animals 


for  the  restocking  of  her  herds  as  soon  as  the  war  is  over.  We  have 
immense  quantities  of  pasture  and  of  forage  and  these  should  go 
into  young  animals,  marketed  without  extreme  finish  while  the  war 
lasts  but  maintained  in  full  supply  for  restocking  at  whatever  mo- 
ment it  may  cease. 

THE  FARMER  MUST  HAVE  A  PROFIT 

While  the  farmer  like  the  soldier  must  do  his  duty,  and  at  a 
sacrifice  if  need  be,  there  is  one  important  difference  between  the 
two.  The  soldier  has  but  one  duty,  to  fight.  He  is  being  fed  and 
suppor  ed  from  behind.  The  farmer  has  two  duties:  one  is  to  feed 
the  world;  the  other  is  to  do  his  share  in  supporting  the  army  with 
adequate  supplies  and  in  meeting  the  expense  of  the  war.  This 
second  duty  he  cannot  discharge  unless  his  business  pays  out  as  he 
goes  along,  for  the  farmer  is  not  a  capitalist. 


A  PROGRAM  OF  CONSUMPTION 

To  carry  out  a  program  of  production  will  require  a  reasonable 
program  of  consumption.  If,  for  example,  the  housekeeper  uses  a 
kind  of  potato  paste  as  substitute  for  butter,  she  will  not  only  cheat 
her  family  of  a  needful  food,  but  she  will  by  that  much  help  to 
break  down  the  dairy  business,  which  produces  the  cheapest  of  all 
animal  foods.  If  she  reduces  milk  consumption  she  will  do  the 
same,  with  nothing  gained  either  in  food  or  in  money. 

If  transportation  fails  to  reduce  congestion  at  any  point,  the 
markets  will  become  clogged  and  the  resulting  low  prices  will  demor- 
alize production.  Mr.  Hoover  must  prevent  this.  If  he  cannot 
ship,  he  will  ask  us  to  consume  until  he  can  relieve  congestion. 

Therefore  FOLLOW  HOOVER!  When  he  says  "save,"we  should 
save;  when  he  says  "consume, "we  should  consume.  In  this  way 
only  can  production  be  sustained. 


This  in  general  is  Tlie  Illinois  Program  agreed  upon  by  a  recent  War  Conference  atUrbana  called 
by  the  farmers  of  Illinois,  the  State  Council  of  Defense,  and  the  University.^  The  program  is  recommend- 
ed to  all  farmers.  It  can  be  had  in  full  by  applying  to  the  State  Council  of  Defense,  120  West  Adams 
Street,  Chicago. 


UNIVERSITY    OF   ILLINOIS   BULLETIN 

Issued  Weekly 
Vol.  XV.  APRIL  8,  1918.  "  No.  32 

Entered  as  secoDd-cIass  matter  December  11.  1912,  at  the  post  office  at  Urbana    Illinois,  under  the  Act 

of  August  24,  1912.) 


WHAT  EVERY  ONE  SHOULD  KNOW  ABOUT 

WAR  LEGISLATION 

By 

ROBERT  EUGENE  CUSHMAN,  Ph.  D., 

Instructor  in  Political  Science 


PUBLISHED  BY  THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS 

Under  the  Direction  of  the  War  Committee 

URBANA 


Don't  find  fault  with  the  law  and  the  Government  in  this  crisis! 

Obey  them! 


WAR  LEGISLATION 


What  Is  Our  War  Legislation? 

It  consists  of  special  burdens,  obligations,  and  restraints  imposed  upon  us  be- 
cause we  are  at  war.  It  is  emergency  legislation  necessary  to  our  national  defense, 
and  for  the  most  part  will  not  remain  after  the  war  has  ended. 

//  is  necessary:  first,  to  stamp  out  treason  and  disloyalty;  second,  to  mobilize 
American  patriotism  and  conserve  our  strength  and  resources.  The  loyal  citizen 
wishes  to  serve;  the  war  legislation  shows  him  what  to  do  and  what  not  to  do. 

//  is  your  legislation.  You  made  it.  You  elected  the  Congress  whichYramed 
it  and  the  President  who  approved  it.  It  is  the  crystallized  will  of  the  whole  people 
— vour  will   and   the  will  of  the   nation. 

Why  Understand  It?        ' 

Because  even  the  loyal  citizen  may  easily  break  the  law  without  knowing  it. 
If  you  do  break  it,  it  is  no  defense  that  you  were  ignorant  or  that  you  meant  well. 
"Ignorance  of  the  law  excuses  no  man." 

Because  public  opinion  must  help  enforce  the  law.  You  cannot  do  your  part 
unless  you  know  its  methods  and  its  purposes.  The  good  citizen  is  the  intelligent 
citizen.     Learn  what  the  law  demands  of  you  and  tell  your  neighbor! 


WHAT  THE  LAW  REQUIRES  US  TO  DO 

SOME  MUST  FIGHT— CONSCRIPTION 

Why?  Because  the  nation  cannot  wait  for  volunteers.  Because  the  nation 
must  be  free  to  choose  the  men|who  can  best  be  spared  and  who  are  best  fitted. 

Who?  Men  between  21  and  30  inclusive.  These  men  numbered  9,569,382  on 
June  5,  1917.  Men  may  be  exempted  for  reasons  stated  by  law;  e.  g.,  physical  de- 
ifects,  dependent  relatives,  etc.  No  one  can  buy  exemption  from  the  draft.  No 
one  can  send   a  substitute. 

When?  As  fast  as  they  are  needed  and  can  be  used.  In  the  order  in  which  they 
can  best  be  spared. 

How  Long?     Until  the  cause  for  which  we  are  fighting    has  triumphed. 

Penalty?     Imprisonment  for  the  man  who  fails  to  respond. 

ALL  MUST  PAY— TAXATION 

The  Reason.  War  takes  money  as  well  as  men.  Our  government  has  appro- 
priated $21,390,000,000  during  the  first  year  of  the  war.  Of  this,  52,500,000,000 
must  be  raised  by  taxation,  a  sum  nearly  as  large  as  the  entire  cost  of  our  Civil  War. 

Your  share.  Depends  roughly  upon  your  ability  to  pay.  The  rich  must 
pay.  The  poor  must  pay.  There  are  taxes  upon  luxuries.  There  are  taxes  upon 
necessities.  We  have  not  yet  begun  to  approach  the  burden  of  taxation  now  borne 
by  European  countries. 


The  Taxes 

1.  The  Inheritance  Tax.  An  f'lnhentantel  of  $50,000  or  less  is  taxed'  2%. 
A  tax  of  2%  is  laid  on  all  inheritances  over  that  amount  supplemented^by  a  series 
of  surtaxes  or  additional  taxes  running  up  to  25%  on  the  amount  ot  the  inheritance 
above  $10,000,000. 

2.  The  Income  Taxes.  Two  income'^  tax^^vlaws  are  in  force.  To  determine 
one's  income  tax  it  is  necessary  to  compute  the  amount  due  under  the  act  ot  Septem- 
ber 8,  1916,  and  add  to  it  the  tax  due  under  the  war  income  tax  law  of  October  3, 
1917.  Under  the  new  law  $1000  net  incomes  of  single  persons  and  $2000  net  incomes 
of  married  persons  are  exempt  from  taxation.  Above  those  points  the  rates  range 
from  2%  up  finally  to  50%  on  the  amount  of  income  above  $1,000,000. 

3.S  The  Corporation  Tax.  Taxes  are  now  levied  upon  the  net  incomes  of  all 
business'  corporations  (with  a  few  exceptions)  at  a  flat  rate  of  6%. 

4.  Excess  Profits  Tax.  These  taxes  are  laid  upon  the  profits  of  individuals, 
partnerships,  and  corporations  which,  after  certain  deductions  are  made,  are  higher 
than  certain  percentages  of  the  capital  invested.  These  range  from  a  tax  of  20% 
on  profits  up  to  15%  to  60%  on  profits  of  33%  or  more.  When  trades,  businesses,  oc- 
cupations, or  professions  have  no  actual  invested  capital,  an  8%  tax  is  laid  on  the 
net  incomes  of  individuals  above  $6000  and  of  corporations  above^ $3000.|i'i^  The  pro- 
visions of  this  law  are  exceedingly! complicated^ 

5.  Taxes  on  Luxuries.  It  is  natural  that  heavy  taxes  should  be  levied  upon 
luxuries.  Some  of  the  important  commodities  in  this  class  are:  intoxicating  liquors, 
soft  drinks,  automobiles,  jewelry,  sporting  goods,  cameras,  chewing  gum,  playing 
cards,  yachts,  admissions  to  places  of  amusement,  dues  of  societies  and  organizations. 
The  taxes  on  all  such  commodities  are  paid  directly  by  the  manufacturer  and  in- 
directly by  the  consumer  in  higher  prices 

6.  Taxes  on  Necessaries.  Luxuries  cannot  pay  all  the  taxes.  Large  sums 
must  be  raised  hy[  taxing  the  common  necessities  of  life.  Taxes  are  therefore  placed 
upon  medicines,  toilet  articles,  railroad  tickets,  long  distance  telephone  service,  tel- 
egrams, postal  service,  insurance  policies,  express  and  parcel  post  packages,  and  numer- 
ous commercial  and  financial  documents  such   as  bonds,  stocks,'  promissory  notes, 

deeds,  etc. 


WHAT  THE  LAW  FORBIDS  US  TO  DO 

ACTS  OF  TREASON  AND  DISLOYALTY 

The  government  deals  promptly  and  severely  with  traitors,  spies,  and  disloyal 
agitators.  Treason  is  the  crime  of  "levying  war  against  the  United  States,  or  in  ad- 
hering to  their  enemies,  giving  them  aid  and  comfort."  It  is  punishable  by  death. 
Other  offences  (given  below)  are  punished  by  heavy  penalties. 

1.  Acting  as  a  Spy.  Every  nation  punishes  the  spyfwith  death.  His  crime 
is  that  of  giving  the  enemy  information  about  our  national  defense.  Every  one  is 
forbidden  under  heavy  penalty  to  secure  information  about  national  defense  with 


the  intention  that  it  mav  be  of  use  to  the  enemy.  In  regard  to  all  such  matters  the 
safe  rule  for  the  loyal  citizen  is  to  mind  his  own  business  and  keep  his  mouth  shut. 
(Penalty:  $10,000  fine,  2  yrs.  imprisonment,  or  both.) 

2.  Violence  and  Wilful  Destruction  of  Property.  The  law  is  lying  in  wait  for 
the  man  who  burns  or  blows  up  bridges,  warehouses,  and  the  like.  Such  acts  may 
be  treasonable  a<-  "giving  aid  and  comfort  to  the  enemy,"  while  they  are  in  addition 
crimes  against  rlie  laws  of  the  separate  states.  The  federal  government  has  placed 
special  penalties  upon  violent  interference  with  commerce,  shipping,  and  telegraph 
lines  ($10,009  tine,  10-20  yrs.  imprisonment,  or  both)., 

3.  Disturbance  of  Foreign   Relations.     To  make  false  statements  for  the  pur 
pose  of  injuring  the  United  States  in  its  relations  with  a  foreign  nation  is  a  crime. 
It  is  also  a  crime  to  conspire  in  the  Uaited  States  to  injure  the  public  property  of  a 
government  with  which  we  are  at  peace.     (Penalty:   $5000  fine,  5  yrs.  imprisonment, 
or  both.) 

4.  Hostile  Acts  Against  Friendly  Nations.  Our  neutrality  laws  forbid  making 
this  country  the  base  of  any  hostile  operations  or  expeditions  against  friendly  nations. 
Persons  were  recently  convicted  in  New  York  for  plotting  to  blow  up  the  Welland 
Canal  and  others  for  scheming  to  cause  a  rebellion  in  India.  (Penalty  $3000  fine, 
3  yrs.  imprisonment.) 

5.  Circulation  of  False  Statements  io  Aid  the  Enemy.  A  lie  may  be  a  deadly 
weapon  against  us.  Those  who  make  or  repeat  false  statements  for  the  purpose  of 
interfering  with  our  military  or  naval  success  while  we  are  at  war  are  liable  to  severe 
punishment  ($10,000  f:r.',  20  yrs.  imprisonment,  or  both). 

6.  Inciting  Disloyalty  in  the  Army  and  Navy.  The  Germans  have  won  vic- 
tories in  this  war  simply  by  insidiously  undermining  the  morale  of  the  Allied  Armies. 
It  is  therefore  made  a  crime  to  incite  to  disloyalty,  insubordination,  mut'ny,  or  re- 
fusal of  duty  in  our  military  or  naval  forces  by  any  method  whatsoever.  Men  who 
are  registered  for  the  draft  are  part  of  our  military  forces  although  not  actually  in 
service.     (Penalty:    $10,000  fine.  20  yrs.  imprisonment,  or  both.) 

7.  Oh'truction  of  Recruiting.  The  law  says  that  there  must  be  no  wilful  inter- 
ference with  the  man  who  wishes  to  enlist  in  the  army  or  navy.  There  is  a  heavy 
penalty  for  violations  of  this  act  ($10,003  fine,  20  yrs.  imprisonment,  or  both). 

8.  Criminal  Conspiracies.  It  is  a  crime  against  the  United  States  for  two  or 
more  persons  to  plot  or  conspire  to  overthrow  the  government,  oppose  its  authority, 
obstruct  the  enforcement  of  its  laws,  destroy  its  property,  or  violate  any  of  its  laws. 
Every  person  involved  in  such  a  conspiracy  is  guilty  even  though  the  plot  failed 
or  was  never  carried  out.     (Penalty:   $5000  fine,  5  yrs.  imprisonment,  or  both  ) 

9.  Threats  Against  the  President.  There  is  a  severe  penalty  for  any  one  who 
threatens,  in  speech,  writing,  or  any  other  way,  to  injure  bodily  or  to  kill  the  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States  ($1000  fine,  5  yrs.  imprisonment,  or  both.) 

10.  Abuse  of  the  Flag.  The  laws  of  Illinois  and  other  states  forbid  any  one  to 
use  the  United  States  flag  for  advertising  purposes  or  to  desecrate,  defy,  or  cast  con- 
tempt upon  it  in  any  way. 

11.  Misuse  of  the  Mails.  Every  person  is  forbidden  to  send  through  the  mails 
any  communication  which  is  treasonable  in  character  or  which  urges  or  advocates 


treason,  insurractioa,  or  forcible  resistance  to  any  federal  law.     A  severe  penalty  is 
attached  (?5000  fine,  5  yrs.  imprisonment,  or  both). 

12.  Failure  to  Report  Violations  of  the  Law.  Heavy  punishments  are  visited 
upon  those  who  harbor  violators  of  the  law  or  fail  to  make  known  facts  in  their  pos- 
session regarding  crimes  and  conspiracies,  whether  carried  out  or  not,  against  the 
United  States.     (Penalty:  $10,000  fine,  2  yrs.  imprisonment,  or  both.) 


TRADING  WITH  THE  ENEMY 

A'loyal  citizen  might  easily  violate  this  prohibition  without  knowing  it. 
You  should  know,  therefore,  that 

The  Enemy 

IS  composed  of  the  following  classes. 

1.  Every  person  who  lives  in  Germany,  Austria,  or  the  territory  of  their  allies, 
or  in  any  territory  occupied  by  them;    e.  g.,  Belgium. 

2.  Every  person  living  outside  the  United  States  who  does  business  in  such 
enemy  territory. 

3.  very  corporation  created  by  Germany  or  her  allies, 

4.  Corporations  not  created  by  the  United  States  or  the  states  thereof  and 
doing  business  in  enemy  territory. 

5.  The  "government,  subdivisions,  cities,  officers,  and  agents  of  Germany  and 
her  allies. 

6.  Enemy  aliens  interned  in  the  United  States  for  the  period  of  the  war, 

7.  Such  other  classes  of  persons  as  the  President  may  designat.e 

You  Must  Not 

1.  You  must  not  have  business  intercourse  with  the  enemy.  Every  kind  of 
financial  and  commercial  transaction  is  forbidden  except  under  such  license  as  the. 
President  may  grant.     (Penalty:    $10,000  fine,  10  yrs.  imprisonment,  or  both.) 

2.  You  must  not  send  communications  out  of  the  country  except  through  the  mails 
This  applies  to  every  possible  communication  in  tangible  form  and  forbids  its  trans- 
mission directly  or  indirectly  unless  under  special  license.  (Penaltv:  $10,000  finCj 
10  yrs.  imprisonment,  or  both.) 

3.  You  must  not  evade  the  censor.  Rigid  censorship  has  been  placed  upon  all  for- 
eign mail,  telegraph,  cable,  and  wireless  service.  You  are  forbidden  to  attempt  in  any 
way  to  avoid  submitting  any  outgoing  communication  to  this  censorship  or  by  the  use 
of  any  secret  code  to  conceal  from  the  censor  the  true  meaning  of  the  communication. 
(Penalty:   $10,000  fine,  10  yrs.  imprisonment,  or  both.) 


TRADING  WITH  ANY  FOREIGN  COUNTRY  WITHOUT  A  LICENSE 

We  are  3000  miles  from  the  seat  of^war.  Shipping  has  become  vital  problem. 
The  government  must  be  able  to  use  every  American  ship  for  the  purposes  which  are 
most  important  at  the  moment.  Therefore  no  one  may  engage  in  the  import  cr 
export  trade  without  a  license]^ which  subjects  the  holder  to  regulation  and  control 
(Penalty:    $5000  fine,  2  yrs.  imprisonment,  or  be  th.) 


IGNORING  THE  WAR  RESTRICTIONS  LAID  UPON  YOUR  BUSINESS 

1.  Businesses  Which  Are  Frohibited.  Wp  must  save  food.  It  is  therefore  for- 
bidden to  use  any  food  products  in  making  whisky  or  any  distilled  ="'nts  to  be  used 
as  a  beverage. 

2.  Businesses  Which  Must  Be  Licensed.  Those  who  produce,  store,  or  di  stri- 
bute  the  necessaries  of  life,  except  farmers  and  retail  merchants,  may  be  require  d  by 
the  President  to  take  out  licenses  and  conduct  their  businesses  under  government 
regulations. 

Such  licenses  are  now  required  in  the  case  ot  foods,  fertilizers,  and  some  chem- 
icals. 

No  person  whatsoever  may  make  or  sell  explosives  without  a  license. 

3.  No  Destruction  of  Necessaries  of  Life.  To  destroy  food,f  fuel,  or  other  neces 
sary  products  for  the  purpose  of  increasing  the  price  or  reducing  the  supply  is  pun- 
ishable by  a  heavy  penalty. 

4.  No  Hoarding.  Any  person  who  wilfully  hoards  the  necessaries  ot  life  may 
be  imprisoned  or  fined  and  the  hoarded  goods  may  be  sold. 

5.  Excessive  Prices  Forbidden.  The  law  deals  sternly  with  the  profiteer.  Ex 
tor  ion  will  not  be  tolerated. 

Coal  and  coke  must  not  be  sold  at  a  higher  price  than  that  fixed  by  the  Presi- 
dent under  penalty      Thus  far  the  price  at  the  mine  only  has  been  fixed. 

Food  and  necessaries  must  not  be  sold  at  unreasonable  prices.  Licensed  pro- 
ducers and  distributors  will  have  their  licenses  revoked  for  charging  exorbitant 
prices.     Unlicensed  dealers  will  have  their  supplies  cut  off  for  the  same  offense. 

Violations  of  any  of  these  provisions  are  punishable  by  $5000  fine,  5  years  im- 
prisonment, or  both" 


WHAT  THE  NATION  ASKS   YOU  TO   DO 

Patriotism  is  not  content  with  ooeying  the  letter  of  the  iaw.  The  loyal  citizen 
will  gladly  do  more  than  he  is  obliged  to  do.  The  nation  is  relying  upon  this  vol- 
untary cooper?  tion  of  all  the  people. 

Our  government  is  still  requesting  of  us  many  things  which  European  nations 
have  been  obliged  to  command.     It  rests  with  us  to  make  compulsion  unnecessary. 

America,  therefore,  makes  her  appeal  to  your  loyalty  to  do   four  things: 

y  '    SAVE! 

Save  Food! 

"Food  will  win  the  war.     Do  not  waste  it." 
We  must  feed  ourselves  and  our  Allies. 
Raise  a  garden  and  eat  perishable  foods. 
Follow  the  rules  of  the  Food  Administrator. 

Save  Fuel! 

Do  not  burn  it  needlessly,     x^n  open  grate  wastes  three  fourths  of  your  heat. 

Use  wood  instead  of  coal  if  you  can. 

In  winter  heat  your  house  to' 68°  instead^of  75°  and  save  nearly  25%  of  your  coal. 

Save  Money! 

Cut  down  money  spent  for  luxuries.  — 

Buy  and  use  only  necessary  articles. 

Economy  is  vital  to  the  nation;    help  make  it  fashionable. 

Labor  which  produces  unnecessary  things  is  wasted.     Do  not  encourage  it. 

LOAN! 

If  you  cannot  fight  vou  can  helo   by  lending  the  government  the  money  which  it 
must  have. 

A  Liberty  Bond  is  a  certificate  of  your  faith  in  fl^"  justice  of  the  cause  for  which  we 
are  fighting. 

The  United  States  is  the  best  creditor  in  the  world. 

The  interest  paid  makes  patriotism  a  paying  investment. 

Loan  the  money  you  save — Save  the  money  you  loan! 

7 


Buy  Thrift  Stamps! 
Buy  Liberty  Bonds! 


GIVE! 


The  government  encourages  you  to  give  generously  to  relieve  the  sufierings 
and  add  to  the  comforts  and  happiness  of  the  victims  ct  war. 

Give  to  the  Red  Cross.  Your  money  is  needed  to  help  care  for  the  wounded 
soldier. 

Give  to  the  Army  Y.  M.  C.  A.  Your  money  is  needed  to  provide  recreation, 
clean  amusements,  a  touch  of  home,  for  the  boys  in  camp  and  trench. 

Give  to  the  Armenian  and  Syrian  Relief  and  Similar  needs.  Your 
money  is  needed  to  save  the  lives  of  men,  women,  and  children  who  are  actually 
starving. 

WORK! 

There  is  something  you  can  do  to  help  win  this  war. 

Acquaint  yourself  with  the  countless  opportunities  for  service. 

Find  out  which  is  yours. 

Do  it! 

Now! 


8 


UNIVERSITY   OF   ILLINOIS   BULLETIN 

Issued  Weekly 
Vol.  XV  MAY  6,  1918  No.  36 

Entered  id  second-class  matter  December  11,  1912,  at  the  post  offictj  at  Urbana,  Illinois,  under  the  Act 

of  August  24,  1912.] 


WHAT  THE  UNITED  STATES  HAS  ACHIEVED  IN 

WAR  ACTIVITIES  AND   MORAL   LEADERSHIP 


BY 

EDMUND  JANES  JAMES 

President  of  the  University 


published  by  the  university 
Under  the  Direction  of  the  War  Committee 

URBANA 


WHAT  THE  UNITED  STATES  HAS  ACHIEVED  IN 
WAR  ACTIVITIES  AND    MORAL  LEADERSHIP* 

Friends,  Colleagues  and  Students: 

We  are  gathered  here  this  afternoon,  not  so  much  to  review 
what  we  have  done  or  failed  to  do  in  the  Great  War  during  the  past 
year,  as  to  dedicate  ourselves  anew  to  the  great  enterprise  that  we 
have  undertaken. 

In  spite  of  all  that  has  been  said  during  the  year  in  which  we 
have  been  at  war  with  the  Central  Powers  of  Europe,  sustaining 
and  helping  our  hard-pressed  and  courageous  Allies,  it  does  not 
seem  to  me  that  the  average  American  citizen  even  yet  realizes 
what  a  fundamental  world  issue  is  involved;  how  great  is  our  pri- 
vilege in  being  permitted  to  enter  this  conflict  actively  and  on  the 
right  side;  how  important  a  turning  point  in  the  history  of  the  world 
the  outcome  of  this  war  may  be;  and  how  fortunate  we  are  in  having 
a  president,  who  has  seized  the  opportunity  to  convert  what  to  a 
narrow  observer  seemed  a  mere  struggle  for  additional  territory 
and  additional  material  resources  into  a  great  issue  in  the  progress 
of  human  freedom. 

When  Louis  XVI  called  together  the  Estates  General  in  the 
year  1789  to  take  counsel  as  to  the  state  of  the  kingdom,  a  struggle 
arose  between  the  king  and  the  representatives  of  the  various  orders, 
which  might  easily  have  remained  a  mere  local  incident  in  the  life 
of  a  single  nation.  But  the  genius  of  the  French  people  converted 
it  into  a  great  crusade  for  liberty,  equality,  and  fraternity,  out  of 
which  grew  that  mighty  convulsion,  called  simply  "The  Revol- 
ution," so  fundamental  in  its  characteristics  and  results,  so  sweep- 
ing in  its  wide-spread  influence,  that  all  previous  human  history 
seemed  a  mere  preparation  for  it  and  all  subsequent  history  a  mere 
outcome  of  it;  all  previous  lines  of  development  seeming  to  con- 
verge toward  it  and  all  subsequent  lines  of  progress  to  spring  out 
of  it. 

The  present  war  at  first  was  regarded  by  some  as  a  mere  con- 
test on  the  part  of  great  nations  for  more  territory  and  a  larger 
population  and  greater  wealth.  It  was  natural  to  judge  from  pre- 
vious human  experiences  that  smaller  powers  standing  in  the  way 

'Abstract  of  an  address  by  the  President  of  the  "University  at  the  'general   convocation    held   April 
8,  1918,  in  honor  of  the  first  anniversary  of  the  entrance  of  America  into  the  Great  War,  April  6,  1917. 


of  the  waves  of  this  furious  struggle  for  national  supremacy  would 
be  swept  away,  devastated,  ruined,  utterly  effaced  perhaps, — and 
that  all  this  would  happen  as  so  inevitably  a  result  of  the  conflict 
of  great  powers  that  while  much  sympathy  might  be  felt  or  even 
expressed,  the  only  active  result  would  be  a  shrugging  of  the  shoul- 
ders and  an  "alas!  alas!  Such  is  life.  Such  is  the  fate  of  the  small 
man!  and  the  small  nation!" 

And  then  the  conduct  of  the  Central  Powers  became  such  that 
even  those  Americans  who  did  not  appreciate  or  care  for  a  moral 
role  among  the  nations  for  the  Great  Republic  saw  themselves 
constrained  to  force  action  in  order  to  defend  our  national  inde- 
pendence, nay,  our  national  existence. 

Even  then  the  issue  might  have  been  narrowed  and  might  have 
been  formulated  as  a  selfish  one,  affecting  ourselves  alone  or  the  par- 
ticular desires  of  national  units,  such  as  the  securing  to  Italy  of 
the  territory  it  desired  at  the  expense  of  Austria,  or  the  giving  to 
Russia  of  the  right  to  determine  the  eastern  boundaries  of  Ger- 
many, while  to  France  and  England  should  be  given  a  similar  pri- 
vilege as  to  the  western  boundaries,  and  the  assignment  to  Eng- 
land of  the  German  Colonies — a  kind  of  dispute  in  which  the  Ameri- 
can people  could  have  little  personal  interest  except  so  far  as  it 
safeguarded  or  threatened  our  power  or  security. 

With  one  noble  and  sweeping  gesture  President  Wilson  wiped 
out  all  these  items  on  the  slate  of  world  division  and  organization 
and  wrote  down  as  our  goal  the  safeguarding  of  human  liberty 
throughout  the  earth:  to  all  people — not  merely  to  ourselves — 
to  the  small  as  well  as  to  the  great — to  the  weak  as  to  the  strong — 
the  assurance  that  they  may  order  their  own  lives  as  freemen. 

This  is  a  program  to  which  we  may  all  subscribe,  for  which 
we  Americans  may  all  toil  and  suffer  and  sacrifice  and,  if  need  be, 
die,  because  we  believe  that  human  liberty  is  the  foundation  stone 
of  all  human  progress. 

Now  the  great  thing  which  President  Wilson  has  done  is  to 
make  this  program  of  his  the  program  of  the  United  States,  the 
program  of  the  Allies, — nay,  the  program  of  the  world;  for  even 
the  Central  Powers  have  been  compelled  to  adopt  the  same  slogan 
— even  the  Kaiser  is  emphasizing  that  he  has  gone  into  Russia  not 
for  his  own  sake  but  to  free  its  people.     We  have  not  been  misled, 


of  course,  by  this  statement,  for  we  know  the  kind  of  freedom  that 
the  lion  brings  to  the  lamb, — a  freedom,  it  is  true,  from  responsi- 
bility, a  freedom  from  independence,  from  self-determination,  a 
freedom  from  freedom  with  all  its  toil  and  trouble  and  sacrifice, — 
but  at  the  same  time  a  freedom  from  all  the  joys  and  ecstacies  of 
self-development  and  progress  which]; freedom  permits. 

Never  before  in  human  history  have  so  many  nations  lined 
up  consciously  for  the  great  end  of  establishing  the  right  of  all  to 
live,  and  also  their  bounden  duty  to  let  live,  and  for  this  end  we 
have  to  thank  the  President  of  the  United  States,  Woodrow  Wilson. 
Let  us  stand  by  him  until  this  end  is  achieved! 

There  is  another  side  from  which  our  participation  in  this  war 
may  bring  to  us  satisfaction  and  hope.  The  advantage  of  victory 
in  this  great  war,  friends,  will  not  redound  merely  to  the  Pole, 
the  Bohemian,  the  Slovak,  the  Serb,  but  also,  and  in  no  less  degree, 
to  the  subjects  of  other  governments,  fighting  not  on  the  sid&  of 
the  Central  Powers  but  on  the  side  of  the  Allies, — on  our  side. 

We  Americans  can  not  in  good  conscience  and  with  self-respect 
line  up  for  freedom  and  fair  treatment  for  the  Pole  and  Serbian 
without  forming  a  new  and  more  potent  resolution  that  the  negro, 
the  Porto  Rican,  the  Filipino  shall  have  no  reasonable  cause  of 
complaint  under  our  government.  We  can  not  insist  that  the 
German  Government  shall  secure  political  rights  to  the  common 
man  without  resolving  anew  that  the  ordinary  civil  rights  shall 
be  secured  to  all  our  citizens  alike,  no  matter  what  their  color  or 
race  or  previous  condition  of  servitude;  without  determining  that 
mobs  and  lynching  parties  shall  have  an  end  throughout  the  broad 
territory  subject  to  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Republic. 

I  do  not  mean  to  say  that  all  these  things  are  going  to  happen 
immediately  upon  the  conclusion  of  peace,  but  I  do  maintain  that 
they  are  all  involved  in  a  complete  and  sweeping  victory  by  the 
Allies  over  the  Central  Powers. 

A  chapter  out  of  our  own  history,  which  we  ought  never  to  for- 
get, will  help  us  to  understand  what  will  be  possible  if  we  only  keep 
our  eyes  on  the  stars. 

On  the  fourth  of  July,  1776,  a  representative  body  of  American 
colonists  announced  to  the  world  a  thesis  for  the  defense  of  which 
they  pledged  their  lives  and  fortunes  and  sacred  honor.     This  thesis 


was  that  all  men  are  created  equal;  that  they  are  endowed  by  the 
Creator  with  certain  inalienable  rights,  among  which  are  life,  liberty 
and  the  pursuit  of  happiness. 

None  of  these  men  found  it  particularly  inconsistent  with  the 
above  thesis  to  hold  human  slaves  in  a  peculiarly  debasing  form  of 
bondage  known  as  African  slavery.  Such  a  practice  was,  of  course, 
not  consistent  with  the  profession  given  above,  and  when  this  pro- 
fession was  once  made,  so  great  is  the  power  of  the  winged  word 
that  the  practise  had  to  cease  in  time  or  the  profession  had  to  be 
renounced.  That  profession  was  not,  alas!  the  statement  of  a  fact 
in  existence  at  that  time,  but  a  prophecy  of  something  to  come; 
and  one  of  those  peculiar  prophecies, — thank  God, — the  mere  for- 
ulation  of  which  helps  to  their  realization. 

It  behooves  us  Americans,  who  have  entered  this  great  contest 
for  human  liberty,  to  remember  how  easily  such  a  conflict  may  de- 
generate and  how  necessary  it  is  to  hold  it  on  a  high  plane,  worthy 
of  our  aspiration  and  our  sacrifice.  We  ought  not  to  forget  that  the 
price  of  liberty  is  still  eternal  vigilance,  watching  not  merely  over  our 
enemies,  but  over  ourselves,  our  desires,  our  ambitions,  our  conduct. 

In  spite  of  that  magnificent  announcement  in  the  Declaration 
of  Independence,  which  sounded  a  new  note  in  the  history  of  the 
world,  leading  directly  to  the  French  Revolution  and  all  its  conse- 
quences, it  was  nearly  ninety  years  before  we  in  this  country  were 
willing  to  draw  the  logical  conclusion  and  to  take  the  decisive  step 
in  our  own  policy  so  imperatively  called  for  by  the  sentiments  and 
language  of  this  declaration.  Eighty-five  years  after  the  Declar- 
ation of  Independence  was  given  to  the  world,  calling  forth  senti- 
ments and  aspirations  that  seemed  to  have  died  out  in  the  world's 
breast,  a  considerable  proportion  of  the  intelligent,  liberty-loving, 
warm-hearted  American  citizens  pledged  their  lives  and  fortunes  and 
sacred  honor  to  a  war  in  defense  of  this  same  institution  of  African 
slavery.  And  it  was  not  until  they  were  thoroughly  defeated,  until 
a  million  precious  lives  had  been  sacrificed,  uncounted  billions  of 
money  had  been  destroyed,  that  they  finally  acquiesced  in  an  out- 
come of  the  Civil  War,  which  was  nothing  but  the  logical  develop- 
ment of  the  Declaration  which  their  ancestors  had  adopted,  and  to 
which  they  had  pledged  their  support    and    enthusiasm    for   near- 


ly  a  century.  With  the  close  of  the  American  Civil  War,  the  Declar- 
ation of  Independence  began  to  have  a  new  meaning  for  us,  although 
it  is  far  from  being  realized  fully  yet. 

This  war  and  our  relation  to  it  will  put  a  new  and  larger  meaning 
into  this  great  Declaration  of  which  every  American  should  be  proud 
and  which  every  American  should  be  determined  to  help  realize  to 
the  fullest  possible  extent.  We  shall  come  to  understand  more  fully 
than  we  do  now  that  the  rights  to  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of 
happiness  are  not  mere  negative  rights  but  positive  rights  calling  not 
merely  for  inaction,  but  for  positive  policies  on  the  part  of  society 
that  they  may  be  fully  realized.  Thus  the  time  shall  be  hastened 
when  no  man  who  is  able  and  willing  to  labor  shall  suffer  for  lack  of 
work;  when  to  every  one  willing  to  do  his  share  the  means  for  living 
a  decent  human  life  shall  be  secured;  when  economic  and  industrial 
liberty  shall  be  recognized  as  essential  elements  in  that  civil  liberty 
chiefly  contemplated  in  the  Declaration. 

Toward  all  this  a  decisive  and  early  victory  over  Germany  and 
her  allies  will  be  greatly  conducive. 

We  ask  you  all  to  enlist  in  this  war  and  for  the  duration  of  this 
war  in  the  trenches,  in  the  factories,  in  the  shipyards,  on  land  and 
on  the  sea,  in  your  own  homes — wherever  you  are  and  whatever  else 
you  may  be  doing — all  the  time  helping  to  create  that  atmosphere 
which  will  insure  sucess. 

I  have  been  asked  to  say  one  word,  and  my  time  limits  do  not 
permit  more,  about  what  our  country  has  already  accomplished  dur- 
ing this  first  year  of  the  war  toward  the  winning  of  it. 

First  of  all  I  wish  to  say  in  a  very  positive  way  that  I  think  our 
achievements  in  this  direction  have  been  truly  remarkable  and  are 
fully  comparable  with  the  best  done  by  other  nations  working  under 
anything  like  similar  conditions,  and  I  think  our  Government  de- 
serves the  respect  and  confidence  of  the  American  people. 

Of  course  we  have  made  mistakes — many  of  them  and  shall 
doubtless  make  many  more — costly,  bitter  mistakes  owing  partly 
to^^that  cockiness  which  is  so  characteristic  of  all  us  Americans; 
partly  owing  to  our  ignorance;  partly  to  our  inefficiency  in  making 
war  to  which  this  generation  is  practically  strange,  for  our  Spanish 
war  was  not  a  war  at  all;  partly  to  our  love  of  individuality  which 
makes  co-operation  difficult;  partly  to  our  ingrained  partiality  for 
competition  instead  of  combination,  etc.,  etc. 

6 


In  spite  of  all  this,  we  have  adopted  a  system  for  recruiting  our 
armies  far  superior  to  anything  we  ever  had  before.  It  has  been 
inaugurated  without  difficulty  and  with  little  trouble,  and  with  the 
full  consent  as  well  as  the  enthusiastic  support  of  the  American  peo- 
ple. It  is  the  most  democratic  plan  we  have  ever  employed  and  with 
a  few  changes  will  rank  with  the  best  schemes  ever  adopted  for  this 
purpose,  viz:  recruiting  the  armies  of  a  free  State  and  providing  for 
their  maintenance  in  man  power  and  equipment. 

We  have  called  a  large  number  of  men  to  the  standards  and  are 
training  them  for  the  various  branches  of  mihtary  and  naval  service 
under,  on  the  whole,  very  satisfactory  conditions,  though  there  have 
been  some  egregious  mistakes  ,  calculated  to  make  us  blush  for  Ameri- 
can inefficiency.  Instances  of  gross  inability,  however,  to  handle 
difficult  situations  are  becoming  less  numerous  as  our  organization 
is  improved. 

Again,  we  have  raised  a  different  kind  of  army  from  any  army 
hitherto  produced  in  the  history  of  mankind, — an  army  of  which  we 
shall  be  increasingly  proud  as  the  months  go  on  and  from  the  training 
of  which  our  country  will  derive  an  advantage  long  after  the  war  is 
over. 

We  have  begun  to  build  and  launch  ships  and  from  all  present 
indications  we  shall  soon  be  turning  out  an  increasing  tonnage.  We 
were  not  a  nation  of  shipbuilders  and  it  takes  time  to  train  men  and 
get  material.  We  are  manufacturing  munitions  and  guns  faster 
than  we  can  get  them  to  the  front,  and  there  is  no  reason  to  suppose 
that  we  shall  break  down  at  any  time  in  this  work. 

Our  aircraft  program  has  from  various  causes  failed  to  meet  our 
reasonable  expectations.  The  full  causes  have  not  yet  been  made 
public  but  it  looks  now  as  if  the  whole  movement  were  going  into  a 
new  era  and  we  shall  speed  up  in  this  department  also. 

We  have  been  successful  in  our  war  finance.  All  our  enter- 
prises have  turned  out  well.  Our  taxes  have  yielded  all  that  was 
expected  of  them.  Our  loans  have  been  over-subscribed,  and  the 
Red  Cross,  Y.  M.  C.  A.,  and  Knights  of  Columbus  campaigns,  fruit- 
ful beyond  our  expectations. 

We  have  been  able  to  meet  all  our  bills  and  lend  in  addition 
large  sums  to  our  Allies  to  help  them  in  their  straits. 

Above  all  and  finally  and  most  important  of  all,  we  have  begun 
to  send  troops  to  the  firing  line. 

7 


We  have  already  done  very  substantial  service  in  helping  to 
meet  the  submarine  danger  and  thus  help  keep  the  ocean  safe  for 
the  transport  of  troops  and  supplies. 

We  have  sent,  nobody  outside  the  War  Department  knows 
really  how  many,  troops  to  France  and  England,  but  my  guess  is 
over  one-half  million.  No  information  has  as  yet  been  given  out 
as  to  how  many  troops  are  actually  on  -the  firing  line. 

But  one  great  fact  stands  out  in  which  we  may  take  profound 
comfort  in  spite  of  regret  that  we  have  not  done  more,  viz:  that  be- 
fore the  close  of  the  first  year  after  the  declaration  of  war,  a  con- 
siderable number  of  American  soldiers  were  actually  engaged  by  the 
side  of  our  English  and  French  comrades  in  defending  the  battle  line 
of  freedom  on  the  bloodstained  fields  of  France.  Coming  to  their 
aid  from  every  part  of  this  country  are  long  lines  of  railway  trains 
filled  to  their  limits  with  American  boys — great  steamers  are  send- 
ing them  by  the  tens  of  thousands  to  the  training  camps  in  France. 
Guns,  amunition,  supplies  of  all  sorts  make  almost  continuous  mov- 
ing lines  from  the  great  forests  of  Washington,  Oregon,  and  the  mines 
of  California,  Nevada,  Arizona,  and  the  wheatfields  and  stockranges 
of  the  whole  North  American  Continent —  ever  on!  ever  on  to  the 
trenches  of  France  and  Belgium ! 

What  does  it  all  mean?  What  can  it  mean  except  victory  for 
our  Allies?  The  Germans  may  take  Amiens;  they  may  take  Paris; 
they  may  take  Calais;  but  the  more  they  take  the  more  they  will 
ultimately  have  to  disgorge.  The  further  they  drive  forward,  the 
longer  the  way  back.  The  greater  their  temporary  victory,  the 
more  crushing  their  final  defeat. 

The  stars  in  their  courses  are  fighting  for  us  and  our  cause,  and 
if  only  we  are  true  to  the  high  ideals  we  have  adopted,  and  show  our- 
selves worthy  of  our  ancestry — in  energy,  in  perseverance,  in  skill, 
and  in  devotion — the  victory,  an  overwhelming  victory  will  be  ours. 

A  victory  for  us  means  victory  for  the  forces  of  righteousness 
and  of  progress;  protection  for  the  small  nation  and  the  small  man, 
for  women  and  children.  It  means  LIBERTY  and  FREEDOM 
for  all! 


UNIVERSITY    OF   ILLINOIS   BULLETIN 

Issued  Weekly 
Vol.  XV  JUNE  17,  1918  No.  42 

Entered  as  second-class  matter  December  11.  1912,  at  the  post  offic  at  Urbana,  Illinois,  under  the  Act 

of  August  24,  1912] 


MILK 


By 
RUTH    WHEELER 

Assistant  Professor  of  Household  Science 


PUBLISHED    BY   THE  UNIVERSITY  OF    ILLINOIS 
Under  the  Direction  of  the  War  Committee 
URBANA 


Use  more  milk;  it  is  an  important  factor  of  safety  in  the  diet 


MILK 

VALUE  OF  MILK  AS  FOOD 

It  is  not  always  easy  to  give  the  family  just  the  proteins  and 
minerals  and  fatty  foods  that  they  must  have  to  maintain  perfect 
health.  Milk  contains  them  all.  It  is  the  most  valuable  of  all 
foods. 

No  proteins  are  better  for  growth  than  milk  proteins. 

No  other  food  contains  so  nearly  perfect  a  balance  of  minerals  for 
building  bones  and  tissues. 

Milk  contains  both  types  of  the  essential  accessory  substances 
without  which  health  and  even  life  is  impossible.  One  of  these  is 
associated  with  milk  fat. 

Other  foods  contain  these  substances  but  few  single  foods  contain 
them  all  in  so  useful  a  form. 

As  a  source  of  protein,  1  quart  of  milk  is  equal  to  7  ounces  of  sirloin 
steak  or  4.3  eggs.  At  15  cents  a  quart,  milk  is  as  cheap  a  source  of 
protein  as  sirloin  steak  at  35  cents  a  pound. 

HOW  TO  USE  IT 

Get  whole  milk.  Use  every  drop  of  it.  Plan  to  use  it  before  it 
sours  unless  you  can  take  time  to  make  use  of  every  bit  of  it  after- 
ward. 

Give  the  children  whole  milk  to  drink.  It  is  a  good  scheme  to 
plan  the  children's  meals  around  milk  as  the  chief  food,  giving  each 
one  quart  a  day,  adding  especially  cereals,  and,  to  supply  the  iron 
which  is  present  in  too  small  amount,  egg  yolk,  green  vegetables, 
spinach,  carrots,  and  peas.  Other  vegetables  and  fruits  are  valuable 
to  keep  the  digestive  system  in  good  condition  as  well  as  for  addition- 
al food. 

Grown-ups  should  each  have  a  pint  of  milk  a  day.  They  may 
divide  theirs  of  they  wish,  having  cream  for  coffee,  cereal,  or  dessert, 
and  skimmed  milk  in  cooked  dishes. 

CARE  OF  MILK 

See  that  your  milk  comes  to  you  clean  and  keep  it  clean.  Visit  the 
dairy  now  and  then. 

Keep  milk  cold  until  you  are  ready  to  use  it.  It  nourishes  bacteria 
as  well  as  human  beings,  and  if  it  is  warm,  bacteria  multiply  rapidly 
in  it. 

When  clean  fresh  milk  is  not  available,  use  condensed  or  dessicated 
milk.     The  unsweetened  varieties  are  better  for  children. 


skimmed'milk  and  butter 

Skimmed  (separated)  milk  has  about  half  the  food  value  of  whole 
milk.     It  is  a  valuable  source  of  minerals  and  of  protein. 

Adults  may  take  their  pint  a  day  in  this  form  if  they  eat  butter  or 
fat  from  meat  and  eggs  or  oleomargarine  made  from  beef  fat.  If  the 
fat  in  the  diet  is  chiefly  nut  butter,  lard,  or  vegetable  oil,  whole  milk 
is  advisable. 

Butter  is  not  indispensable.  If  you  cannot  afford  it  or  the  govern- 
ment for  a  time  should  need  all  there  is,  no  one  who  has  milk  will 
suffer.  On  the  other  hand,  if  you  prefer  butter  and  can  afford  it,  eat 
it  when  the  Food  Administration  does  not  ask  you  to  save  it. 

COTTAGE  CHEESEi 

Cottage  cheese  is  richer  in  protein  than  most  meats  and  is  very 
much  cheaper.  Every  pound  contains  more  than  three  ounces  of 
protein,  the  source  of  nitrogen  for  body  building.  It  Is  a  valuable 
source  of  energy  also,  tho  not  so  high  as  foods  with  more  fat.  It  fol- 
lows that  its  value  in  this  respect  can  be  greatly  increased  by  serving 
it  with  cream. 

Cottage  cheese  alone  is  an  appetizing  and  nutritious  dish.  It  may 
also  be  served  with  sweet  or  sour  cream,  and  some  people  add  a  little 
sugar,  or  chives,  chopped  onion,  or  caraway  seed. 

The  following  recipes  illustrate  a  number  of  ways  in  which  cottage 
cheese  may  be  served: 

Cottage  Cheese  With  Preserves  and  Jellies 

Pour  over  cottage  cheese  any  fruit  preserves,  such  as  strawberries,  figs,  or  cherries. 
Serve  with  bread  or  crackers.  If  preferred,  cottage  cheese  balls  may  be  served  separ- 
ately and  eaten  with  the  preserves.  A  very  attractive  dish  may  be  made  by  dropping 
a  bit  of  jelly  into  a  nest  of  the  cottage  cheese. 

Cottage  Cheese  Salad 

Mix  thorolyone  pound  of  cheese,  one  and  one-half  tablespoons  cream,  one  tablespoon 
chopped  parsley,  and  salt  to  taste.  First,  fill  a  rectangular  tin  mold  with  cold  water 
to  chill  and  wet  the  surface;  line  the  bottom  with  waxed  paper,  then  pack  in  three  layers 
of  the  cheese,  putting  two  or  three  parallel  strips  of  pimiento,  fresh  or  canned,  between 
the  layers.  Cover  with  waxed  paper  and  set  in  a  cool  place  until  ready  to  serve;  then 
run  a  knife  around  the  sides  and  invert  the  mold.  Cut  in  slices  and  serve  on  lettuce 
leaves  with  French  dressing  and  wafers  or  thin  bread-and-butter  sandwiches.  Minced 
olives  may  be  used  instead  of  the  parsley,  and  chopped  nuts  also  may  be  added. 

Cottage  Cheese  Rolls 

(To  be  used  like  meat  rolls) 

A  large  variety  of  rolls,  suitable  for  serving  as  the  main  dish  at  dinner,  may  be  made 
by  combining  legumes  (beans  of  various  kinds,  cowpeas,  lentils,  or  peas)  with  cottage 
cheese,  and  adding  bread  crumbs  to  make  the  mixture  thick  enough  to  form  a  roll. 
Beans  are  usually  mashed,  but  peas  or  small  Lima  beans  may  be  combined  whole  with 
bread  crumbs  and  cottage  cheese,  and  enough  of  the  liquor  in  which  the  vegetables 
have  been  cooked  should  be  added  to  get  the  right  consistency;  or,  instead  of  beans  or 
peas,  chopped  spinach,  beet  tops,  or  head  lettuce  may  be  added. 


iProm  Dairy  Division,  Bureau  of  Animal  Industry,  United  States  Department  of  ARriculture. 


Cheese  Roast 

2  cups  kidney  or  Lima  beans         Bread  crumbs 
1  cup  cottage  cheese  Salt 

Mash  the  beans  or  put  them  thru  a  meat  grinder.  Add  the  cheese  and  enough  bread 
crumbs  to  make  the  mixture  sufficiently  stiff  to  be  formed  into  a  roll.  Bake  in  a  moder- 
ate oven,  basting  occasionally  with  butter  or  other  fat  and  water.  Serve  with  tomato 
sauce.  This  dish  may  be  flavored  with  chopped  onions,  cooked  until  tender  in  butter 
or  other  fat  and  a  very  little  water,  or  chopped  pimientos  may  be  added. 

Cottage  Cheese  and  Nut  Roast 

1  cup  cottage  cheese  2  tablespoons  chopped  onion 

1  cup  chopped  English  walnuts     1  tablespoon  butter 
1  cup  bread  crumbs  Juice  of  a  half  lemon 

Salt  and  pepper 

Cook  the  onion  in  the  butter  or  other  fat  and  a  little  water  until  tender.  Mix  the 
other  ingredients  and  moisten  with  the  water  in  which  the  onion  has  been  cooked.  Pour 
into  a  shallow  baking  dish  and  brown  in  the  oven. 

Cheese  Sauce 

(For  use  with  eggs,  milk  toast,  or  other  dishes) 

1  cup  milk  2  tablespoons  flour 

1  tablespoon  cottage  cheese  Salt  and  pepper 

Thicken  the  milk  with  the  flour  and  just  before  serving  add  the  cheese,  stirring  until 
it  is  melted. 

This  sauce  may  be  used  in  preparing  creamed  eggs  or  for  ordinary  milk  toast.  The 
quantity  of  cheese  in  the  recipe  may  be  increased,  making  a  sauce  suitable  for  using 
with  macaroni  or  rice. 

WHEY 

If  you  make  your  cheese  and  throw  away  the  whey,  you  waste  more 
than  one-fourth  the  total  food  vaKie  of  the  m.ilk. 

Whey  Lemonade^ 

4  cups  whey  Slices  of  lemon,  or  q  little 

6  tablespoons  sugar  grated  or  diced  rind. 

Juice  of  2  lemons  nutmeg,  or  cinnamon 

Whey  Honey^ 

1  cup  whey  j^,  cup  sugar  or 

^2  cup  corn  sirup 

Mix  whey  and  sugar  and  boil  the  mixture  till  it  is  of  the  consistency  of  strained  honey. 
This  sirup  will  keep  indefinitely,  if  properly  bottled,  and  is  delicious  for  spreading  on 
waffles  or  pancakes.  Used  a  little  thinner,  it  makes  an  excellent  pudding  sauce.  Since 
it  requires  no  thickening,  it  is  the  easiest  possible  sauce  to  make. 

iFrom  Circular  109,  United  States  Department  of  Agriculture. 

Don't  begin  your  economizing  by  cutting  down  your  milk  supply 


UNIVERSITY      OF      ILLINOIS       BULLETIN 

Issued  Weekly 
Vol.  XV  JUNE  24,  1918  No.  43 

[Entered   as  second-class  matter  Deceinl)er    ii,    1912,   at  the  post  office   at  Urbana,   Illinois 
under   the   Act   of   August   24,    1912] 


MEAT 


By 

LUCILE    WHEELER 
Associate  in  Household  Science 


PUBLISHED  BY  THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS 

Under  the  DiRrxxioN  of  the  War  Committee 

URBANA 

Only  strict  economy  in  the  consumption  of  meat  at  home  will  allow 
meat  for  the  Allies  and  our  soldiers  abroad. 

Meat  cannot  be  kept  indefinitely.  Therefore,  a  condition  may  arise 
which  will  alter  the  meat  situation  temporarily. 

Watch  the  rules  issued  by  the  Food  Administration. 


MEAT 

WHAT  TO  USE— HOW  TO  USE  IT 

The  necessity  for  a  meatless  day  has  not  disappeared.  A 
different  plan  is  to  reduce  the  amount  of  meat  purchased  and  pre- 
pared each  and  every  day. 

I\Ieat  must  be  saved  now  more  than  ever. 

Before  the  war,  less  than  15,000,000  pounds  of  meat  a  week 
were  exported ;  now,  75,000,000  pounds  a  week  are  called  for. 

If  the  meat  is  consumed  here  it  cannot  be  sent  abroad.  If  each 
one  will  eat  less,  it  can  be  done. 

Fewer  animals  are  being  shipped  to  the  meat  centers.  The 
meat  supply  cannot  be  increased  rapidly,  for  it  requires  time  and 
extensive  acreage.  We  cannot  spare  the  land,  for  land  in  potatoes 
produces  nearly  forty  times  as  much  fool  value  as  medium  grass 
land.  One  acre  yields  six  tons  of  potatoes  or  one  hundred  pounds 
of  meat. 

No  increase  in  the  meat  supply  but  an  increase  in  the  de- 
mands from  abroad  means  that  strict  economy  in  meats  is  the  role  for 
each  to  play  to  help  zviii  the  zvar. 

THE  PROBLEM 

1.  To  conserve  the  meat  supply. 

2.  To  save  the  meats  best  for  export  for  the  allies  and  our 
own  soldiers. 

3.  To  utilize  in  the  best  way  the  perishable  meats  and  those 
not  requisitioned  by  the  government. 

4.  To  vary  and  extend  the  consumption  and  to  prevent  waste 
of  all  meats  and  fats. 

WAYS  TO  SOLVE  IT 

1.  See  meat  before  buying  it.  Telephone  orders  often  prove 
disappointing. 

2.  If  previously  you  have  used  expensive  cuts,  steaks,  and 
roasts  from  heavy  beef,  use  these  sparingly  now.  A  demand  for  only 
the  cheaper  cuts  from  the  rich,  the  well-to-do,  and  the  poor,  causes  a 
rise  in  price  of  cheap  meats.    Equalize  the  demand. 

3.  Save  all  meat  trimmings,  gristle,  bones,  left  overs  from 
choice  cuts,  and  cook  in  stews  and  soups  as  tougher  cuts  of  meat  are 
used.    The  fireless  cooker  helps  here. 

2 


4-  Learn  the  value  of  small  quantities  of  meat.  Use  it  as  a 
flavor  to  a  dish  rather  than  as  the  main  ingredient.  Stews  and  cas- 
serole dishes  are  meat  extenders  as  they  give  meat  flavor  to  a  larger 
amount  of  food ;  they  conserve  the  meat  juices  and  all  the  nutrients 
of  the  vegetables ;  and  they  save  dishes  by  cooking  meat  and 
vegetables  together.  Vary  them  by  using  different  meats  and  vege- 
tables. Meats  with  gravy  go  farther  and  increase  the  amount  of 
potatoes  used.     Omit  bread  at  dinner. 

5.  Use  more  lamb  and  mutton  as  you  use  fish  to  save  beef. 

6.  Use  the  shoulder  and  sides  of  pork,  any  uncured  cuts,  and 
ground  sausage.    Use  ham  occasionally. 

7.  Buy  only  triangular  pieces  of  bacon  and  trimmings  from  the 
army  bacon.  The  boys  over  there  get  the  square  cut.  Bacon  is  the 
ideal  army  meat  ration.    It  is  fuel  for  fighting. 

8.  Save  all  fats — chicken,  beef,  mutton,  pork ;  render  and 
clarify  them.  Use  them  in  frying,  in  spice  cakes,  cookies,  and  bread- 
making.  Fats  are  valuable  not  only  for  food  for  the  soldier  but  as 
the  source  of  glycerine  used  in  explosives. 

POSSIBILITIES  IN   MEAT  COOKERY 

Meat  Cooked  to  Furnish  Gravies  and  Sauces 

Swiss    steak  Pot    roast 

Beef  a  la  mode  Braised  tongue 

Meat  Extenders 

Shepherd's    pie  '  Croquettes 

Tamale  pie  Lcmb    stew 

Hash  Scrapple 

Meats  Which  Should  be  Used  More  Often 

Liver  Creamed  calves'  brains 

Tripe  Chipped  beef 

Stuffed  beef  heart  Sausage 
Minced  kidneys 

RECIPES 

Swiss  Steak 

Use  round  steak  cut  one  to  one  and  one-half  inches  thick.  Cut  off  fat 
from  the  sides  of  the  meat  and  put  in  frying  pan  to  try  out.  Season  meat 
with  salt  and  pepper  and  place  on  a  meat  board.  Dredge  thoroly  with  flour 
on  one  side  and  cut  this  in  by  pounding  with  the  edge  of  a  plate  or  saucer. 
Turn  meat  and  repeat.  Brown  a  few  slices  of  onion  in  the  frying  pan  with 
the  fat,  then  add  the  floured  meat.  Brown  on  each  side.  Cover  with  water 
and  simmer  slowly  two  hours  or  put  in  oven  and  continue  slow  cooking. 
Thicken  the  liquid  for  gravy. 


Beef  a  la  Mode 

Take  a  two  pound  rump  cut  and  remove  bone  (bone  maybe  used  for  soup). 
Sear  meat  in  a  little  fat  to  improve  flavor.  Put  it  in  boiling  salted  water  so 
that  it  is  covered ;  simmer  until  tender ;  keep  covered  with  water.  When 
tender,  draw  off  part  of  broth  and  use  for  gravy.  Then  put  in  one-half  sweet 
pepper  chopped  fine,  one  carrot  cubed,  one  can  tomatoes,  and  allow  to  cook 
down  until  brown  and  serve  with  sauce  that  covers  meat. 

Casserole  or  Pot  Roast 

Brown  a  piece  of  rump  of  beef  in  a  little  fat.  Place  in  casserole  with 
chopped  carrot,  turnip,  onion,  and  celery.  Add  water  to  cover  and  cook 
three  hours  in  hot  oven,  basting  if  necessary.  The  roast  may  be  cooked  in  a 
pot  on  top  of  the  stove  for  part  of  the  time  and  then  transferred  to  the 
oven  when  potatoes  are  added.     Serve  with  thickened  gravy. 

Braised  Tongue 

I  beef  tongue  V3  cup  celerj^,  diced 

Vz  cup  carrots,  diced  i   sprig  parsley 

Yz  cup' onion,  diced  %    cup   peas 

Cook  tongue  slowly  in  water  for  two  hours.  Take  out  and  remove  skin. 
Place  in  baking  dish  with  vegetables.  Add  four  cups  of  sauce.  Cover  close- 
ly and  bake  two  hours,  turning  after  first  hour.  If  canned  peas  are  used,  do 
not  add  at  first  with  uncooked  vegetables. 

Sauce  for  Tongue 

Brown  one-fourth  cup  butter  or  other  fat.  Add  one-fourth  cup 
corn  flour  or  other  substitute  flour  and  stir  till  well  browned.  Add  gradually 
four  cups  of  hot  water  in  which  tongue  was  cooked.  Season  with  salt  and 
pepper  and  one  teaspoon  of  Worcestershire  Sauce  if  desired. 

Shepherd's  Pie 

%   cup  cold  meat — lamb  or  beef  3  tablespoons   drippings 

1  cup  or  more  mashed  potato  3  tablespoons   flour 

Salt  I  pint  liquid — water  or   stock 

Pepper  Few  drops  of  onion  juice 

Cut  meat  in  small  pieces ;  season.  Melt  fat,  add  flour,  and  gradually 
the  liquid,  stirring  constantly  till  it  boils.  Gravy  can  be  used  and  flour 
omitted.  Add  meat  and  pour  in  baking  dish  or  casserole.  Cover  with  mashed 
potato  and  brown  in  oven. 

•     .  ■  Tamale  Pis 

2  cups  corn  meal  i  pound  hamburger  or  lamb 
2%  teaspoons  salt                                        2  cups  tomatoes 

6  cups  boiling  water  %    teaspoon   cayenne  pepper   or 

I  onion  i  small,  chopped  sweet  pepper 

I  tablespoon   fat  i   teaspoon  salt 

Alake  mush  by  stirring  corn  meal  into  boiling  salted  water.     Cook  in  a 

double  boiler  or   fireless   cooker  one   and   one-half  hours.     Brown   onion   in 

fat,  add  meat,  and  stir  until  red  color  disappears.  Add  tomato,  pepper,  and 

4 


salt.     Grease  a  baking  dish ;  put  in  a  layer  of  mush,  then  the  seasoned  meat, 
then  another  layer  of  mush  on  top.     Bake  thirty  minutes. 

Meat  Hash 

Combine  equal  quantities  of  cold,  chopped  boiled  potatoes  and  chopped 
meat  containing  some  fat.  Season  with  salt  and  pepper,  and  moisten  with 
meat  stock,  gravy,  or  milk.  Spread  evenly  in  a  hot  greased  frying  pan.  Heat 
slowly  until  brown  underneath.  Hash  may  also  be  baked.  Vary  recipe  by 
adding  vegetables,  such  as  cooked  beets. 

Baked  Croquettes  and  Meat  Loaf 

Meat  may  be  combined  with  an  equal  amount  of  mashed  potato  or  in 
the  proportion  of  one-third  meat  and  two-thirds  potato.  Various  seasonings, 
such  as  onion  and  celery  salt,  may  be  added.  Moisten  with  milk  or  water  ; 
add  Qi^g  slightly  beaten.  Bake  in  a  bread  tin  or  shape  as  croquettes.  If 
croquettes  are  fried  in  deep  fat,  shape  and  roll  in  egg  and  crumbs. 

Lamb  Stew 

Wipe  and  cut  in  pieces  two  pounds  of  lamb  from  shoulder,  flank,  or 
breast.  Cover  in  kettle  with  boiling  water,  cook  slowly  till  tender,  about  two 
hours.  Add  diced  vegetables — carrot,  turnip,  and  slices  of  onion — after  cook- 
ing one  and  one-half  hours.  Twenty  or  twenty-five  minutes  before  serving, 
add  potato  cut  in  small  pieces.  Make  a  thickening  of  three  tablespoons ful  of 
flour  and  cold  water  to  form  a  smooth  paste  and  add  to  stew,  stirring  till  it 
boils.     Serve  with  more  potatoes  than  usual  and  omit  dumplings. 

Casserole  of   Lamb 

Line  a  casserole,  slightly  greased,  with  steamed  rice.  Fill  center  with 
cooked  mutton  finely  chopped.  Season  highly  with  salt,  pepper,  celery  salt, 
and  onion  juice.  Cover  with  rice.  Heat  in  oven  with  casserole  covered.  If 
desired  to  have  firm  enough  to  turn  out  on  a  platter,  remove  cover  and  brown. 
Serve  with  tomato  sauce.  If  served  in  the  casserole,  add  water,  stock,  or 
gravy  to  mutton  and  rice  when  filling  dish.  Tomatoes  may  also  be  added 
instead  of  using  them  as  a  sauce. 

Scrapple 

7  cups   water  3  teaspoons   salt 

2j/^  cups  cornmeal  2  cups  chopped  meat 

Make  a  mush  of  cornmeal.  Add  meat  and  cook  two  to  three  hours 
in  a  double  boiler  or  fireless  cooker.  Put  in  a  mold  to  cool.  Slice  and 
saute  in  hot  fat.  Cracklings  from  fat  rendering  may  be  used  in  place  of 
meat. 

Sausage  and  Bananas 

Shape  bulk  sausage  as  croquettes  or  use  link  sausages.  Cut  bananas  in 
two  crosswise.  Place  in  frying  pan  alternately  with  sausage.  Cook  slowly 
on  top  of  stove  or  in  oven,  basting  occasional!}'  till  bananas  are  done  and 
slightlv  browned. 


Beef  Heart 

Wash  heart,  remove  veins  and  arteries.  Stuff  vi^ith  dressing  and  sew  or 
tie.  Roll  in  flour,  sprinkle  with  salt,  and  brown  in  hot  fat.  Place  in  casserole, 
add  water  to  half  cover,  and  cook  slowly  two  hours.  Turn  once  or  twice 
during  cooking.  When  done,  thicken  liquid  and  season  for  gravy.  The 
heart  may  be  cut  in  small  pieces  and  cooked  with  rice  or  potatoes  as  a 
casserole  dish.  Other  vegetables,  such  as  onion,  carrot,  green  pepper,  celery, 
may  be  added. 

Dressing 

1  cup  stale  Victory  bread  crumbs  %   teaspoon  pepper 

2  tablespoons  fat  Few  drops  onion  juice 
1/4   teaspoon  salt  ■'4:-/^  cup  hot  water 

Calves'  Brains 

Soak  one  hour  in  cold  water.  Remove  membrane  and  parboil  twenty 
minutes  in  salted  water  to  which  a  little  vinegar  or  lemon  juice  has  been 
added.  Drain  and  put  in  cold  water.  When  cold,  separate  in  small  pieces.- 
Use  as  sweetbreads  in  various  ways  as  follows : 

1.  Add  chopped  celery,  green  pepper,  pimiento,  and  mix  with  mayonnaise. 
Serve  on  lettuce. 

2.  Reheat  in  medium  thick  white  sauce  and  serve  in  timbale  cases  or  with 
mashed  potato  rosettes.     Mushrooms  may  be  added. 

3.  Mix  in  a  fritter  batter.  Fry  by  dropping  by  spoonfuls  in  deep  fat 
or  saute  in  greased  muffin  rings  arranged  in  a  frying  pan. 

Fritter  Batter 

%   cup  flour  -^/i-/^   cup  milk 

I  teaspoon  baking  powder  i    egg 

Vs   teaspoon  salt 

Minced  Kidney  on  Toast 

Trim  kidneys,  removing  white  fat  from  center,  cut  in  thin  slices,  dredge 
with  flour,  and  saute  with  a  thinly  sliced  onion.  Other  seasonings,  such  as 
green  pepper  and  celery  salt,  may  be  added  to  the  gravy.  When  brown, 
add  one  pint  water  or  stock.  Simmer  gently  for  five  minutes.  More  flour 
may  be  needed  to  thicken  the  gravy.  Serve  on  Victory  bread  toast  or  with 
mashed  potatoes.  Kidneys  should  be  cooked  only  a  short  time,  or  they  be- 
come toughened. 

Jellied  Veal 

Have  a  knuckle  of  veal  divided  into  small  pieces  (bone  should  be  sawed). 
Put  in  kettle  and  cover  with  boiling  water.  For  seasonings,  add  onion,  a  bit 
of  bay  leaf,  summer  savory,  thyme,  and  marjoram.  Cook  slowly  until  tender. 
Strain  off  liquid  and  concentrate  to  about  one  to  one  and  one-half  cups, 
depending  upon  the  amount  of  meat.  Separate  meat  from  any  gristle  and  cut 
into  small  pieces.  Put  slices  of  hard  cooked  egg  in  the  bottom  of  a  mold. 
Put  over  them  a  little  liquid  and  allow  to  set  to  hold  in  place.    Add  a  layer  of 

'6 


seasoned  veal,  mixed  with  celery  and  chopped  parslej^  alternately  with  a 
layer  of  hard  cooked  eggs.  Press  meat,  pour  over  liquid,  and  chill.  If 
meat  containing  little  bone  and  connective  tissue  is  used,  gelatin  maj'  be  added 
to  liquid  to  insure  its  forming  a  firm  loaf  when  chilled. 

Mutton  Fat  for  Cooking^ 

2  parts  mutton  fat  V2   pint  whole  milk  to  every 

I  part  lard  2  pounds  mixed   fat 

Heat  mutton  fat  and  leaf  lard,  which  have  been  put  thru  a  meat  grinder, 
together  in  a  double  boiler  with  the  milk.  The  fat  is  rendered  and  when 
allowed  to  cool,  forms  a  cake  which  is  removed  from  the  surface  of  the 
liquid.  When  small  amounts  are  rendered,  the  liquid  may  be  lost  thru 
evaporation. 

Savory  Fat^ 

I  pound  mutton  fat  i   teaspoon  ground  thyme  or 

I  onion  mixed  herbs  tied  in  small  cloth 

I  sour   apple 

Heat  at  low  temperature  until  apple  and  onion  are  thoroly  browned. 
Strain  off  fat.  This  may  be  used  in  place  of  butter  or  fat  in  frying  or  on 
vegetables. 

Use  of  Mutton  Fat 

In  making  gravies,  it  is  more  satisfactory  to  combine  flour  and  mutton 
fat  and  then  add  the  liquid  than  to  add  flour  to  the  liquid  for  thickening. 
Mutton  fat  is  useful  in  white  sauces  for  combining  croquette  ingredients  or 
in  tomato  sauces. 

INDIVIDUAL  WEEKLY  CONSUMPTION   OF  MEAT     . 

United  States,  191 5,  average  consumption,  3%  pounds 
England  and  the  allies,  1918,  compulsory  ration,  i}^  pounds 
Germany,  1918,  compulsory  ration,  ^  pound 

Can  we  do  as  well  as  England  and  France  ?  Can  we,  on  a  volun- 
tary ration,  find  one  and  one-fourth  pounds  of  meat,  not  including 
fish  and  poultry,  per  person  per  week  enough? 

SUGGESTIONS   FOR  SAVING  MEAT 

Buy   smaller  quantities 
Prepare  smaller  quantities 
Eat  smaller  quantities 

Use  more  milk  and  milk  products 
Use  more  vegetables 
Use  meat  substitutes 
Use  meat  extenders 


^Bulletin  526,  "Mutton  and  its  value  in  the  diet,"  United  States  Department  of  Agriculture. 

7 


REFERENCES 

Published  by  the  United  States  Department  of  Agriculture,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Bulletin  526,  Mutton  and  its  value  in  the  diet 

Bulletin  391,  Economical  use  of  meat  in  the  home 

Leaflet  5,  Make  a  little  meat  go  a  long  way 
Published  by  the   Agricultural   Experiment   Station,    University   of    Illinois, 

Urbana 

Circular  206,  Essentials  in  the  selection  of  beef 
Published  by  the  State  Council  of  Defense,  120  West  Adams  Street,  Chicago 

Official  recipe  book,  price  ten  cents 


If  we  don't  like   potato  without  meat  at  home,   would  we  in  the 
trenches?     Let  us  be  sure  the  soldiers  have  meat. 


LOYALTY  DF.MANDS  THAT  WE  ALL 

Save  !  I^an  !  Give  !  Work  !  Fight 

Save  food  !       Save  fuel !       Save  money  ! 

We  must  feed  the  allies  as  well  as  ourselves.  The  ships  and 
munitions  factories  need  the  coal.  The  Government  needs  the 
money. 

Loan!  Loan  yoitr  money  to  the  Government.  A  Liberty  Bond 
is  a  certificate  of  your  faith  in  the  justice  of  the  cause  for  which  we 
are  fighting. 

Give!  Give  generously  to  relieve  the  sufferings  of  the  destitute 
and  to  add  to  the  comforts  and  happiness  of  the  victims  of  the  war, 
and  to  make  things  as  easy  as  possible  in  camp  for  our  own  boys. 
Give  to  as  many  of  the  authorized  organizations  and  causes  as  you 
can.  They  are  too  numerous  to  mention  separately,  but  some  are 
known  to  us  all,  so 

Give  to  the  Red  Cross ! 

Give  to  the  Army  Y.  M.  C.  A. ! 

Give  to  the  Knights  of  Columbus  ! 
and  to  all  other  authorized  worthy  organizations  and  movements  for 
the  cause. 

Work!  Work  in  the  Red  Cross!  Work  in  the  field  or  the 
garden !  Work  at  whatever  you  can  find  to  do  to  help  win  the  war ! 

ficiht!    Fight  if  vou  can.    It  is  in  man's  cause  and  God's. 


UNIVERSITY    OF   ILLINOIS    BULLETIN 


Vol.  XV 


ISSUKD    WkeKLY 

JULY  22,  1918 


No.  47 


[Entered  as  second-class  matter   Dccemljer    ii,    1912,   at  the  post   oflice  at   Urliana,    Illinois 
under  the  Act  of  August  24,    191-2] 


SUGAR  IN  WAR  TIME 


By 

VIOLy\  J.  ANDERSON 
Instructor  in  Household  Science 


PUBLISHED     BY     THE     WAR     COMMITTEE 
OF  THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS 
URBANA 


Of  all  the  sweets  available,  why  use  here  the  one  which  is  needed  abroad 


SUGAR  IN  WAR  TIME 

THE  SITUATION 

Due  largely  to  lack  of  ships  the  stores  of  sugar  in  the  United  States 
have  materially  decreased.  The  largest  part  of  our  cane  sugar  comes  from 
Cuba,  Porto  Rico,  and  Hawaii,  and  while  some  beet  sugar  has  been  produced 
in  the  United  States,  it  does  not  yet  constitute  more  than  twenty-two  per- 
cent of  the  total  sugar  used.  The  shortage  in  England,  France,  and  Italy  is 
much  more  serious  than  in  the  United  States,  because  of  the  greater  distances 
to  be  covered  in  the  transportation  of  cane  sugar,  and  because  the  beet  sugar 
industry  in  France,  which  supplied  all  her  sugar  needs  and  even  allowed  her 
to  export  a  little,  was  paralyzed  at  once  at  the  beginning  of  the  war.  Ninety- 
five  percent  of  the  sugar  beet  factories  in  France  were  in  the  territory  first 
occupied  by  the  enemy  in  1914  and   1915. 

The  amount  of  sugar  used  in  the  United  States  has  been  enormous,  and 
is  increasing  from  year  to  year.  A  comparison  between  our  consumption 
per  capita  in  1917  and  in  former  years  is  shown  in  the  following  table,  and, 
for  further  comparison,  the  sugar  rations  of  the  allies  for  the  present  year 
are  included.     This  does  not  seem  to  show  a  fair  division  among  friends. 

Yearly  Per  Capita  Consumption  of  Sugar  in  The  United  States 

1892-93 60.70  pounds       1907-08 74.11  pounds 

1897-98 47.55  pounds       1912-13 85.04  pounds 

1902-03 78.92  pounds       1917-18 84.35  pounds 

Weekly  Allowances  of  Sugar  Among  The  Allies  in  1918 

Italyi  y^  pound      England  ^  pound 

France  34  pound      United  Statee^  ^  pound 

1.  Less  than  this  is  actually  used.     The  ration  limits  the  wealthy,  while  the  poorer  classes 
doubtless   get   very  little. 

2.  Amount  suggested  by  the   Food  Administration. 

MEETING  THE  SITUATION 

Manufacturers  in  the  United  States  who  use  sugar  are  limited  in  most 
cases  to  eighty  percent  of  their  pre-war  supply.  In  the  home  we  can  easily 
set  for  ourselves  a  lower  limit  than  this.  The  Food  Administration  suggests 
a  ration  of  three-fourths    of  a  pound  per  person  per  week. 

Many  sweets  can  be  used  that  do  not  contain  granulated  sugar,  such  as 
fresh  and  dried  fruits,  corn  and  maple  sirups,  maple  sugar,  honey,  molasses. 
The  most  important  of  these  at  present  is  corn  sirup. 

The  sugar  in  these  sweets  has  the  same  food  value  as  granulated  sugar, 
and  their  flavors  make  them  more,  rather  than  less,  desirable. 

Give  the  children  plenty  of  fruit. 

Serve  dates,  fifis,  prunes,  raisins,  and  use  them  in  cooking. 

Use  fruits  and  salads,  instead  of  puddings  and  pastries. 

Sweeten  desserts  zvith  sirups.  Use  sirups  with  candied  fruits,  preserves, 
and  jellies. 

When  candy  is  eaten,  let  it  be  marshmallows,  gum  drops  and  glaccd  nuts, 
rather  than  chotcolate  creams  and  bonbons. 


RECIPES 

In  these  recipes,  substitutes  for  wheat  flour — corn,  potato,  oats,  barley, 
rice — should  be  used,  as  usual.  Use  mixtures  found  successful  in  other  re- 
cipes. 

For  fats  other  than  butter,  use  oleo  and  vegetable  fats,  or  with  spiced 
puddings  and  cookies,  clarified  drippings  from  meats. 

General  Directions  For  The  Use  of  Sirups  in  Baking 

It  is  possible  to  bake  without  using  any  granulated  sugar.  Corn  sirup, 
honey,  maple  sugar,  maple  sirup,  and  molasses  will  sweeten  mufifins,  cakes, 
and  cookies.  In  using  corn  sirup,  however,  it  is  well  to  remember  that  it 
contains  some  water,  and  its  sugars  are  less  sweet  than  granulated  sugar. 
When  using  one  cup  of  this  sirup,  the  liquid  called  for  by  the  recipes  may 
be  reduced  by  approximately  one-fourth  cup.  One  cup  of  the  sirup  will  have 
a  little  less  sweeten  power  than  three-fourths  of  a  cup  of  sugar.  In  the 
very  sweet  cakes  it  is  not  satisfactory  to  use  all  sirup  and  no  sugar.  The 
product  is  very  gummy,  and  falls.  However,  one  cup  of  sirup  may  be  used 
to  one  and  three-fourths  cups  of  flour  with  fair  success.  In  some  of  the 
following  recipes  three-fifths  of  a  cup  of  sirup  has  been  allowed  to  two-fifths 
of  a  cup  of  sugar,  since  this  is  found  to  give  very  good  results. 

The  sweetening  power  of  honey  is  practically  eqtial  to  that  of  sugar,  cup 
for  cup.  A  little  less  than  one-fourth  of  a  cup  of  liquid  should  be  subtracted 
from  the  recipe  for  each  cup  of  honey  used.  Since  honey  is  acid,  soda  should 
be  used,  as  with  molasses,  but  it  is  seldom  necessary  to  allow  more  than  one- 
fourth  teaspoon ful  of  soda  to  one  cup  of  honey. 

Griddle   Cakes 

I  y^    cups   flour    (corn,   rice,   barley)  2    tablespoons    corn    sirup 

3    teaspoons    baking    powder  i    egg 

1  teaspoon   salt  i    tablespoon    fat 

I  /4    cups  milk 

Mix  and  sift  dry  ingredients.  Add  milk,  sirup,  and  beaten  egg,  mixed  together,  and 
then  add  the  melted  fat. 

Griddle  cakes  made  with  sirups  brown  unusually  well. 

Muffins 

2  tablespoons    melted    fat  i    cup    mashed    potato 
2    tablespoons    corn    sirup                                        x   cup  corn  meal 

I    egg,   well   beaten  4    teaspoons   baking   powder 

1  cup    milk  I   teaspoon  salt 

Mix  in   order   given. 

The  batter  should   be   a   little   stiffer   than   batter   for   wheat   muffins. 

Yellow  Honey  Cakes 

Yi    cup    fat  K   teaspoon   soda 

i/i    cup    honey  .  i    teaspoon   baking   powder 

2  eggs  Yi   teaspoon  salt 

1/3    cup   milk  Yi    teaspoon   flavoring 

I Y^   cups   flour    (barley,   rice,   corn) 

Heat  the  fat,  honey,  and  milk  until  Ijlended.  Add  yolks,  and  when  cool,  the  dry  in- 
gredients, mixed  and  sifted  together.  Add  flavoring.  Cut  and  fold  in  the  beaten  whites. 
Bake   in  a  moderate  oven   for   thirty   to   forty   minutes. 

Honey  Devil's  Food 

Yi    cup    fat  -'  Y2    cup    milk 

1  cup   honey  i  ^    cups   barley    or    other    flour 

2  squares    chocolate  Yi    teaspoon    soda 

I    egg  I    teaspoon   baking   powder 

Y&    teaspoon    salt 

Heat  the  fat,  honey,  and  chocolate  until  blended.  Add  yolks,  and  when  cool,  the  milk 
and  sifted  dry  ingredients,  alternately.  Fold  in  the  beaten  whites.  Bake  in  a  moderate 
oven  forty  minutes. 


Foundation   Cake 

J4    cup  fat  2    eggs 

3/5    cup    sirup  194    cups   flour    (barley,   rice,   corn) 

2/5    cup    sugar  2   teaspoons  baking  powdei 

1/3    cup    milk  1/16   teaspoon    salt 

Cream  the  fat,  and  mix  thoroly  with  the  corn  sirup,  sugar,  and  eggs.  Add  dry  in- 
gredients, mixed  and  sifted  together.  Pour  into  an  oiled  pan,  and  bake  in  a  moderate 
oven  for  half  an   hour. 

Vanilla,  almond,  chocolate,  or  other  flavoring,  cliopped  nuts,  or  chopped  dates,  may 
be  added  to  this  foundation. 

Sirup  may  replace  all  tlie  sugar.     The  cake  will  be  of  poorer  texture,  but  a  fair  product. 

.    ,, .  ;    ,,      ;,  Steamkp  PirnniNG 

'-■'       yi   cup  fat     ■    '■'■''  3^   cup   flour    (rice  or  corn) 

.  .   ;'       1/2    cup   corn   sirup  .  >    1/3    teaspoon    soda 

I   egg  '     '          "                Ya    teaspoon    salt 

Vi   cup  graham  flour  2/3   cup   raisins,    flgs,   or   dates 

Cream  the  fat,  .and  mix  thoroly  with  the  corn  sirup  and  egg.  Add  dry  ingredients 
mixed  and  sifted  together,  and  the  dried  fruit.  Turn  into  an  oiled  mold,  cover,  and  steam 
two  and  one-half  hours. 

■   ■  •"  Gingerbread 

I   cup  molasses  ■  ,    '  i^    teaspoon   ginger 

Yi    cup   boiling   water  '  ^    teaspoon    salt 

2Y4    cup   flour    (rice,    barley,    corn)  4   tablespoons  fat 

I    teaspoon    soda  i    egg,   well   beaten 

Blend  molasses  with  water.  Add  dry  ingredients,  mixed  and  sifted  together.  Add 
egg  and  melted  fat.     Beat   well.      Bake  in   a  moderate  oven. 

Spite  Cookies 

Ya    cup    fat  Y2    teaspoon   baking   powder 

Y2    cup    corn    sirup  Ya    cup    raisins 

1  egg  y^   teaspoon   cinnamon 

iYa    cup,   or   more,   flour    (rice,   barley,   corn)    Yii    teaspoon    clove,    mace,    nutmeg 
Mix  in  order  giv.en.     Enough  flour  should  be  used  to  make  a  stiff  dougli.     Roll  to  one- 
eighth   inch  in  thickness,  cut,  and  bake  in  moderate   oven. 

Maple  Icing 

^/a    cup   maple   sirup  i    egg   white 

Ya    cup    corn    sirup  licalen    until    stiff 

Cook  the  mixture  of  sirups  until  a  long  thread  forms,  when  it  is  dropped  from  the 
spoon.     Pour  slowly  over  egg  white,  lieat  until  smooth  and  stiff,   and  spread  over  cake. 

Maple  Cream 

2  cups  maple  sugar  Pinch   of   salt 

Ya    cup   milk  I    tablespoon   butter 

Cook  sugar,  milk,   and  salt  together,   until   a   soft  ball   forms  when  tried   in   cold   water, 

or  until  thermometer  registers  ii3°C.     Cool  slightly,  and  then  beat  until  creamy.      Chopped 
nuts   may   be   added. 

t  Rolled  Fruit  '        ' 

I    pound    dates  Ya    pound    nut    meats 

2/3    cup    raisins  2   tablespoons   orange  juice 

Wash  fruit,  stone  the  dates,  and  put  fruit  with  nuts  thru  a  meat  chopper.  Blend 
thoroly  with  orange  juice.  Let  stand  for  twenty-four  hours.  Mold  into  shape.  Shapes 
may  be  rolled  in  a  little  granulated  sugar  or  grated  cocoanut  which  has  been  dried  and 
slightly  browned  in  the  oven. 

Stuffed  Prunes 

Select  sweet  prunes.  Soak  over  night.  Dry,  open  carefully,  remove  stones,  and  stuff 
with  chopped  raisins   and  nuts.     Roll   in  granulated  sugar. 


UNIVERSITY    OF    ILLINOIS    BULLETIN 

Issued  Weekly 

Vol.  XV  AUGUST   1,  1918  No.  48 

[Entered  as  second-class  matter   December    ii,   1912,  at  the  post   office  at  Urbana,   Illinois 
under  the  Act  of  August  24,    19:2] 


THE  GREAT  CONDITION 


By 

DAVID  KINLEY 
Professor  of  Economics 


PUBLISHED    BY     THE    WAR    COMMITTEE 
OF  THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS 
URBANA 


This  pamphlet  contains  the  sub- 
stance of  an  address  given  before 
the  Illinois  Veterinary  Association 
July  10,  1918. 


THE  GREAT  CONDITION 

"There  can  be  but  one  issue.  The  set- 
tlement must  be  final.  There  can  be 
no  compromise." — President  Wilson 

Peace  that  is  not  conclusive  is  not  worth  having.  The  con- 
clusiveness of  peace  depends  on  the  attainment  of  the  righteous 
purpose  of  the  war.  Peace  terms  proposed  in  the  hope  that  mere 
cessation  of  war  and  bloodshed  will  satisfy  the  combatants  or 
restore  harmony  and  goodwill,  are  futile  and  foolish.  The  loss  of 
a  life,  or  of  a  million  lives,  is  not  the  worst  thing  that  could  happen 
to  the  world.    There  are  things  more  precious  than  life. 

If  these  statements  are  true,  and  I  take  it  that  we  all  agree 
that  they  are,  the  flabby  peace-monger  is  worse  than  foolish.  He  is 
dangerous.  He  asks  for  peace  not  to  establish  principle  but  to 
avoid  danger  and  trouble  and  unsightliness.  His  moral  sense  is 
perverted.  His  scale  of  moral  values  is  unsound.  He  would  stroke 
the  back  of  the  hissing  rattlesnake  because  of  the  mottled  beauty  of 
its  skin.  He  would  pacify  the  untamed  tiger  by  scratching  his  ears 
and  offering  him  a  bit  of  the  raw  beef  he  is  struggling  for.  The 
snake  may  respond  to  the  patting.  The  tiger  will  seek  to  fill  his 
stomach  with  more  meat,  even  though  it  be  that  of  the  peace  offerer 
himself. 

The  people  among  us  who  say  they  wish  peace  may  be 
grouped  roughly  into  three  classes ;  the  "peace  at  any  price"  people  ; 
the  "peace  by  discussion"  people ;  and  the  "peace  by  principle" 
people. 

The  first  group,  again,  includes  several  sub-groups.  There 
are,  in  the  first  place,  some  sincere  souls  who  look  on  war  and 
bloodshed  as  wrong  in  themselves  and  believe  that  no  end  which 
these  can  attain  can  be  justifiable,  because  of  the  sinfulness  of  the 
means.  They  are  children  horrified  by  a  nightmare  and  do  no  harm 
excepting  when,  like  children,  they  get  in  our  way.  Because  they 
can  make  the  tiger  purr  with  their  music  when  his  belly  is  full,  they 
think  they  can  do  it  when  he  is  roused  by  hunger. 

Then  there  are  the  cowards — not  many  among  us,  thank  God ! 

3 


— who  would  rather  risk  a  master's  lash  than  the  loss  of  a  hand  or 
the  sight  of  bloodshed. 

Beside  them  is  the-  traitor  who  lauds  the  beauties  of  peace 
because  his  purse  is  filled  and  he  is  false  to  the  nation  that  has  be- 
friended him.  The  undeveloped,  the  coward,  and  the  traitor  are 
all  in  this  group  together. 

The  peace  by  discussion  people  are  also  peace  by  compromise 
people  and  are  found  chiefly  among  those  who  think  that  they 
enhance  their  reputations  for  being  judicial,  by  proclaiming  that  in 
a  contest  like  this  there  surely  must  be  wrong  and  right  on  both 
sides.  They  are  long  on  pose  but  short  on  facts.  They  emphasize 
the  iniquity  of  Great  Britain  towards  the  American  colonies,  but 
forget  to  mention  the  establishment  of  the  South  African  Federa- 
tion. They  have  nothing  to  say  about  the  moral  magnanimity  of 
America  in  freeing  Cuba  but  much  about  her  treatment  of  the 
Indians  and  the  iniquities  of  the  Mexican  War.  Some  of  them 
tell  us  that  they  lived  long  in  Germany  and  never  saw  any  exhibition 
of  the  evil  spirit  that  the  world  is  now  condemning  in  Germany. 

This  group  has  its  organs  of  expression  largely  in  certain 
eastern  journals.  One  of  these  journals  recently  discussed  the 
problem  of  peace  terms  and  suggested  that  if  Germany  and  her 
allies  would  withdraw  from  Belgium  and  France,  give  Belgium 
proper  indemnity  to  restore  her  ravaged  territory,  and  withdraw 
her  armies  from  the  other  territories  which  she  now  occupies,  it 
would  be  fair  to  restore  her  colonies  and  cry  quits.  The  writer 
argued  that  we  would  thus  have  restored  conditions  to  what  they 
were  before  the  war,  and  that,  therefore,  nobody  would  have  lost. 
These  people  are  deeply  impressed  with  the  highly  moral  talk  of  the 
German  government  as  seen,  for  example,  in  the  German  reply  to 
the  Pope's  peace  proposals  of  some  months  ago.  The  German 
government  is  said  to  have  agreed  with  Pope  Benedict  '"that  in  the 
future,  the  material  power  of  arms  must  be  superseded  by  the  moral 
power  of  right."  But  shall  we  be  content  to  let  a  highway  robber  go 
free  because  when  he  is  caught  by  superior  force  in  his  robbery  he 
offers  to  restore  what  he  has  taken  and  go  about  his  business?  Is 
it  not  our  duty  to  see  to  it  that  he  changes  his  business  or  is  put 
under  limitations  which  will  make  its  future  pursuit  impossible?  It 
is  true,  as  the  Nezv  York  Tribune  has  remarked,  that  "the  outlaw 
and  outcast  is  willing  to  be  reinstated  in  a  new  society  of  nations, 

4 


but  only  on  his  own  terms,  which  include  no  sackcloth  and  ashes  on 
his  part  for  the  infamies  of  the  past." 

We  cannot  plumb  the  depths  of  the  futility  of  the  ''peace  by 
discussion"  proposals  without  an  understanding  of  the  German 
peace  proposals.  In  Germany,  as  elsewhere,  there  are  various 
groups  of  "would-be  peace  makers."  There  are  some  in  Germany 
who  talk  of  peace  without  annexation  and  would  give  back  to  all 
belligerents  the  territory  which  they  had  at  the  outbreak  of  the  war, 
provided  Germany  be  left  with  a  consolidated  influence  or  power 
over  Central  Europe  and  the  Near  East.  There  are  those  who  would 
restore  the  Pre- War  status  in  territory  and  let  each  belligerent  and 
victim  bear  its  own  burden  of  rehabilitation.  A  large  party  demands 
the  increase  of  German  sea-power  with  seaports  on  the  coast  of 
Belgium  and  France,  and  the  coal  mining  districts  of  the  latter. 
Another  demands  the  realization  of  the  dream  of  "mittel  Europa." 
Another  adds  to  this  the  dream  of  "BerHn  to  Bagdad."  Others 
insist  on  the  restoration  of  a  colonial  empire,  not  in  the  scattered 
fragments  which  made  up  the  colonies  which  she  has  lost,  but  in  a 
solid  block  of  territory  and  people  from  the  East  to  the  West  coast 
of  Africa,  so  that  in  the  years  to  come  Germany  could  arm  millions 
of  black  men  and,  from  that  vantage  point,  once  more  reach  out  for 
the  domination  of  the  world.  There  are  others  who  would  be  con- 
tent with  annexations  of  Russian  territory.  Be  it  noted  that  some, 
if  not  all,  of  these  programs  include  freedom  of  the  seas — FOR 
GERMANY — meaning  that  Germany  must  have  coaling  stations 
and  a  fleet  such  that  no  other  power  would  dare  attack  her.  Then 
Germany  must  have  a  controlling  influence  in  South  America,  and 
that  continent  must  be  open  to  her  colonists  to  live  in  and  keep  up 
their  duty  to  their  home  country.  To  the  Pan-Germans  who  look 
westward,  the  enemy  has  been  Great  Britain.  To  those  who  look 
eastward,  the  great  enemy  was  Russia.  To  both,  the  great  enemy 
has  now  become  America. 

The  real  import  of  the  "peace  by  understanding  and  discus- 
sion" proposition  is  shown  by  the  statement  of  Paul  Lensch,  a  Ger- 
man Socialist,  made  only  last  October.  He  declares  that  such  a 
peace  "would  be  for  Great  Britain  the  greatest  defeat  in  its  history 
and  the  beginning  of  its  ruin."  Again,  he  tells  us  that  Germany  has 
a  great  and  immense  advantage  "in  the  fact  that  Germany  will  have 
won  the  war,  if  she  does  not  lose  it,  whereas  England  will  have  lost 
the  war  if  she  does  not  win  it"    That  was  written,  note  you,  at  the 

5 


time  when  our  efforts  were  regarded  as  negligible,  and  the  same 
remark  will  now  apply  to  us.  This  same  writer  tells  his  countrymen 
that  they  are  too  impatient.  He  warns  them  that  it  will  be  a  score 
or  more  of  years  before  the  economic  and  political  disintegration 
which  the  war  has  started  will  show  themselves.  "Then",  he  tells 
us,  "the  true  time  of  harvest  will  have  come."  Being  pious,  as  well 
as  patriotic,  he  also  tells  his  fellowcountrymen  that  the  Biblical 
phrase  applies  in  their  case, — "Seek  ye  first  the  kingdom  of  God, 
and  all  these  things  shall  be  added  unto  you".  "First  bring  about 
the  peace  by  understanding,  which  guarantees  German  political  in- 
dependence, territorial  integrity  and  freedom  of  economic  develop- 
ment, then  Germany  will  have  shown  herself  so  strong  that  all 
these  things  shall  be  added  unto  her." 

These  are  the  views  of  various  parties  in  the  German  Empire. 
The  government,  while  neither  expressly  accepting  nor  rejecting 
any  of  the  programs  has  held  itself  in  a  position  to  adopt  any  or  all 
of  them  according  to  the  military  conditions  at  the  close  of  the  war. 
In  other  words,  the  peace  proposals  of  the  German  government 
have  varied  inversely  with  their  military  successes.  We  have  be- 
come accustomed  to  see  a  German  peace  offensive  follow  a  failure 
of  German  military  offensive,  but  in  the  intervals  of  German  military 
success  the  spirit  and  intention  of  the  government  appears  to  have 
been  on  the  side  of  the  extremest  demands  that  any  one  of  the 
parties  of  the  people  has  made.  The  military  party  in  Germany, 
the  German  autocracy,  the  German  government,  will  undoubtedly 
adopt  as  its  program  of  peace  conditions  the  program  of  the  most 
extreme  party  zvhich  it  feels  sure  it  can  get.  Hence  it  is  that  the 
German  reply  to  the  Pope's  note,  for  example,  like  all  their  other 
peace  propositions,  was  general  and  vague.  On  certain  matters, 
however,  the  government  has  made  its  views  evident.  For  example, 
Germany  must  have  economic  privileges  in  Belgium  and  must 
dominate  Belgian  policy,  if  Belgium  is  restored  at  all.  As  the 
Chancellor  said  to  Mr.  Gerard,  "We  must  possibly  have  the  forts 
of  Liege  and  Namur.  We  must  have  other  forts  and  garrisons 
throughout  Belgium.  We  must  have  possession  of  the  railroad 
lines.  We  must  have  possession  of  the  ports  and  other  means  of 
communication.  The  Belgians  will  not  be  allowed  to  maintain  an 
army,  but  we  must  be  allowed  to  retain  a  large  army  in  Belgium. 
We  must  have  commercial  control  of  Belgium." 

But  on  one  point  the  government  and  the  separate  groups  of 

6 


people  in  Germany  are  all  agreed.  It  is  that  the  settlement  of  the 
war  shall  secure  enlarged  power  and  increased  resources  for  Ger- 
many at  the  expense  of  somebody.  Along  with  this  declaration 
goes  the  refusal,  sometimes  tacit  and  sometimes  expressed,  to  admit 
that  her  aggression  on  her  neighbors  for  her  own  aggrandizement  is 
wrong  and  must  not  be  repeated.  The  consideration  of  this  point 
brings  us  to  a  discussion  of  the  aims  of  the  third  group  of  peace 
advocates  mentioned  at  the  beginning,  the  "peace  by  principle" 
people. 

This  group  of  our  own  people,  comprising  without  doubt  a 
vast  majority  of  those  who  desire  to  see  peace  re-established,  are 
those  who  take  the  ground  that  the  primary  condition  of  the  restor- 
ation of  peace  is  the  establishment  of  a  certain  fundamental  principle 
of  political  morality  which  Germany  has  violated.  \'ariously 
phrased,  this  principle  is  that  might  does  not  make  right  in  inter- 
national dealings  any  more  than  in  individual  affairs ;  that  no  nation 
may  now  commit  with  impunity,  acts  of  aggression  upon  its  neigh- 
bors ;  that  civilization  may  not  again  be  trampled  on  in  war  by 
outrages  that  break  down  centuries  of  progress  of  law  and  order; 
that  war,  even  if  it  must  be  waged,  shall  not  be  carried  on  under  a 
policy  of  frightfulness,  an  attempt  to  terrorize  the  world  by  murder. 
outrage,  and  destruction.  To  establish  the  principle  thus  variously 
expressed,  is  the  GREAT  CONDITION  of  peace.  To  end  the  war 
without  establishing  this  principle,  either  by  Germany's  voluntary 
acceptance  of  it  or  her  compulsory  submission  to  it,  will  be  to  lose 
the  war.  To  fail  to  establish  this  principle,  at  any  price  in  blood  and 
wealth,  will  be  simply  to  give  a  breathing  space  to  the  forces  of  evil 
to  become  stronger  for  a  second  effort  to  bring  the  world  under  the 
domination  of  the  opposite  principle. 

On  this  matter  we  cannot  be  too  clear,  too  specific,  too  em- 
phatic, too  determined.  The  only  terms  of  peace  which  America 
and  her  Allies  can  accept  or  even  listen  to,  for  the  sake,  I  will  not 
say  of  justice  only,  but  of  their  own  national  existence,  are  terms 
which  acknowledge  and  give  expression  to  this  great  principle.  In 
other  words,  the  terms  of  peace  must  be  such  as  to  secure  as  far  as 
possible  in  the  future  that  no  nation  shall  attempt,  or  prepare  herself 
to  attempt,  to  impose  her  will  upon  other  nations,  to  destroy  their 
liberty  and  independence,  their  economic  and  social  order,  their 
intellectual  and  moral  consciousness,  and  their  sentiment  of  nation- 
alitv. 


As  remarked  before,  the  position  which  some  people  take 
that  if  Germany  will  retire  from  the  countries  she  has  conquered 
and  will  provide  for  the  economic  restoration  of  devasted  territory, 
we  might  well  make  peace,  is  fundamentally  wrong,  unless  that 
restoration  is  made  in  the  spirit  of  repentance  for  her  evil  deeds 
and  as  evidence  of  her  full  acceptance  of  the  principle  here  described 
as  the  GREAT  CONDITION.  For,  be  it  repeated,  whatever  in- 
demnities may  be  paid ;  whatever  restoration  of  territory  may  be 
made; — nay  even  if  she  were  able  to  recall  the  dead  to  life  and 
restore  the  population  she  has  murdered ;  if  she  were  able  to  collect 
the  ashes  and  gases  into  which  by  her  destruction  she  has  dissipated 
the  accumulated  wealth  of  ages ;  even  if  she  were  able  to  restore  all 
the  conditions  that  prevailed  before  the  war  both  within  her  own 
boundaries  and  elsewhere ; — we  shall  have  failed  to  win  the  war 
unless  in  addition  Germany  freely  accepts  or  is  compelled  to  submit 
to  this  Great  Condition.  Well  would  it  be  if  by  some  miracle  the 
people  of  Germany  could  have  a  change  of  heart  that  would  lead 
them  to  accept  this  principle  and  give  evidence  of  their  repentance, 
by  such  restoration  as  I  have  just  described.  But  there  is  no 
evidence  of  such  a  spirit  of  repentance  or  even  of  regret.  On  the 
contrary,  they  tell  us  that  France  shall  be  bled  white,  that  the  power 
of  Great  Britain  shall  be  broken  and  the  Empire  dismembered,  so 
that  neither  may  ever  again  be  able  to  strike  a  blow  against  similar 
oppression. 

At  this  point  one  plea,  to  which  some  people  urge  attention, 
needs  consideration.  They  say  that  we  must  not  be  bitter  in  our 
condemnation,  nor  seek  to  impose  on  Germany  terms  which  will 
humiliate  her,  because,  after  all,  this  war,  like  many  others,  is 
impersonal.  They  tell  us  that  it  is  the  clash  of  two  rival  economic 
and  cultural  systems.  They  remind  us  of  the  American  civil  war  as 
an  example  of  a  conflict  between  two  systems  of  economic  order 
and  civilization.  But  the  parallel  is  not  true.  The  Civil  War  was,. 
as  some  other  wars  have  been,  a  conflict  between  two  rival,  irrecon- 
cilable systems  of  life  which  grew  up  as  a  result  of  the  environment 
in  which-  their  people  lived,  without  conscious  purpose  on  the  part 
of  either  to  injure  the  other. 

The  main  difference  between  the  present  war  and  other  wars, 
from  this  point  of  view,  is  that  no  other  war  in  history  has  been 
produced  by  a  conflict  of  systems  one  of  which  was  consciously, 
deliberately,  adopted  as  a  national  policy  for  the  very  purpose  of 


producing  a  war  that  would  enhance  the  aggrandizement  of  the  ag- 
gressor. But  it  is  established  beyond  cavil  that  for  two  generations, 
or  more,  German  policy  has  been  shaped  to  this  end.  Upon 
Germany,  therefore,  rests  the  moral  responsibility  for  the  iniquity. 
She  cannot  claim  even  an  equal  division  of  the  guilt  on  the  ground 
that  the  war  is  a  clash  of  economic  and  cultural  systems,  for  she 
molded  her  system  to  produce  the  war. 

The  illustration,  however,  happily  serves  to  teach  a  lesson 
of  a  different  kind.  The  Civil  War  zi'as  such  a  conflict  of  differing 
social  organizations.  The  principles  on  which  these  two  organiza- 
tions respectively  rested  were  so  different  that  only  one  could  sur- 
vive. They  could  not  exist  side  by  side.  The  conflict  could  not  be 
settled  by  compromise  or  discussion.  There  could  be  no  negotiated 
peace.  President  Lincoln  was  not  deluded  on  this  point.  He  knew 
that  "Rebellion  not  crushed  would  be  rebellion  triumphant."  The 
same  is  true  in  the  present  crisis.  The  system  of  government  for 
which  militaristic,  autocratic  Germany  stands  cannot  exist  side  by 
side  with  democracy.  One  must  be  crushed  if  the  other  is  to  survive. 
Let  us  not  deceive  ourselves  on  this  matter.  If  the  Allies  permit 
the  survival  of  an  autocracy  powerful  enough  to  begin  another 
world  war,  it  will  destroy  civilization.  Never  can  the  world  be  safe 
for  democracy.  Therefore,  there  can  be  no  peace  in  this  conflict 
by  compromise  or  negotiation  or  discussion.  One  system  of  political 
and  economic  organization  or  the  other  must  go  down  to  complete 
defeat.  We  must  so  punish  this  autocracy  and  crush  its  spirit  that 
at  least  for  generations  to  come  it  will  not  rear  its  head  again. 

But,  say  some  kindly  people,  this  is  unchristian  and  wrong; 
we  shall  drive  the  German  people  to  hate  us,  whereas  we  should 
try  to  win  them  over.  While  we  may  readily  acknowledge  the  force 
and  kindliness  of  this  view,  we  shall  make  a  mistake  if  we  permit 
it  to  have  any  influence  with  us.  Have  the  past  four  years  not  shown 
abundantly  that  the  only  condition  under  which  Germany  will  not 
hate  the  world  after  this  war  is  that  she  shall  be  successful?  But 
her  success  is  the  very  thing  which  must  be  pre\'ented  if  the  principle 
of  autocracy  is  to  be  destroyed.  We  must  face  the  fact  that  after 
this  war  Germany  will  hate  the  world  and  that  her  people  will  be 
an  obstacle  to  every  attempt  at  world  progress,  just  as  for  years  the 
bitterness  between  North  and  South  stood  in  the  way  of  that  con- 
solidation and  harmony  necessary  to  the  perfect  welding  of  our 
national  unity.     The  generations  "to  come  must  contend  with  the 

9 


rsulenness  of  a  conquered  foe",  and  this  war  will  not  be  ended, 
^however  or  whenever  it  closes,  until,  fifty  or  seventy-five  years  from 
now,  bitterness  is  forgotten  and  the  spirit  of  "live  and  let  live"  is 
•accepted  by  all  the  nations  concerned,  those  who  are  beaten  as  well  as 
those  who  win. 

But  how  shall  we  know?  How  can  we  tell  whether  and  when 
Germany  either  accepts  or  submits  to  the  great  condition  that 
-autocracy  must  be  destroyed  and  the  principle  of  self-determination 
and  self-government,  the  principle  that  right  makes  might,  estab- 
lished and  obeyed?  The  answer  is  that,  "By  their  fruits  ye  shall 
know  them."  If  Germany  were  to  accept  the  principle,  she  would 
-of  her  own  free  will  do  the  things  which  the  Allies  have  outlined  as 
necessary  to  a  settlement.  She  would  renounce  annexations  and 
restore  devastation.  Of  her  own  free  will  she  would  atone  for 
murder,  outrage  and  destruction.  She  would  restore  to  those  whom 
-she  has  despoiled.  She  would  do  penance  for  the  murders  she  has 
committed.  But  there  is  no  likelihood  that  she  will  do  these  things 
of  her  own  free  will  and  so  show  that  she  accepts  in  humility  the 
condition  that  is  imperative.  There  is  nothing  to  do  but  compel  her 
to  submit.  Certainly  our  own  President  made  every  attempt  to 
induce  the  German  government  to  accept  the  principle  willingly. 
But  even  he  at  last  was,  as  he  said,  disillusioned  and  came  to  the 
conclusion  that  the  only  remedy  was  force,  force  without  stint,  force 
to  the  limit, — and  so  it  must  be. 

The  concrete  expression  of  submission  to  the  Great  Condi- 
tion, the  destruction  of  the  principle  of  autocracy  and  acceptance 
of  the  principle  of  the  right  of  a  people  to  determine  its  own  life  and 
its  own  government,  can  be  assured,  of  course,  only  through  the  im- 
position of  specific  terms  of  peace.  What  are  some  of  the  things 
that  will  make  sure  the  establishment  of  the  Great  Condition? 

1.  The  first  is  a  victory  which  will  drive  the  Germans  and 
their  allies  back  within  the  boundaries  of  their  own  countries. 
Whether  or  not  there  was  a  time  when  a  proposal  for  a  peace  with- 
out victory  could  have  been  reasonably  entertained,  it  has  passed. 

2.  Germany  must  restore  and  indemnify  Belgium. 

3.  Germany  and  her  allies  must  evacuate  all  the  other  ter- 
ritory which  they  have  conquered  and  occupied — Russia,  Roumania, 
Servia,  Montenegro,  France  and  Luxemburg. 

4.  Alsace-Lorraine  must  be  restored  to  France  and  the 
Trentino  and  Trieste  to  Italy. 

10 


5-     Turkish  rule  must  be  limited  to  Turks  only. 

6.  The  individual  violators  of  humanity  and  law,  those  who 
have  been  responsible  for  and  those  who  have  actually  committed, 
the  acts  of  murder  and  personal  outrage  in  Belgium,  France,  Russia, 
Poland,  Servia  and  Armenia,  must  be  punished. 

7.  The  Balkan  question  must  be  settled  as  far  as  possible 
"by  friendly  counsel  along  historically  established  lines  of  allegiance 
and  nationality",  and  international  guarantees  of  their  stability  and 
independence  must  be  given  by  a  council  of  the  nations. 

8.  Poland  must  be  restored. 

9.  There  must  be  readjustments  of  frontiers  in  proper 
cases  so  as  reasonably  to  consolidate  national  groups  and  afford  due 
national  resources. 

10.  Germany's  colonies  may  be  restored  to  her  only  if  ade- 
quate guarantees  are  secured  ( i )  that  they  will  not  be  made  hatch- 
ing grounds  for  plots  against  her  neighbors;  (2)  that  the  consent 
of  the  people  and  those  of  neighboring  communities  shall  be  secured ; 
(3)  that  she  shall  not  organize  in  them  armies  of  natives;  (4)  that 
the  colonies  will  be  governed  in  the  interests  of  the  people  of  the 
colonies  and  not  for  exploitation.  She  should  not  be  left  in  a  posi- 
tion in  Africa  in  which,  for  example,  she  can  again  check  the  "Cape 
to  Cairo"  Railway. 

11.  Germany  must  restore  that  part  of  the  world's  shipping 
which  she  has  illegally  destroyed. 

ii2.  All  nations  must  agree  to  reduce  armaments,  bcth 
military  and  naval. 

13.  An  international  court  of  justice  must  be  es'.ablislicd  o 
which  all  the  participants  in  this  war,  and  as  many  others  as  pos- 
sible, shall  agree  to  submit  their  disputes  for  a  reasonable  time 
before  making  preparation  to  settle  them  by  arms. 

14.  By  a  similar  agreement  at  the  close  of  the  war,  there 
should  be  established  a  League  of  Nations  to  enforce  agreements 
and  to  prevent  treaties  in  the  future  from  becoming  scraps  of  paper. 

"For  such  arrangements  and  covenants,  we  are  willing  to 
fight  and  to  continue  to  fight  until  they  are  achieved."  They  are 
characterized  by  principles  of  justice  and  recognize  the  right  of  all 
nations,  great  and  small,  to  "live  on  equal  terms  of  liberty  and 
safety." 

It  is  of  the  highest  importance  that  the  people  of  the  country 
should  understand  clearly  the  necessity  of  insisting  that  the  war 

11 


shall  go  on  until  this  principle  which  I  have  called  the  Great  Con- 
dition is  securely  established ;  that  the  power  of  autocracy  shall  be 
finally  broken ;  that  no  government,  or  people,  or  nation,  may,  with 
impunity,  aggrandize  itself  through  the  destruction  of  the  liberties 
and  rights  and  property  of  another  government,  or  people,  or  nation. 
It  is  of  the  highest  importance  that  we  shall  develop  throughout  the 
country  a  public  spirit  that  will  not  yield  on  this  point,  but  will 
insist  on  attaining  our  purpose ;  so  that,  if  by  any  possibilty  dark 
days  come  and  weak-kneed  people  join  in  clamor  to  be  relieved  from 
the  frightful  strain  of  the  war  by  a  settlement  which  will  not  estab- 
lish this  principle,  the  people  of  America  will  sternly  refuse  and 
will  push  out  of  their  way  all  who  impede  them  in  the  attainment 
of  this  mighty  purpose,  and  insist  that  our  Government  shall  stand 
for  this  Great  Condition  as  the  essential  of  lasting  peace. 


"There  must  be  no  hugger-mugger  peace.    It  must 

be  a  real  peace Germany  has  waged  three 

wars,  and  each  time  she  has  added  through  those 
wars  to  her  strength,  to  her  power,  and  each 
successive  war  she  has  waged  has  inevitably  en- 
couraged her  on  to  the  next.  If  she  had  had  one 
check  you  would  not  have  had  this  war.  If  this 
war  succeeds  in  adding  one  square  yard  to  her  ter- 
ritory, of  adding  one  cubit  to  her  stature,  of 
adding  a  single  iota  to  her  strength,  it  will  simply 
raise  their  idea  of  militarism  for  which  the  world 
is  being  sacrificed  at  the  present  moment." 

Hon.  Lloyde  George 


12 


UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS  BULLETIN 


Vol.  XV. 


Issued  Weekly 
AUGUST  5,  1918 


No.  49 


[Entered  as  second-class  matter  December  11,  1912,  at  the  post  office  at  Urbana,  Illinois,  under  the  act 

of  August  24,  1912] 


THE  GERMAN  WAR  CODE 


By 


James  Wilford  Garner 


Professor  of  Political  Science 


4^ 


V  -,. 


PUBLISHED  BY  THE   UNIVERSITY   OF   ILLINOIS 

UNDER  DIRECTION  OF  THE  WAR  COMMITTEE 

URBANA 

1918         ■','.'■■.;'"•.•''■   /■■::..  ■''■''  :.. 


THE  GERMAN  WAR  CODE 


A  comparison  of  the  German  Manual  of  the  Laws  of  War  with  those  of  the  United 
States,  Great  Britain,  and  France  and  with  the  Hague  Convention  Respectmg  the  Laws 
and  Customs  of  War  on  Land. 


By  JAMES  W.  GARNER 

Professor  ot  PoHtical  Science  in  the 
University  of  Illinois 


PUBLISHED   BY  THE  UNIVERSITY 

Lender  Direction  of  the  War  Committee 
Urbana,    Illinois 
1918 


Copyright,  1918 
By  the  University  of  Illinois 


INTRODUCTORY  REMARKS 

If  we  compare  the  rules  which  regulate  the  conduct  of  war  today 
with  those  of  a  century  ago,  we  shall  be  struck  by  one  notable  dif- 
ference: namely,  the  latter  were  for  the  most  part  unwritten,  that  is  to 
say,  they  consisted  in  the  main  of  a  body  of  custom  and  tradition  the 
evidence  of  which  was  found  in  the  treatises  of  text  writers  and  in  the 
decisions  of  the  courts,  whereas  those  of  today  are  for  the  most  part 
written  and  are  to  be  found  either  in  manuals  issued  by  governments 
for  the  guidance  of  their  commanders  in  the  field,  or  in  international 
conventions  and  declarations  which  have  been  ratified  by  the  great 
body  of  states.^  The  rights  and  duties  of  belligerents  are  therefore 
no  longer  left  entirely  to  the  arbitrary  determination  of  commanders 
but  they  are  limited  by  definite  written  rules  formulated  either  by 
their  own  governments  or  by  international  conferences  representing 
the  various  powers.  The  former,  of  course,  are  binding  only  upon 
the  armies  of  the  government  which  issues  them;  the  latter  are  bind- 
ing on  all  belligerents  whose  governments  have  ratified  the  conven- 
tions in  which  they  are  found. 

The  starting  point  in  the  process  by  which  this  change  was 
brought  about  was  the  promulgation  by  President  Lincoln  in  1863  of 
General  Orders  No.  100,  entitled  "Instructions  for  the  Government 
of  the  Armies  of  the  United  States  in  the  Field."  These  "Instruc- 
tions," as  is  well  known,  were  prepared  by  a  distinguished  German- 
American  publicist.  Dr.  Francis  Lieber,  who  had  served  under  Blii- 
cher  at  Waterloo  but  who  in  early  life,  to  escape  the  oppression  of  his 
own  country,  had  come  to  America  and  for  many  years  was  a  pro- 
fessor in  South  Carolina  College  and  later  a  professor  in  Columbia 
University.-  They  were  not  only  the  first  notable  example  of  a  writ- 
ten code  of  war  law  ever  issued  by  a  government,  but  they  were  per- 
meated through  and  through  by  a  spirit  of  humanity;  they  were 
praised  by  the  international  jurists  of  Europe  and  they  exerted  a 
marked  influence  upon  the  subsequent  development  of  the  laws  of 
war.^  They  remained  in  force  until  the  year  1914,  when  they  were 
superseded  by  a  new  code,  entitled  The  Rules  of  Land  Warfare^  which 
was  largely  a  revision  of  Lieber's  "Instructions."^ 

The  obvious  advantages  to  a  nation  at  war  in  having  the  rules 
which  it  proposes  to  observe  in  the  conduct  of  hostilities  reduced  to 


^Compare  Holland,  "The  Laws  of  War  on  Land,"  p.  1,  and  Renault,  "War  and  the  Law  of  Nations," 
American  Journal  of  International  Lazv,  January,  1915,  pp.  Iff. 

^he  imperative  need  during  the  Civil  War  for  a  written  code  for  the  guidance  of  the  military  com- 
manders, many  of  whom  were  quite  unfamiliar  with  the  customs  and  usages  of  warfare,  is  well  stated 
by  General  Geo.  W.  Davis  in  his  "Elements  of  International  Law,"  third  edition,  pp.  499-500. 

^Compare  Spaight,  "War  Rights  on  Land,"  p.  14;  Martens,  La  Paix  et  la  Guerre,  p.  77;  MerignhciC,  Les 
Lois  ei  Coutumes  de  la  Guerre  sur  Terre,  p.  21 ;  and  Davis,  "Dr.  Francis  Lieber's  Instructions  for  the  Govern- 
ment of  the  United  States  Armies  in  the  Field,"  American  Journal  of  International  Law,  Vol.  I,  pp.  22ff. 
■*The  authors  of  the  Rules  of  1914  say  that  "everything  vital"  in  Lieber's  "Instructions"  has  been  incor- 
porated in  the  new  manual.  Certain  obsolete  provisions  were  of  course  omitted,  while  many  new  rules 
made  necessary  by  the  Geneva,  the  Hague  and  other  international  conventions  were  added. 


written  form  in  order  that  commanders  and  troops  may  know  defin- 
itely their  rights  and  duties  and  thus  avoid,  through  ignorance  or 
uncertainty,  infractions  of  the  law  of  nations  soon  impressed  other 
governments,  and  a  goodly  number  of  them  accordingly  followed  the 
example  of  the  United  States  and  issued  manuals  of  instructions  for 
the  guidance  of  their  commanders  and  troops  during  war.^  The  fail- 
ure of  many  states,  however,  to  follow  this  course  caused  the  first 
Hague  Peace  Conference  of  1899  to  adopt  a  rule  imposing  upon  the 
contracting  parties  to  the  Convention  respecting  the  laws  and  cus- 
toms of  war  on  land  an  obligation  to  issue  instructions  to  their  armed 
land  forces,  which  instructions  were  required  to  be  in  conformity  with 
the  regulations  governing  land  warfare  annexed  to  the  said  Convention,"^ 
and  this  obligation  was  reaffirmed  by  the  corresponding  Convention 
of  1907.3 

The  first  government  to  act  in  pursuance  of  the  obligation  thus 
imposed  was  that  of  the  German  Empire,  which  in  1902  promulgated 
a  manual  entitled  Kriegsbrauch  im  Landkriege,  prepared  by  the  Great 
General  Staff  of  the  German  army.**  The  British  government  had 
already  in  1884  issued  a  Manual  of  Military  Law,  prepared  by  a  group 
of  distinguished  jurists  and  military  officers.  It  has  been  frequently 
revised  and  brought  into  harmony  with  the  great  international  con- 
ventions and  declarations,  the  last  edition  having  appeared  in  the 
year  1914.^  The  essential  part  of  it,  namely,  the  chapter  on  the 
"Laws  and  Usages  of  War  on  Land,"  was  prepared  by  Colonel  Ed- 
monds of  the  British  army  and  by  Dr.  L.  Oppenheim,  Whewell 
Professor  of  International  Law  at  Cambridge.  The  French  govern- 
ment likewise  in  pursuance  of  the  obligation  imposed  by  the  Hague 
Convention  has  issued  a  manual  of  rules  and  instructions  prepared 
by  Lieutenant  Robert  Jacomet,  the  fourth  edition  of  which  appeared 
in  1913.^  Lieber's  "Instructions"  of  1863  still  being  in  force  the 
government  of  the  United  States  did  not  consider  it  necessary  to 
issue  a  new  manual,  but  in  1914  the  earlier  manual  was  revised  and 
brought  into  harmony  with  the  Hague  and  other  international  con- 
ventions and  was  issued  under  the  title  Rules  of  Land  Warfare."^ 

In  this  study  an  attempt  is  made  to  compare  the  German  man- 
ual with  those  of  the  United  States,  Great  Britain,  and  France  and 

iThe  character  of  some  of  these  earlier  manuals  is  discussed  by  Holland  in  his  "Studies  on  International 
Lavv,"ch.  4,  and  by  Merignhac  in  his  Les  Lois  de  la  Guerre  Continentale,  pp.4fr. 

2 Article  I. 

^Article  I.  .....,., 

^Kriegsbrauch  im  Landkriege  {Kriegsgeschichtliche  Einzelschriften  Herausgegeben  vom  Grossen  General- 
stabe.  Heft  31,  Berlin,  1902).  The  Kriegsbrauch  has  been  translated  into  French  by  M.  Paul  Carpentier 
under  the  title  Les  Lois  de  la  Guerre  Continentale:  Publication  du  Grand  Etat-Major  Allemand  (Paris,  2d 
ed.,  1916)  and  a  very  fair  and  impartial  analysis  of  it  has  been  made  by  the  well  known  French  writer 
Merignhac,  under  the  title  Les  Theories  du  Grand  Etat-Major  Allemand  sur  les  Lois  de  la  Guerre  Contin- 
entale (Paris,  1907).  An  English  translation  has  been  made  by  Professor  J.  H.  Morgan  of  Univer- 
sity College,  London,  and  published  under  the  title  The  JVar  Book  oj  the  German  General  Staff  (New  York, 
1915).  In  the  preparation  of  this  study  I  have  used  the  English  translation  by  Morgan  and  the  French 
translation  by  Carpentier,  carefully  comparing  them  on  all  points  discussed. 

^Published  under  the  authority  of  His  Majesty's  Stationery  Office.  Pp.  908  (London,  Wyman  &  Sons, 
1914). 

*Les  Lois  de  la  Guerre  Continentale,  Preface  de  M.  Louis  Renault,  Publie  Sous  la  Direction  de  la  Section 
historique  de  I'Ktat-Major  de  lArmee  (Paris,  Pedone,  1913). 

'Approved  by  the  Chief  of  Staff,  and  issued  by  order  of  the  Secretary  of  War  April  25,  1914.  Wash- 
ington: Government  Printing  Office,  1914. 


with  the  Hague  Convention  of  1907  respecting  the  laws  and  customs 
of  war  on  land  in  respect  to  the  more  important  points  concerning 
which  there  is  a  difference,  and  to  call  attention  to  the  instances  of 
nonconformity  of  the  German  manual  to  the  Hague  regulations  and 
the  established  usages  of  land  warfare.  Some  attempt  is  also  made 
by  reference  to  German  juristic  authority  and  German  practise  to 
show  that  the  code  of  the  General  Staff,  extreme  as  many  of  its  pro- 
visions are,  is  entirely  in  accord  with  the  notions  of  the  nature,  objects, 
and  methods  of  war  generally  held  in  Germany  and  applied  in  prac- 
tice. 

THE  LAWS  OF  WAR  ON  LAND  IN  GENERAL 

The  Hague  conference  of  1899,  with  a  view  to  revising  the  general 
laws  and  a  customs  of  war  and  of  defining  them  with  greater  pre- 
cision for  the  purpose  of  mitigating  their  severity  as  far  as  possible, 
and  inspired  by  the  desire  to  diminish  the  evils  of  war  as  far  as  military 
necessity  permits,^  adopted  a  series  of  regulations  setting  forth  the 
rights  and  duties  of  belligerents  and  prescribing  various  rules  to  be 
observed  by  them  in  the  conduct  of  war  on  land.-  This  convention 
was  readopted  in  revised  and  expanded  form  by  the  Second  Hague 
Conference  in  1907;  and  both  were  ratified  by  the  governments  of  the 
four  powers  whose  military  manuals  are  here  compared.^  As  stated 
above,  an  obligation  was  laid  upon  the  contracting  parties  to  issue 
manuals  of  instructions  for  the  guidance  and  information  of  their 
military  commanders,  and  it  was  expressly  required  that  these  instruc- 
tions should  be  in  conformity  with  the  rules  and  regulations  governing 
land  warfare,  which  were  annexed  to  the  convention.  The  American, 
British,  and  French  manuals  appear  to  conform  in  every  respect  to 
this  requirement.  At  the  outset  they  mention  by  title  the  great  inter- 
national conventions  and  declarations  adopted  at  St.  Petersburg, 
Geneva,  and  the  Hague  and  declare  that  they  constitute  "true  inter- 
national law"  and  as  such  are  binding  upon  states  and  upon  their 
military  commanders.'*  The  manuals  of  the  United  States  and 
France  in  particular  incorporate  the  texts  of  these  conventions  and 
declarations  and  in  the  main  their  rules  are  literal  reproductions  of 
those  found  in  the  international  conventions,  with  such  amplifica- 

iSee   the   Preamble  to  the  Convention  Respecting  the  Laws  and  Customs  of  War  on  Land. 

2It  being  impossible,  however,  to  agree  upon  regulations  covering  all  cases  which  might  arise  during  the 
course  of  war,  the  Conference  took  the  precaution  to  add  that  in  all  cases  not  covered  by  the  regula- 
tions it  was  not  Intended  that  military  commanders  should  be  left  to  their  arbitrary  judgment  but  that 
until  a  more  complete  code  of  the  rules  of  war  should  be  issued  the  inhabitants  and  the  belligerents 
"should  remain  under  the  protection  and  the  rule  of  the  principles  of  the  law  of  nations  as  they  result 
from  the  usages  established  among  civilized  peoples,  from  the  laws  of  humanity  and  the  dictates  of  the 
public  conscience." 

'In  consequence  of  the  so-called  "general  participation"  clause  (Art.  2)  in  the  Convention  of  1907  It  is, 
technically  speaking,  not  binding  on  any  of  the  belligerents  in  the  present  war  since  five  of  them  have 
never  ratified  it.  Nevertheless,  such  of  its  provisions  as  are  merely  declaratory  of  the  e.'cisting  laws  and 
customs  of  war  (and  most  of  them  belong  to  this  class)  are  binding  independently  of  the  status  of  the 
Convention,  as  much  so  as  any  other  established  customary  rule  of  international  law.  Cf.  Spaight, 
"War  Rights  on  Land,"  p.  12,  and  Martens,  La  Paix  et  La  Guerre,  p.  240.  Moreover  the  Convention  of 
1899  to  which  all  the  belligerents  in  the  present  war  are  parties,  and  of  which  the  Convention  of  1907  is 
mainly  a  revision,  is  binding  on  all  of  them,  since  it  was  declared  to  remain  in  force  as  between  the  powers 
not  ratifying  the  Convention  of  1907.  Cf.  Scott  in  the  American  Journal  of  International  Law,  Jan- 
uary, 191S,  p.  193.  This  view  is  admitted  by  German  writers.  Cf.  e.g.  Zittelmann  in  Deutschland  und 
der  Weltkrieg  (English  translation  published  under  the  title  "Modern  Germany",  p.  604-. 

^American  Rules,  Art.  7;  British  manual.  Art.  4;  French  manual,  p.  24. 


tions  and  explanations  as  seemed  desirable.  A  careful  comparison  of 
the  rules  which  the  American,  British,  and  French  manuals  lay  down 
fails  to  reveal  a  single  important  instance  of  nonconformity  to  the 
regulations  of  the  Hague  Convention.  The  latter  are  cited  in  con- 
nection with  every  question  covered  by  the  manuals,  they  are  always 
referred  to  with  respect,  and  occasionally,  as  in  the  French  manual, 
military  commanders  are  enjoined  to  interpret  them  liberally  in  the 
interests  of  the  rightsof  the  inhabitants  of  occupied  territory.  Final- 
ly, the  authors  of  the  American  and  British  manuals,  in  particular, 
frequently  cite  in  support  of  the  principles  which  they  lay  down 
the  opinions  of  distinguished  modern  writers  on  international  law 
and  refer  to  the  more  enlightened  practices  in  recent  wars  as  evi- 
dence of  the  best  usage  today. 

In  these  respects  the  German  manual  forms  a  striking  contrast  to 
those  of  the  United  States,  Great  Britain,  and  France.  This  manual  was 
framed  entirely  by  a  body  of  high  military  officers,  distinguished  alike 
for  their  extreme  views  of  military  necessity  and  for  their  evident  con- 
tempt for  the  opinions  of  civilian  jurists  and  academic  writers  on 
international  law,  to  whom  they  frequently  refer  as  impractical 
theorists  and  overzealous  humanitarians.  The  authority  of  no  great 
non-German  master  on  international  law  is  or  could  be  invoked  in 
support  of  the  extreme  views  which  the  General  Staff  sets  forth  in  its 
manual.^  Not  even  their  own  more  modern  and  liberal  jurists  like 
Bluntschli,  Geffcken,  and  von  Liszt  are  appealed  to,  their  main  reli- 
ance being  upon  the  older  militaristic  writers  such  as  Dahn,  von 
Hartmann,von  Moltke,  Bismarck,  Loening,  and  Leuder,  whose  views 
for  the  most  part  were  in  accord  with  those  of  the  General  Staff. 
Whenever  a  German  writer  could  be  found  who  supported  the  views 
of  the  General  Staff  he  is  quoted;  those  who  are  opposed  are  passed 
over  in  silence.  Although  intended  as  a  code  of  instructions,  the 
German  manual  abounds  in  bitter  and  for  the  most  part  unfounded 
charges  against  the  French  for  having  violated  the  laws  of  war  in 
1870-71,  and  it  goes  out  of  the  way  to  defend  the  German  armies  for 
acts  which  have  been  condemned  not  only  by  nearly  every  writer  out- 
side of  Germany  but  even  by  high  German  authorities  themselves.^ 
Indeed,  the  conduct  of  the  Germans  during  the  war  of  1870-71  was, 
we  are  told,  characterised  by  unusual  tenderness  and  consideration 
for  the  rights  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  districts  occupied  by  the  Ger- 
man armies.  Wherever  possible  the  practices  of  remote  wars, and 
especially  those  of  the  Napoleonic  wars,  are  invoked  and  relied  upon 
in  support  of  the  extreme  views  of  the  General  Staff,  rather  than  the 
more  enlightened  and  humane  usages  of  recent  wars. 

iThe  solitary  exception  being  the  Belgian  jurist  Rolin  Jacquemyns  who  in  two  articles  published  in  the 
Revue  Cenerale  du  Droit  International  et  de  Legislation  Comparee  (Vols.  II  and  III)  attempted  to  justify 
certain  acts  of  the  Germans  in  1870-71,  which  have  been  almost  universally  condemned  by  writers  on 
International  law  outside  Germany.  ^ 
Such  acts,  for  example,  as  the  levying  of  heavy  fines  on  French  communes  for  offenses  committed  by 
Frenchmen  in  distant  communes  and  even  for  such  acts  as  Graf  Renard's  threat  to  shoot  a  number  of 
civilians  in  case  500  laborers  requisitioned  by  the  German  military  authorities  did  not  report  for  duty  at 
a  certain  hour  and  place.  See  the  Kriegsbrauch,  English  translation  by  Morgan,  p.  154,  and  French 
translation  by  Carpentier,  p.  112. 


ATTITUDE  OF  THE  GERMAN  MANUAL  TOWARD  THE 
HAGUE  CONVENTION 

But  one  of  the  most  regrettable  features  of  the  German  manual 
is  the  manner  in  which  it  ignores  the  great  international  conventions 
and  especially  that  of  the  Hague  respecting  the  laws  of  land  war- 
fare, which  the  German  government  solemnly  ratified  and  to  whose 
provisions  all  war  manuals  were  required  to  conform.  It  neither 
reproduces  them  textually  as  do  the  American  and  French  manuals, 
nor  does  it  enumerate  them  by  title  with  a  statement  that  they  con- 
stitute a  body  of  rules  binding  upon  states  as  well  as  upon  their 
military  commanders.  One  can  scarcely  determine  from  a  reading 
of  the  German  manual  whether  the  rules  of  the  Hague  Convention 
were  ever  intended  to  bind  belligerents  in  the  conduct  of  war.  In  fact, 
they  are  rarely  mentioned  and  when  they  are  referred  to  it  is  usually 
in  derision.  A  good  many  of  its  rules  are  clearly  in  conflict  with 
the  Convention  and  various  regulations  annexed  to  the  Convention 
are  cynically  dismissed  with  the  statement  that  they  are  excessively 
humane,  or  that  they  are  good  in  theory  but  will  never  be  observed  by 
belligerents  in  practice,  etc.  The  fact  is,  the  General  Staff  does  not 
look  with  favor  upon  the  movement  to  reduce  the  law  of  war  to  writ- 
ten form,  for  the  reason  that  the  effect  would  be  to  limit  the  arbitrary 
powers  of  military  commanders  and  thus  to  put  an  obstacle  in  the  way 
of  military  success.  It  would  prefer  to  see  the  commanders  restricted 
only  by  traditions,  usages,  and  customs,  the  exact  meaning  and  appli- 
cation of  which  could  be  interpreted  to  meet  the  particular  necessities 
of  the  moment.^ 

Adverting  to  the  various  attempts  to  define  and  reduce  to  written 
form  the  laws  of  war,  through  international  agreement,  the  General 
Staff  asserts  that  "all  these  attempts  have  hitherto,  with  some  few 
exceptions,  completely  failed,"  and  it  adds  that  the  "law  of  war"  as 
the  expression  is  understood  is  not  a  lex  scripta  introduced  by  inter- 
national agreements,  but  only  "a  reciprocity  of  mutual  agreement;  a 
limitation  of  arbitrary  behavior,  which  custom  and  conventionality, 
human  friendliness  and  a  calculating  egoism  have  created,  and  for 
the  observance  of  which  there  exists  no  express  sanction,  but  only  the 
fear  of  reprisals  decides."-  Such  is  the  poor  opinion  which  the  General 
Staff  has  of  the  Hague  and  other  great  international  conventions 
which  the  world  after  generations  of  effort  has  agreed  upon  with  a 
view  to  regulating  as  far  as  possible  the  conduct  of  war  and  of  dimin- 
ishing its  evils.  They  are  nothing  more  than  a  body  of  moral 
prescriptions  which  will  be  observed,  if  at  all,  not  because  they  have 
any  legally  binding  effect,  not  through  any  desire  to  avoid  the  obloquy 
and  odium  which  are  always  visited  upon  a  civilized  nation  which  will 

'It  will  be  recalled  that  at  the  second  Hague  Peace  Conference,  when  Sir  Ernest  Satow  was  pressing  for 
the  adoption  of  rules  restricting  the  employment  of  submarine  mines,  Germany's  first  delegate,  Mar- 
schall  von  Bieberstein,  made  a  powerful  plea  against  binding  belligerents  by  means  of  formal  conven 
tions  and  rules  and  in  favor  of  leaving  their  conduct  to  be  regulated  only  by  conscience,  good  sense,  the 
unwritten  law  of  humanity,  and  the  like.  Conjirenct  International  de  la  Paix,  Actes  et  Documents  T 
III,  p.382. 

^Morgan,  pp.  70-71;  Carpentier,  p.  4.     See  also  the  criticism  of  Merignhac,  op.  cit..  p.  46. 

7 


not  keep  its  engagements,  but  simply  through  fear  of  reprisal  on  the 
part  of  the  enemy  who  would  be  injured  in  consequence  of  their 
violation  by  its  adversary.  No  evidence  of  such  a  standard  of  inter- 
national obligation  can  be  found  in  the  American,  British,  or  French 
manuals. 

THE  OBJECT  AND  ENDS  OF  WAR 

The  idea  that  war  is  an  evil,  "the  greatest  of  human  evils,"  as 
Jefferson  characterised  it,  a  "plague  to  mankind,"  as  Washington 
regarded  it;  thatfthe  manner  of  conducting  it  should  be  regulated  by 
law  in  "the  interests  of  humanity  and  the  ever  progressive  needs  of 
civilization,"  which  was  the  predominating  motive  which  avowedly 
animated  the  Hague  Conferences;^  that  war  is  a  contest  between  the 
armed  forces,  only,  of  the  belligerents  and  not  a  contest  between  their 
peoples  as  such;  and  that  consequently  the  "only  legitimate  object 
which  states  should  endeavor  to  accomplish  during  war  is  to  weaken 
the  military  forces  of  the  enemy"^  — are  sentiments  which  apparently 
find  no  recognition  in  the  German  manual. 

"A  war  conducted  with  energy,"  it  tells  us,  "cannot  be  directed 
merely  against  the  armed  forces  of  the  enemy  state  and  the  positions 
they  occupy,  but  it  will  and  must  in  like  manner  seek  to  destroy 
izerstoreri)  the  total  moral  {geistig)  and  material  resources  of  the  lat- 
ter. Humanitarian  claims,  such  as  the  rights  of  individuals  [pre- 
sumably noncombatants]  and  their  property,  can  only  be  takenlinto 
consideration  in  so  Jar'  as  the  nature  and  objects  of  war  permit." ^'^In 
short,  whenever  the  overcoming  of  the  enemy  may  be  facilitated 
thereby  it  is  legitimate  to  direct  the  war  against  everything  that  goes 
to  make  up  the  ensemble  of  his  Kultur:  his  education,  art,  science, 
finance,  railroads,  industry;  even  the  established  immunities  of  non- 
combatants  and  of  private  property  fall  to  the  ground,  if  respect  for 
them  stands  in  the  way  of  the  attainment  of  the  object  of  thetwar, 
which,  according  to  the  Kriegsbrauch,  means  nothing  less  thanfthe 
total  destruction  of  the  enemy's  material  and  moral  power.  As  is  well 
known,  this  brutal  doctrine  was  taken  from  the  great  oracle  of  the 
German  militarists,  yon  Moltke,  who  in  a  letter  written  in  1880  to 
Professor  Bluntschli  criticising  his  proposed  code  of  internationalflaw 
in  general  and  the  Declaration  of  St.  Petersburg  in  particular,  said, 
"I  can  in  no  manner  agree  with  the  Declaration  of  St.  Petersburg  that 
the  'weakening  of  the  armed  forces  of  the  enemy  is  the  only  legitimate 
object  which  states  should  endeavor  to  accomplish  during  war';  no, 
all  auxiliary  resources  of  the  hostile  government  must  be  destroyed: 
its  finances,  railroads,  necessaries  of  life,  and  even  its  prestige."*  It 
is  also  in  line  with  the  teachings  of  von  Clausewitz,  Germany 's^first 

iSee  the  Preamble  to  the  Convention  Respecting  the  Laws  and  Customs  of  War  on  Land. 

»So  declared  the  Declaration  of.  St.  Petersburg  of  1868,  to  which  the  North  German  Confederation  was 

a  signatory. 
'Morgan,  p.  68;  Carpentier,  p.  3. 
<Helmuth  von  Moltke.  Gesammelle  SchrifUn  und  Denkivurditkeiun,  Vol.  V,  p.  196. 


and  greatest  military  writer,  who  advocated  violence  and  terrorism  as 
a  means  of  reducing  the  enemy  to  submission,  warned  German  com- 
manders against  the  baleful  theories  of  philanthropists  and  humani- 
tarians who  think  war  can  be  carried  on  in  a  civilized  manner,  and 
cynically  referred  to  the  usages  of  international  law  as  "self-imposed 
restrictions,  almost  imperceptible  and  hardly  worth  mentioning."^ 
A  similar  view  of  the  nature  and  objects  of  war  may  be  found  in  the 
writings  of  von  Hartmann,  von  derGoltz,  Bernhardi,  and  other  Ger- 
man military  writers.  The  doctrines  of  von  Clausewitz  and  the 
General  Staff  have  been  brought  up  to  date  by  Generals  von  Hinden- 
burg,  von  Bissing,  and  others  during  the  present  war.  Von  Hinden- 
burg,  in  an  interview  published  in  the  Vienna  Neue  Freie  Presse  in 
November,  1914,  said:  "One  cannot  make  war  in  a  sentimental  fash- 
ion. The  more  pitiless  the  conduct  of  the  war,  the  more  humane  it 
is  in  reality,  for  it  will  run  its  course  all  the  sooner. The  war  which  of 
all  wars  is  and  must  be  the  most  humane  is  that  which  leads  to  peace 
with  as  little  delay  as  possible."-  Speaking  on  August  29,  1915,  at 
Munster  of  the  extreme  measures  which  the  Germans  had  felt  obliged 
to  take  against  the  civil  population  of  Belgium,  General  von  Bissing 
said:  "The  innocent  must  suffer  with  the  guilty.  In  the  repression 
of  infamy,  human  lives  cannot  be  spared,  and  if  isolated  houses, 
flourishing  villages  and  even  entire  towns  are  annihilated,  that  is 
regrettable  but  it  must  not  excite  ill-timed  sentimentality.  All 
this  must  not  in  our  eyes  weigh  as  much  as  the  life  of  a  single  one 
of  our  brave  soldiers.  The  rigorous  accomplishment  of  duty  is  the 
emanation  of  a  high  Kultur,  and  in  that,  the  population  of  the  enemy 
country  can  learn  a  lesson  from  our  army."^ 

GERMAN  THEORY  AND  PRACTICE  IN  REGARD 
TO  HUMANITY  IN  WARFARE 

Throughout  t\i&  Kriegsbrauch  there  is  a  disposition  to  belittle 
the  efforts  which  have  had  as  their  object  the  humanizing  of  war  and 
the  diminishing  of  its  evils.  Again  and  again  they  are  declared  to  be 
inconsistent  with  the  true  nature  and  objects  of  war  and  those  who 
have  taken  the  leadership  in  such  movements  are  referred  to  as  mis- 
guided sentimentalists  and  theorists  who  erroneously  assume  that  the 
conduct  of  war  can  be  humanized.  These  humanitarian  tendencies, 
we  are  told,  have  "frequently  degenerated  into  sentimentality  and 
flabby  emotion"  {Sentimentalitdt  und  Gejuhlsschwdrmerei)  which  are 
in  "fundamental  contradiction  with  the  nature  of  war  and  its  object." 
Soldiers  are  warned  not  to  be  misled  by  such  tendencies  and  to  take 
care  to  avoid  the  danger  of  arriving  at  "false  conceptions  concerning 

iSee  his  Vom  Kriege,  English  translation  by  Colonel  J.  J.  Graham  (London,  1916),  Vol.  I,  pp.  2-3. 
'Reproduced  in   the  Berliner  Tageblalt  of  November  20,  1914,  and  quoted  by  Somville  in  his  book,  "The 

Road  to  Liege,"  p.  xi. 
^Kolnische  Zeitung,   September  8,   1914.     English  text   in  Langenhove,   "The  Growth  of  a  Legend,"  p. 

265,  and  in  Somville,  op.  cii.  p.  2.     After  his  appointment  as  Governor-General  of  Belgium,  von  Bissing 

repeated  in  substance  the  above  opinion  to  a  Dutch  journalist.     The  interview  is  published  in  the  Dus- 

stldorfer  Anzeiger  of  December  8,  1914. 


the  essential  character  of  war"  by  "a  profound  study  of  war  itself." 
"By  steeping  himself  in  military  history  an  officer,"  we  are  assured, 
"will  be  able  to  guard  against  exaggerated  humanitarian  notions;  he 
will  learn  therefrom  that  certain  severities  are  indispensable  to  war, 
nay  more,  that  the  only  true  humanity  very  often  lies  in  a  ruthless  appli- 
cation of  thejny^ 

Here  we  have  the  German  philisophy  of  the  nature  of  war  and 
the  solemn  duty  of  commanders  to  prosecute  it  ruthlessly  and  with- 
out regard  to  the  principles  of  a  mistaken  humanitarianism.  "The 
greatest  kindness  in  war,"  said  von  Moltke,  "is  to  bring  it  to  a  speedy 
conclusion."^  The  great  object  of  war  is  to  overcome  the  enemy, 
not  simply  the  defeat  of  his  armed  forces.  Ruthlessness,  violence, 
terrorism,  the  destruction  of  his  intellectual  power,  the  appropriation 
of  private  property,  even  war  against  noncombatants — all  are  legiti- 
mate provided  they  contribute  to  the  attainment  of  the  object  of  the 
war.  And  if  they  serve  to  shorten  the  duration  of  the  war,  they  are 
even  praiseworthy,  for  "true  humanity"  consists  in  bringing  it  to  a 
speedy  termination. 

German  practice  during  the  present  war  has  been  entirely  in 
accord  with  this  philosophy.  If  space  permitted  a  thousand  exam- 
ples could  be  cited  in  illustration.  The  sacking  or  burning  of  hun- 
dreds of  cities,  towns,  and  villages  in  Belgium  and  France  and  the 
massacre  of  their  inhabitants;  the  wanton  devastation  of  extensive 
districts  without  military  purpose;  the  shooting  of  innocent  civilians 
as  hostages;  the  deportation  of  hundreds  of  thousands  of  peaceful 
laborers  to  Germany  for  forced  labor;  the  use  of  civilians  as  screens 
for  protecting  German  troops  against  attack;  the  compelling  of  civil- 
ians to  work  in  German  munitions  plants  and  other  war  industries; 
the  murder  on  the  high  seas  of  more  than  12,000  unoffending  men, 
women,  and  children — all  of  them  noncombatants  and  many  of  them 
neutrals;  the  poisoning  of  wells;  the  bombardment  by  land,  sea,  and 
air  of  peaceful  and  undefended  towns  and  the  killing  of  thousands  of 
their  noncombatant  population;  the  destruction  of  cathedrals, 
churches,  universities,  libraries,  art  galleries,  and  ancient  historical 
monuments;  the  spoliation  of  occupied  regions  by  means  of  huge  fines, 
contributions,  and  requisitions;  the  deliberate  sinking  without  warn- 
ing of  hospital  ships  and  Belgian  Relief  steamers —  these  are  a  few  of 
a  long  list  of  acts  every  one  of  which  is  forbidden  by  the  Hague  Con- 
ventions, to  say  nothing  of  the  sacred  principles  of  humanity;  yet 
they  are  defended  in  Germany  as  being  in  accord  with  the  true 
philosophy  of  the  nature  and  objects  of  war. 

MILITARY  NECESSITY 

The  Hague  Convention  frankly  admits  that  there  are  circum- 
stances which  permit  a  belligerent  to  disregard  the  established  rules 

'Morgan,  pp.  71-72;  Carpentier,  pp.  6-7. 
'Letter  to  Bluntschli  cited  above. 

10 


of  international  law/  and  this  principle  is  affirmed  in  the  war  manuals 
pf  most  countries.  All  the  great  authorities  on  international  law  out- 
gi^e  Germany,  however,  are  in  substantial  agreement  that  the  excuse 
of  necessity  is  no  justification  for  overriding  the  law  unless  conformity 
to  its  prescriptions  would  actually  imperil  the  existence  of  the  violat- 
ing belligerent.  The  late  Professor  Westlake,  than  whom  no  greater 
or  more  highly  respected  authority  ever  lived,  affirmed  the  generally 
admitted  principle  when  he  said  that  the  doctrine  of  necessity  was 
applicable  only  in  cases  of  self-preservation  and  when  the  threatened 
injury  or  danger  would  not  admit  of  the  delay  which  the  normal 
course  of  action  would  involve.^  In  short,  there  must  be  an  actual 
case  of  necessity;  mere  considerations  of  convenience,  utility,  or  stra- 
tegical interest  are  not  sufficient  to  justify  a  violation  of  the  law.^ 
The  American  Rules  of  Land  Warfare  even  go  to  the  length  of  affirm- 
ing that  military  necessity  does  not  admit  of  measures  which  a.refor- 
bidden  by  the  modern  laws  and  customs  of  war.  ^ 

When  we  turn  to  the  German  manual,  however,  we  find  enun- 
ciated a  very  different  theory  of  military  necessity.  This  manual, 
following  a  doctrine  long  maintained  by  German  writers,  draws  a  dis- 
tinction between  what  they  call  Kriegsraison  and  Kriegsmanier.  The 
former,  which  may  be  translated  as  the  "reason  of  war,"  permits  a 
belligerent  to  adopt  any  measures  and  employ  any  means  which  will 
contribute  to  the  attainment  of  the  object  of  the  war,  even  though 
they  are  forbidden  by  the  customs  or  usages  of  war  {Kriegsmanier).'" 
This  distinction  between  Kriegsraison  and  Kriegsmanier  has  generally 
been  interpreted  by  writers  outside  Germany  to  mean  that  the  laws 
and  customs  of  war  cease  to  be  binding  on  a  belligerent  whenever 
their  observance  would  hinder  or  defeat  the  attainment  of  the  object, 
of  the  war.  Kriegsraison  geht  vor  Kriegsmanier  is  an  old  and  well- 
known  German  maxim;®  that  is  to  say,  the  duty  to  achieve  military 
success  takes  precedence  over  the  obligation  to  observe  the  law. 
Manifestly  such  a  theory  when  carried  out  to  its  logical  conclusion 
leads  to  the  absolute  supremacy  of  strategical  interest  as  expressed 
in  the  ancient  maxim,  oim^ia  licere  quae  necessaria  ad  fin  em  belli.  It 
is  condemned  by  both  the  spirit  and  the  letter  of  the  Hague  Conven- 
tion;'^ it  finds  no  recognition  in  the  manuals  of  the  United  States, 


IE.  g.  this  is  recognized  by  implication  in  the  Preamble  to  the  Convention  Respecting  the  Laws  and 
Customs  of  War  on  Land. 

^"International  Law,"  Vol.  H,  p.  114. 

^Compare  Rivier.  Principes  du  Droit  des  Gens,  Vol.  L  P-  278:  Hall,  "International  Law,"  6th  ed.,  p. 
264;  Oppenheim,  "International  Law,"  Vol.  II,  p.  177;  and  Hershey,  "Essentials  of  International  Pub- 
lic Law,"  p.  144. 

4Art.  11. 

^ Kriegsbrauch  im  Landkriege,  translation  by  Morgan,  p.  69;  trans,  by  Carpentier,  p.  3.  The  distinc- 
tion is  fully  explained  by  the  German  jurist  Leuder  in  Holtzendorff's  Handbuch  des  Volkerrechts,  sees.  65- 
66.  The  distinction  is  emphasized  by  nearly  all  German  writers,  see  e.  g.  von  Clausewitz,  op.  cit.;  von 
Hartmann  in  two  articles  in  the  Deutsche  Rundschau  (Vols.  XIII-XIV);  von  Moltke,  Gesammelte  Schrif- 
ten,  Band  V,  pp.  19Sff ;  and  von  der  Goltz,  Die  Folk  im  Waffen.  Strupp,  a  high  contemporary  German 
authority,  tells  us  that  the  distinction  is  founded  on  the  supreme  duty  of  the  military  commander  to 
assure  the  successful  termination  of  the  war.  "The  provisions  of  the  laws  of  war, "he  says,  "may  be  dis- 
regarded whenever  a  violation  appears  to  be  the  only  means  of  carrying  out  an  operation  of  war  or  even  of 
preserving  the  armed  forces,  even  if  only  a  single  soldier  is  concerned."  See  his  Das  Internationale  Land- 
kriegsrecht,  p.  5;  and  an  article  by  him  in  the  Zeitschrift  fur  Folkerrecht,  Band  VII,  p.  363. 

'Oppenheim,  op.  cit..  Vol.  II,  sec.  67. 

'Art.  22.  ■  .      . 

11 


Great  Britain,  or  France,  and  it  has  been  criticized  by  practically  all 
writers  outside  Germany.^ 

German  practice  during  the  present  war  has  been  in  accord  with 
this  theory  of  military  necessity.  At  the  very  outset  it  was  invoked 
by  Bethmann  Hollweg  and  Herr  von  Jagow  in  justification  of  the 
invasion  of  Belgium  and  subsequently  it  was  appealed  to  by  many  of 
Germany's  great  and  heretofore  highly  honored  jurists  like  Kohler,^ 
Niemeyer,^  Schoenborn,  Zittelmann,  von  Liszt,  and  others.  Schoen- 
born,  a  distinguished  professor  in  the  University  of  Heidelberg,  tells 
us  that  it  was  absolutely  necessary  in  the  interest  oj  self-preservation  for 
the  German  troops  to  go  through  Belgium;  it  was  "a  question  of  life 
and  death"  that  Germany  should  forestall  the  action  of  the  French, 
etc.^  The  attempt  to  justify  the  invasion  of  Belgium  on  the  ground 
of  military  necessity  is  a  good  illustration  of  the  extreme  lengths  to 
which  the  German  theory  of  military  necessity  leads.  Not  the 
slightest  evidence  has  ever  been  furnished  by  the  German  govern- 
ment or  its  apologists  that  France  contemplated  the  invasion  of  Bel- 
gium.^ Indeed,  according  to  the  admission  of  Bethmann  Hollweg 
and  von  Jagow,  it  was  the  shortness  of  the  distance  through  Belgium 
and  the  presence  of  French  fortresses  on  the  southern  route  that  led 
Germany  to  send  her  troops  through  Belgium.  It  was  not,  therefore, 
a  case  of  military  necessity  but  merely  considerations  of  convenience 
and  strategical  advantage  which  animated  the  German  government. 
The  only  possible  conclusion  therefore  is  that  if  the  plea  of  military 
necessity  was  a  valid  excuse  for  the  German  invasion  of  Belgium,  any 
violation  of  the  law  which  subserves  a  military  interest  may  be  justi- 
fied on  the  same  ground;  and  it  is  quite  useless  for  states  to  enter  into 
engagements  to  respect  one  another's  rights,  for  in  that  case  treaties 
will  be  nothing  more  than  what  Frederick  the  Great  conceived  them 
to  be:  namely,  "works  of  filigree,  more  satisfying  to  the  eye  than  of 
any  utility." 

This  extreme  theory  which  virtually  identifies  military  necessity 
with  military  interest  has  been  appealed  to  by  the  Germans  as  a 
defense  for  many  other  violations  of  the  law  of  nations  committed  by 
them  during  the  present  war.  It  was  the  main  excuse  put  forward 
for  the  frightful  devastation  of  the  Somme  region  in  the  spring  of 
1917,  for  the  deportation  of  Belgian  and  French  laborers,  for  the 
shooting  of  hostages,  for  the  bombardment  of  undefended  towns,  for 
the  atrocities  committed  by  German  submarines,  for  the  burning  of 
hundreds  of  Belgian  and  French  towns  and  villages  and  the  shooting 

iSee  Westlake,  "Collected  Papers  on  International  Law,"  pp.  243ff;  Holland,  "Laws  of  War  on  Land," 
p.  13;  Bordwell,  "Law  of  War,"  p.  5;  Merignhac,  Les  Lois  et  Coutumes  de  la  Guerre,  p.  143;  Nys,  Droit 
International,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  203;  Pradier-Fodere,  Traite  de  Droit  International,  sec.  2740;  and  Pillet,  Lois 
de  la  Guerre,  sec.  59. 

2See  his  article  Notwehr  und  Neutralitdt  in  the  Zeitschrifi  fiir  Volkerrecht,  Band  VIII  (1914),  pp.  576fl[. 

^Article  in  the  Juristische  JVockenschrift,  1914,  No.  16,  reprinted  in  English  in  the  Michigan  Law  Review 
for  January,  1915. 

^See  his  chapter  on  "Belgium's  Neutrality"  in  a  book  entitled  Deutschland  und  der   Weltkrieg,   p.  545. 

^Mr.  James  Beck  very  aptly  remarks  that  if  Germany  really  had  any  evidence  of  such  an  intention  on 
the  part  of  France,  it  was  the  greatest  tactical  blunder  that  she  did  not  permit  France  to  carry  out  her 
intention  because  it  would  have  furnished  Germany  with  a  justification  of  her  own  act  which  could  neve 
have  been  impeached.     See  his  "Evidence  in  the  Case,"  p.  229. 

'12 


of  their  inhabitants,  for  the  destruction  of  art  galleries,  historic  monu- 
ments, educational  buildings,  and  the  like.  In  fact,  wherever  any 
possible  military  advantage  could  be  subserved  by  measures  forbid- 
den by  the  laws  and  customs  of  war,  the  German  armies  have  over- 
ridden the  law  and  set  up  the  plea  of  military  necessity  as  an  excuse. 

INSTRUMENTALITIES  AND  MEANS 

The  Hague  Convention  declares  that  the  means  which  a  bel- 
ligerent mav  adopt  in  order  to  injure  his  enemy  are  not  unlimited  and 
among  the  'instrumentalities  and  measures  which  it  forbids  are  the 
use  of  poison  and  poisoned  weapons,  arms,  projectiles,  and  materials 
calculated  to  cause  unnecessary  suffering,  the  use  of  projectiles  the, 
sole  object  of  which  is  the  diffusion  of  asphyxiating  or  deleterious-, 
gases,  the  use  of  expanding  bullets,  the  compelling  of  the  inhabitants. 
to  take  part  in  military  operations  against  their  own  country,  assas- 
sination, the  killing  of  prisoners,  the  destruction  of  property  except^: 
whem  imperatively  demanded  by  the  necessities  of  the  war,  eff* 
These  prohibitions  are  all  expressly  incorporated  in  the  war  manuals 
of  the  United  States,  Great  Britain,  and  France, 

The  German  manual,  however,  declares  that  all  measures  may 
be  employed  to  overcome  the  enemy  which  are  necessary  "to  attain 
the  object  of  the  war"  and  that  they  include  both  "force  and  stra- 
tagem."^ Again,  "every  means  may  be  employed  without  which  the 
ob|«ct  of  the  war  cannot  be  attained;  what  must  be  rejected,  on  the 
other  hand,  is  every  act  of  violence  and  destruction  which  is  not  neces- 
sary to  the  attainment  of  this  end."  Again,  "all  means  which  modern 
inventions  afford,  including  the  most  perfected,  the  most  dangerous, 
and  those  which  destroy  most  quickly  the  adversary  en  masse  are  per- 
missible; and  since  these  latter  result  most  promptly  in  the  attain- 
ment of  the  object  of  the  war  they  must  be  considered  as  indispens- 
able and,  all  things  considered,  they  are  the  most  humane."^  Never- 
theless, says  the  German  manual,  while  Kriegsraison  permits  a  bel- 
ligerent to  employ  "all  means  of  such  nature  to  contribute  to  the 
attainment  of  the  object  of  the  war,  practice  has  taught  the  advisa- 
bility, in  one's  own  interest,  of  employing  with  limits  certain  means 
and  of  renouncing  completely  certain  others.  Chivalrous  and  Chris- 
tain  spirit,  the  progress  of  civilization  and  especially  the  knowledge 
of  one's  own  interest  have  led  to  voluntary  relaxations  the  necessity 
of  which  has  received  the  tacit  assent  of  all  states  and  of  all  armies."'' 
It  is  quite  clear  that  the  authors  of  the  German  manual  regard  mili- 
tary effectiveness  rather  than  considerations  of  humanity  the  test  of 
the  legitimacy  of  an  instrument  or  measure.  Therefore  any  instru- 
mentality or  method,  the  employment  of  which  will  contribute  to  the 


iConvention  Respecting  the  Laws  and  Customs  of  War  on  Land,  Art.  22. 

'Morgan,    p.   84,   translates  the  German   words  as   "violence  and  cunning"  but  Carpentier,  p.  20,  more; 

accurately  renders  them  as  "/a  force  et  la  ruse." 
'Morgan,  p.  85;  Carpentier,  p.  21. 
^Carpentier,  p.  4;  Morgan,  p.  69. 

13 


speedy  attainment  of  the  object  of  the  war,  is  permissible  whether  It 
is  inhumane  or  results  In  unnecessary  suffering  to  the  enemy  or  not; 
and  if  its  use  results  in  the  shortening  of  the  duration  of  the  war,  it  is 
for  that  reason  the  most  humane. 

This  interpretation  of  the  German  manual  becomes  evident  when 
we  read  it  in  connection  with  the  theories  enunciated  by  the  German 
military  text  writers  and  in  the  light  of  German  practice.  Von  Moltke, 
from  whom  the  General  Staff  draws  so  much  of  its  philosophy  and 
inspiration,  tells  us  that  "the  great  benefit  in  war  is  that  it  should  be 
terminated  as  soon  as  possible^  To  this  end  it  is  permissible  to 
employ  ''all  means  except  those  which  are  positively  condemned" 
{Dazu  mussen  alle^nicht  geradezu  verwerfliche  Mittel,  freistehen).'^  This 
Is  also  the  view  of  von  Clausewitz  already  quoted,  of  von  Hartmann, 
and  of  many  recent  German  generals  and  military  writers.  Von 
Hartmann,  who  many  years  ago  was  requested  by  the  Prussian  min- 
ister of  war  to  combat  the  liberal  and  humane  views  set  forth  In  the 
honored  Bluntschll's  code,  wrote  a  series  of  articles  for  the  Deutsche 
Rundschau-  in  which  he  laid  down  the  propositions  that  war  today 
must  be  conducted  with  rigor,  and  with  greater  violence  and  less 
scruple  than  In  the  past;  that  every  means  without  restriction  must 
be  employed;^  that  the  "shackles  of  a  constraining  legality"  In  the 
conduct  of  war  only  serve  to  paralyze  belligerents  and  postpone  the 
termination  of  hostilities;*  that  humanity  in  war  has  a  place  only  so 
long  as  it  does  not  hinder  the  speedy  attainment  of  the  object  of  the 
war;^  that  when  war  breaks  out  terrorism  becomes  a  principle  of  mil- 
itary necessity,^  etc.  General  Colmar  von  der  Goltz  quotes  v/ith 
approval  von  Clausewltz's  sneering  reference  to  the  philanthropists 
and  humanitarians  and  lays  down  the  proposition  that  it  Is  permis- 
sible to  employ  "all  means,  material  and  Intellectual,  to  overcome  the 
adversary."^  Somewhat  similar  views  have  been  expressed  by  Gen- 
erals von  Blume,^  Bernhardi,^  von  Hindenburg, ^^  von  Blssing^and 
other  military  writers. 

This  view  of  means  and  measures  Is  not  confined  to  the  mili- 
tary writers  but  it  is  held  by  German  statesmen  and  writers  on  Inter- 
national law.  Thus  the  Imperial  Chancellor  In  an  address  to  the 
Reichstag  In  March,  1916,  declared  that  "every  means  that  is  cal- 
culated to  shorten  the  war  constitutes  the  most  humane  policy  to 
follow.  When  the  most  ruthless  methods  are  considered  best  calcu- 
lated to  lead  us  to  victory,  and  a  swift  victory,  I  said,  then  they 
must  be  employed."  x'\galn,  in  a  note  of  January  31, 1917,  addressed 
to  the  Secretary  of  State,  the  German  Ambassador  at  Washington, 


'Letter  to  Bluntschli.     Moltke,  Gesammeltt  Schrijten  und  Denkwiirdigkeittn,  Band  V,  pp.  194-197. 

sEntitled  Militdrische  Notwendigkeit  und  Humanitdt,  Vols.  XIII-XIV  (1877-1878). 

mid..  Vol.  XIV,  pp.  76,  89. 

mid..  Vol.  XIII,  pp.  119,  122. 

mid.,  p.  466. 

mid.,  pp.  459-462. 

'See  his  book  Die  Folk  im  fVaffen,  French  translation  entitled  La  Nation  Armee,  by  E.  Jaegle,  pp.  3,  7. 

sSee  his  book  Die  Strategie  (2d  ed.,  1886). 

»yom  Heuiigen  Kriege  (1912)  and  DeutscUand  und  der  ndchste  Krieg  (1912). 

wQuoted  above.  i 

I'Quoted  above. 

14 


defending  Germany's  resumption  of  unrestricted  submarine  war- 
fare, declared  that  Germany  was  "now  compelled  to  continue  the 
fight  for  existence  with  the  full  employment  of  all  the  weapons  which 
are  at  its  disposal. "  ^ 

German  practice  during  the  present  war  has  been  in  accord  with 
this  theory  of  means  and  instrumentalities.  A  hundred  exam- 
ples could  be  cited  in  illustration.  They  include  the  employment 
of  submarine  torpedoes  for  the  destruction  of  merchant  vessels, 
although  submarines  are  totally  without  accommodations  for  saving 
crews  and  passengers,  the  use  of  poisonous  gases,  the  poisoning  of 
wells  in  South  Africa,  the  use  of  explosive  shells,  the  use  of  civilians 
as  screens  to  protect  German  troops  against  attack,  the  bombard- 
ment of  undefended  towns,  the  putting  to  death  of  hostages,  the 
devastation  of  the  Somme  region,  the  destruction  of  towns  and  vil- 
lages for  the  acts  of  individuals,  and  many  others. 

THE  RIGHT  OF  SELF-DEFENSE 

The  Hague  Convention  lays  down  certain  conditions  as  to  organ- 
ization and  insignia  which  must  be  fulfilled  by  troops  in  order  to 
entitle  them  to  the  treatment  accorded  lawful  combatants,  in  case 
they  are  captured  by  the  enemy.  Thus  they  are  required  to  be  com- 
manded by  a  responsible  officer,  and  to  bear  a  distinctive  sign  or 
emblem  recognizable  at  a  distance.  But  in  order  to  enable  the  inhab- 
itants of  a  place  not  yet  occupied  by  the  enemy  to  rise  spontaneously 
with  a  view  to  beating  off  an  invader,  the  Convention  goes  on  to 
declare  that  in  case  they  have  not  had  sufficient  time  to  organize  and 
provide  themselves  with  uniforms  they  shall  nevertheless  be  regarded 
as  lawful  combatants  and  entitled,  if  captured,  to  the  treatment  ac- 
corded prisoners  of  war,  provided  only  that  they  carry  their  arms 
openly  and  respect  the  laws  and  customs  of  war. ^  In  short,  they  are 
exempt  from  the  obligation  to  have  a  responsible  commander  and  to 
be  clothed  in  uniform.  This  provision  was  a  concession  to  states 
which  do  not  have  large  standing  armies  and  was  intended  to  legalize 
the  levee  en  masse  as  a  means  of  defense  against  an  invader.  It  is 
incorporated  textually  in  the  manuals  of  the  United  States,  Great 
Britain,  and  France,  and  the  British  and  French  manuals  add  that 
the  rule  should  be  liberally  interpreted  by  belligerents  since  it  is  the 
first  duty  of  a  people  to  defend  themselves  against  invasion  and|if 
they  do  so  loyally  they  should  not  be  treated  as  criminals.^  But  the 
right  of  self-defense  thus  recognized  and  affirmed  by  the  Hague  Con- 
vention is  in  effect  denied  by  the  German  manual,  which  declares 
that  the  right  of  the  inhabitants  of  an  invaded  district  to  take  up 
arms  and  repel  an  invader  can  be  admitted  only  when  they  have  an 
organization  and  a  responsible  leader,  and  wear  emblems  recognizable 
at  a  distance.^     This  in  face  of  the  fact  that  the  Hague  Convention 

'Official  text  published  by  the  Department  of  State. 
sArticle  2. 

^British  manual,  Art.  30;  French  manual,  Art.  5. 
'Morgan,  p.  83;  Carpentier,  p.  18. 

15 


requires  the  provisions  of  war  manuals  to  conform  to  the  rules  of  the 
Convention,  to  which  the  German  government  is  itself  a  party. 

During  the  present  war  German  military  commanders  in  Bel- 
gium appear  to  have  admitted  the  binding  force  of  the  above-men- 
tioned article  which  the  Kriegsbrauch  repudiates,  but  in  fact  the  right 
of  self-defense  which  it  proclaims  was  generally  refused  to  the  Bel- 
gian population  on  the  alleged  ground  that  they  had  ample  opportu- 
nity to  effect  an  organization  and  provide  themselves  with  uniforms 
before  the  arrival  of  the  German  armies.^  Belgian  civilians  therefore 
who  took  up  arms  and  attempted  to  resist  the  advance  of  the  Ger- 
mans were  whenever  captured  summarily  shot  3.s,francs-tireurs.  Con- 
sidering the  rapidity  of  the  German  advance  into  Belgium  during 
the  first  days  of  the  invasion,  if  the  contention  of  the  Germans  that 
the  civil  population  had  ample  time  to  effect  an  organization  and 
equip  themselves  with  uniforms  be  admitted,  it  is  difficult  to  con- 
ceive a  situation  such  as  that  which  the  Hague  Convention  contem- 
plates, when  the  inhabitants  may  lawfully  rise  and  resist  an  inva- 
der without  incurring  the  penalty  reserved  iov franc s-tireurs . 

Not  only  did  the  Germans  refuse  to  treat  all  such  persons  as 
lawful  combatants,  but  they  even  declined  to  treat  as  lawful  belliger- 
ents the  members  of  the  Belgian  garde  civique,  a  militia  force  not  very 
different  form  the  German  landsturm,  organized  long  before  the  out- 
break of  the  war  for  purposes  of  defense,  and  commanded  by  regular 
army  officers  and  equipped  with  a  distinctive  uniform.  All  were 
treated  z.sjranc s-tireurs  when  captured  and  were  summarily  shot.  At 
least  Belgian  writers  so  claim.  In  fact,  the  Germans  according  to 
their  own  admission  proceeded  on  the  theory  that  they  were  at  war 
with  the  whole  Belgian  population;  that  the  contest  was  on  the  part 
of  the  Belgians  an  "unorganized  peoples  war"  and  that  only  the  mem- 
bers of  the  regular  Belgian  army  were  entitled  to  the  treatment 
reserved  for  prisoners  of  war. - 

TREATMENT  OF  PRISONERS  AND  HOSTAGES 

The  Hague  Convention  declares  that  prisoners  must  be  humanely 
treated.^  The  American,  British,  and  French  manuals  reproduce  the 
text  of  this  provision  and  further  lay  down  the  rule  that  prisoners 
may  be  put  to  death  only  for  crimes  punishable  with  death  under  the 
laws  of  the  captor  and  after  due  trial  and  conviction.^  The  Ameri- 
can and  British  manuals  also  take  occasion  to  express  doubt  whether 
such  extreme  necessity  can  ever  arise  that  will  compel  or  warrant  a 

■See  the  German  White  Book,  Dii  Volkerrechtszaidrigt  Fiihrung,  etc.,  p.  4. 

2Sce   the  German  White   Book  referred   to  above;   GrashofF   Belgiens  Schuld,  ch.  v,  and  Strupp  Z)iV  5^/- 
gische  Volkskriege  in  the  Zeitschrijt  fiiT  Volkerrecht,  Band  IX  (191S),  pp.  281ff. 

The  case  for  the  Belgians  is  set  forth  by  the  Belgian  writers  Waxweiler,  "Belgium  Neutral  and  Loyal," 
pp.  22Sff;  Dampierre,  L' Allemagne  el  U  Droit  des  Gens,  pp.  190-191;  Langenhove,  "The  Growth  of  a 
Legend,"  pp.  254ff;  Massart,  "Belgians  under  the  German  Eagle,"  p.  65;  the  report  of  the  Belgian  Offi- 
cial Commission  of  Inquiry  ("Violations  of  the  Rights  of  Nations  in  Belgium,"}  p.  97  and  an  official  publi- 
cation issued  by  the  Belgian  government  entitled  Reponse  au  Livre  Blanc  Allemand,  pp.  lOff. 

3Art.  4. 

^American  Rules,  Art.  68;  British  manual,  Ait.  79;  French  manual.  Art.  8. 

16 


military  commander  in  killing  his  prisoners  on  the  ground  of  self- 
preservation.  The  German  manual,  however,  affirms  the  right  of  a 
captor  to  put  his  prisoners  to  death  in  case  of  "overwhelming  neces- 
sity" and  whenever  the  presence  of  the  prisoners  "constitutes  a  dan- 
ger to  the  existence  of  the  captor."^  "The  necessity  of  the  war  and 
the  safety  of  the  state,"  we  are  told,  "are  the  first  consideration 
rather  than  the  unconditional  freedom  of  the  prisoners." 

The  Hague  Convention  contains  no  provisions  in  regard  to  host- 
ages. The  French  manual,  however,  declares  that  it  is  forbidden  as 
a  general  rule  to  demand  or  take  hostages  for  the  purpose  of  insuring 
the  execution  of  conventions.-  The  British  manual  declares  that  the 
practice  of  taking  hostages  for  such  purposes  is  now  "obsolete,"  and 
that  it  is  preferable  to  "resort  to  territorial  guarantees  instead  of  tak- 
ing hostages."^  The  American  rules  enumerate  the  purposes  for 
which  hostages  have  been  taken  in  recent  wars  but  express  no  opin- 
ion as  to  the  legitimacy  of  the  practice  today.  ^  The  German  man- 
ual, however,  repudiates  the  assertion  of  certain  "professors  of  the 
law  of  nations"  that  the  taking  of  hostages  has  disappeared  from  the 
practice  of  civilized  nations,  and  it  defends  the  conduct  of  the  Ger- 
mans in  1870  in  placing  hostages  on  railway  trains  to  insure  the  latter 
against  derailment  by  the  inhabitants,  although  it  frankly  admits 
that  it  was  a  "harsh  and  cruel"  measure  and  that  "every  writer  out- 
side of  Germany  has  stigmatized  it  as  contrary  to  the  law  of  nations 
and  as  unjustified  towards  the  inhabitants  of  the  country";  never- 
theless it  was  legitimate,  because  it  was  effective  in  preventing  a 
repetition  of  the  acts.^ 

During  the  present  war  the  Germans  have  resorted  to  the  prac- 
tice of  hostage  taking  on  a  scale  never  before  known  in  any  war.  In 
nearly  every  town,  city,  and  village  occupied  by  their  forces  the  lead- 
ing citizens  were  seized  and  the  inhabitants  notified  that  in  case 
acts  of  hostility  were  committed  by  the  civilian  population  the  host- 
ages would  be  shot.^  Generally  they  were  taken  to  insure  the  good 
behavior  of  the  inhabitants,  but  the  practice  was  also  resorted  to  for 
various  other  purposes  such  as  to  insure  compliance  with  the  demands 
for  requisitions,  the  payment  of  collective  fines,  to  prevent  acts  of 
espionage,  to  insure  railways,  telegraph,  and  telephone  lines  against 
destruction,  and  the  like.  The  hostages  thus  seized  were  usually  con- 
fined as  prisoners;  sometimes  they  were  led  through  the  streets  and 
required  to  warn  their  fellow  citizens  against   committing   acts   of 

'Morgan,  p.  97;  Carpentier,  p.  36. 

'Art.  92. 

'Art.  461. 

<Art.  387. 

^Morgan,  p.  156;  Carpentier,  p. 156.  Lord  Roberts  issued  a  proclamation  for  a  similar  purpose  in  South 
Africa  on  June  19.  1900,  but  it  was  withdrawn  eight  days  later.  The  measure  was  severely  criticized  by 
Mr.  Bryce  at  the  time  and  it  is  condemned  by  the  British  manual.  Art  463.  Bonfils,  Pillet,  Hall,  West- 
lake,  Bordwell  and  indeed  nearly  all  writers  outside  Germany,  as  the  Kriegsbrauch  admits,  criticize  it. 
It  is  even  condemned  by  some  German  writers,  notably  by  Bluntschli  and  Geffcken. 

^The  texts  of  many  proclamations  issued  by  German  commanders  to  this  effect  may  be  found  in  the 
reports  of  the  Belgian  Commission  of  Inquiry,  in  the  Report  of  the  Bryce  Commission,  in  the  Report  of 
the  French  Commission,  in  Davignon's  "Belgium  and  Germany,"  in  the  Belgian  document  Riponst  au 
lAvre  Blanc  AlUmand,  in  Massart,  "Belgians  under  the  German  Eagle,"  in  Waxweiler's  "Belgium  Neu- 
tral and  Loyal,"  and  numerous  other  publications  official  and  private. 

17 


hostility;  sometimes  they  were  stationed  on  bridges  to  prevent  tKelf 
destruction  by  the  enemy;  not  infrequently  they  were  marched  in 
front  of  German  columns  to  protect  them  against  attack;  thousands 
were  deported  to  Germany;  occasionally  they  were  put  through  the 
ordeal  of  sham  executions  and  other  forms  of  maltreatment  as  though 
they  were  criminals;  and  what  seems  almost  incredible  in  this  age,  a 
goodly  number  were  actually  put  to  death  as  a  penalty  for  acts  com- 
mitted or  alleged  to  have  been  committed  by  the  inhabitants.  At 
Les  Rivages,  a  suburb  of  Dinant,  to  refer  to  a  single  instance  out  of 
many,  a  large  number  of  hostages  who  had  been  taken  to  insure  a 
German  detachment  engaged  in  the  construction  of  a  pontoon  bridge 
against  attack  were  shot  by  the  101st  Regiment.  The  German 
White  Book  admits  the  truth  of  the  charge^  but  undertakes  to  .defend 
this  act  in  particular  and  the  shooting  of  hostages  in  general  on  the 
principle  that  the  mere  taking  of  hostages  and  the  holding  of  them  as 
prisoners  would  prove  ineffective  in  deterring  the  inhabitants  from 
committing  acts  of  hostility,  if  a  belligerent  were  not  allowed  to  in- 
flict the  death  penalty  for  violation  of  the  conditions  for  which  they 
are  taken. ^ 

It  is  impossible  to  justify  such  an  extreme  and  cruel  measure. 
The  American  Rules  of  Land  Warfare  very  justly  remark  that  a  host- 
age must  be  treated  as  a  prisoner  of  war.  ^  He  cannot  therefore  be 
put  to  death  or  subjected  to  other  severities  than  those  which  may 
lawfully  be  inflicted  upon  a  regular  military  prisoner.^  The  right  to 
put  hostages  to  death  was  frequently  asserted  in  earlier  times,  but  it 
does  not  appear  that  it  had  ever  in  practice  been  exercised  for  at  least 
a  century  prior  to  the  present  war."  Few  measures  resorted  to  by 
the  Germans  during  the  present  war  have  illustrated  more  forcibly 
their  extreme  theories  of  military  necessity  or  revealed  German  mil- 
itarism in  a  worse  light. 

REQUISITIONS  OF  SUPPLIES  AND  SERVICES 

The  laws  of  war  allow  an  invader  to  take  supplies  from  the  coun- 
try occupied  by  him,  but  the  Hague  Convention  expressly  declares 
that  they  may  be  taken  only  for  "the  needs  of  the  army  of  occupa- 
tion" and  that,  as  far  as  possible,  they  shall  be  paid  for  in  cash;  and 
if  this  cannot  be  done,  receipts  shall  be  given  and  payment  made  as 
soon  as  possible."     This  rule,  in  the  identical  language  of  the  Hague 


'See  especially  the  testimony  of  Dr.  Pretenz,  a  German  Staff  Surgeon,  in  Die  VolkerrechUwidriie  Fiih- 
ning  des  Belgischen  Volkskriege,  anlage  51,  and  of  Lt.  Baron  von  Rochow,  ibid.,  anlage  47.  It  is  stated 
in  the  Belgian  Reponse  (p.  220)  that  the  total  number  shot  was  90.  Dr.  Pretenz  admits  that  among  the 
number  were  several  women  and  children. 

»See  the  German  White  Book,  "The  Belgian  Peoples  War",  pp  .67-68. 

'Art.  387. 

*This  is  the  opinion  of  practically  all  military  writers.  See  e.  g.  Bluntschli,  sees.  426  and  600;  Hall,  4th 
ed.,  pp.  493-494;  Pillet,  Les  Lois  Actuelles,  pp.  212-213. 

'Merignhac,  however,  states  that  the  Germans  in  1870  did  put  to  death  certain  Frenchmen,  presum- 
ably held  as  hostages,  for  the  refusal  or  inability  of  their  districts  to  pay  contributions  and  fines  iniposed 
upon  them  and  for  certain  acts  committed  against  isolated  Prussian  soldiers.  If  his  statement  is  true 
his  own  judgment  that  such  a  severity  was  "absolutely  unworthy  of  a  civilized  people"  will  generally 
be  accepted  outside  Germany.     See  his  Les  Lois  de  la  Guerre  Continentale,  p.  33. 

•Art.  52,  Convention  Respecting  the  Laws  and  Customs  of  War  on  Land. 

18 


Convention,  is  incorporated  in  the  military  manuals  of  the  United 
States,^  Great  Britain, ^  and  France.^  The  German  manual,  how- 
ever, repudiates  the  rule  of  the  Convention  and  declares  that  the 
"right  of  requisitioning  without  payment  exists  as  much  as  ever  and 
will  certainly  be  claimed  by  the  armies  in  the  field,  and  also  consider- 
ing the  size  of  modern  armies  must  be  claimed."  It  admits,  however, 
that  it  has  become  the  custom  to  furnish  receipts;  but  it  adds  that  the 
question  of  payment  "will  then  be  determined  on  the  conclusion  of 
peace,"^  the  inference  being  that  payment  will  be  made,  if  at  all,  out 
of  an  indemnity  extracted  from  the  vanquished  belligerent  and  not  by 
the  requisitioning  belligerent  if  he  is  the  victor.  The  Hague  Con- 
vention also  lays  down  the  rule  that  supplies  requisitioned  shall  "be 
in  proportion  to  the  resources  of  the  country;"^  and  the  writers  on  in- 
ternational law  outside  Germany  are  all  agreed  that  a  belligerent 
may  not  exercise  his  power  of  requisition  to  such  an  extent  as  to  re- 
duce the  inhabitants  to  destitution,  but  must  leave  them  enough  for 
their  own  subsistence.  The  Kriegsbrauch,  however,  does  not  accept 
this  humane  principle.  The  Hague  rule,  we  are  told,  would  be  "will- 
ingly recognized  by  every  one  in  theory,  but  it  will  scarcely  ever  be 
observed  in  practice.  In  cases  of  necessity  the  needs  of  the  army 
will  alone  decide;  and  a  man  does  well  generally  to  make  himself 
familiar  with  the  reflection  that,  in  the  changing  and  stormy  course 
of  a  war,  observance  of  the  regular  procedure  ot  peaceful  times  is, 
with  the  best  will,  impossible"!^ 

This  has  long  been  the  doctrine  of  German  military  writers.  Von 
Clausewitz  in  his  day  declared  that  the  resource  of  requisition  and 
contribution  "has  no  limits  except  those  of  exhaustion,  impoverish- 
ment, and  devastation  of  the  country'';''  that  "war  must  support  war" 
{la  guerre  nourrit  la  guerre,  as  the  French  translate  the  ancient  maxim) ; 
that  an  invader  has  a  right  to  live  on  the  country,  etc.  Von  Clause- 
witz even  warned  military  commanders  against  the  mistake  of  rely- 
ing too  much  on  "artificial  means  of  subsistence,"  that  is,  of  bringing 
their  own  supplies  with  them.  This  is  also  the  doctrine  of  von 
Moltke  who,  in  his  letter  to  Bluntschli  referred  to  above,  declared 
that  "the  soldier  who  is  exposed  to  suffering  and  privation,  to  exer- 
tion and  danger,  cannot  be  satisfied  with  requisitioning  supplies  in 
proportion  to  the  resources  of  the  country;  no,  he  must  take  every- 
thing that  is  necessary  to  his  existence."*  This  philosophy,  summed 
up,  means  that  since  Krieg  ist  Krieg  an  invader  is  entitled  to  take  the 
last  mouthful  of  food,  the  last  horse  or  cow,  the  last  bushel  of  grain, 
and  the  noncombatant  population  may  be  left  to  starve  if  the  occu- 
pying army  needs  the  supplies  thus  taken. 

'Art.  34S.  ... 

'Art.  416  and  note  h.  to  the  same  article. 
3Art.  103. 

'Morgan,  p.  175;  Carpentier,  p.  136. 
'Art.  52.  ,  _ 

'Morgan,  p.  176;  Carpentier,  p.  138. 

''Vom  Kruge,  English  translation  by  Graham,  Vol.  II,  p.  98.     General   von  Hartmann  defends  substan- 
tially the  same  view.     See  his  article  in  the  Deutsche  Rundschau,  Vol.  XIII,  pp.  450,  458. 
Hjcsammelte  Schriften  und  Denkwurdigkeiten,  Vol.  V,  p.  195. 

19 


The  Hague  Convention  allows  an  invader  to  requisition  the  ser- 
vices of  laborers  as  well  as  supplies,  but  it  expressly  forbids  the  forc- 
ing of  the  inhabitants  to  perform  work  having  any  connection  with 
"military  operations"  or  to  furnish  the  enemy  with  information  con- 
cerning their  own  army  or  its  means  of  defense.^  This  clearly  for- 
bids compulsory  labor  in  munitions  plants,  or  factories  engaged  in  the 
manufacture  of  war  materials  generally,  work  on  fortifications,  the 
digging  of  trenches  and  the  like,  and  it  has  generally  been  interpreted 
as  forbidding  the  taking  of  forced  guides.^  But  the  German  manual, 
on  this  point  as  on  so  many  others,  lays  down  a  different  rule.  It 
jrankly  admits  that  the  majority  of  writers  of  all  nations  have  unani- 
mously condemned  the  practice  of  compelling  the  inhabitants  of  occu- 
pied territory  to  furnish  the  occupant  with  information  regarding 
their  own  army,  its  resources,  military  secrets,  and  the  like,  but, 
nevertheless,  it  adds,  that  this  cruel  measure  "cannot  be  entirely  dis- 
pensed with."  Defending  the  right  to  force  the  inhabitants  to  serve 
as  guides,  the  manual  remarks  that  "whatever  may  be  the  horror 
aroused  by  the  sentiments  of  humanity  in  requiring  a  man  to  commit 
an  injury  to  his  own  country  and  indirectly  to  fight  against  his  own 
troops,  no  belligerent  operating  in  an  enemy  country  can  entirely 
renounce  this  expedient."^  Kriegsraison  may  make  it  necessary.  As 
to  compelling  the  inhabitants  to  perform  work  in  "military  opera- 
tions," it  warns  officers  against  a  too  elastic  interpretation  of  this  ex- 
pression. Again,  we  are  told,  Kriegsraison  must  decide;  which  means 
that  if  an  important  military  interest  may  be  subserved  by  disregard- 
ing the  prohibition,  the  obligation  to  conform  to  the  rule  ceases. 

German  practice  during  the  present  war  has  been  in  accord  with 
the  doctrine  of  the  Kriegsbrauch  rather  than  with  the  Hague  Conven- 
tion. In  the  occupied  regions  of  Belgium  and  France  supplies  have 
been  requisitioned  without  regard  to  the  resources  of  the  country;  in 
many  instances  indeed  it  has  amounted  to  sheer  spoliation  and  pil- 
lage. One  of  the  first  acts  of  the  Germans  after  establishing  their 
occupation  of  Belgium  was  to  take  an  elaborate  inventory,  by  means 
of  compulsory  declarations,  of  the  available  stocks  of  everything 
which  could  be  of  use  to  the  Germans  and  to  prohibit  the  exportation 
of  the  same — except  to  Germany.  Thereupon  a  wholesale  system  of 
requisition  was  inaugurated.  Growing  crops  were  requisitioned 
while  still  standing  in  the  fields;  live  stock,  farm  implements,  grain, 
raw  materials,  metals,  manufactured  articles,  even  the  church  bells 
were  taken  and  many  charges  have  been  made  by  the  Belgians  that 
no  payments  were  made,  that  bogus  receipts  were  given,  and  the  like. 
The  Hague  rule  that  requisitions  can  only  be  made  for  "the 
needs  of  the  army  of  occupation"  was  flagrantly  disregarded.  Im- 
mense quantities  of  raw  materials  were  taken  away  for  use  in  the 


iSee  articles  22  and  44  of  the  Convention  Respecting  the  Laws  and  Customs  of  War  on  Land. 

'See  Spaight,  op.  W<.,  p.  369;  Westlake,  o/>.  cif..  Vol.  II,  pp.  101-102;  Hershey,  p.  141;  Higgins,  p.  269,- 
Lawrence,  p.  418;  Fillet,  op.  cit.,  p.  144.  Even  some  German  writers  such  as  Loening,  Strupp,  Huber 
Meurer,  and  Zorn  so  interpret  the  prohibition.  See  also  the  American  RuUi  of  Land  fVarfare,  Art.  322; 
the  British  manual.  Art.  382,  note  d;  and  the  French  manual.  Art.  95. 

'Morgan,  p.  1S3;  Carpentier,  p.  110. 

20 


home  industries  of  Germany;  millions  of  cattle  and  horses  were  sim- 
ilarly transported  to  Germany  and  sold  to  German  farmers  and  stock 
raisers,  even  Belgian  factories  were  dismantled  of  their  machinery 
which  was  likewise  carried  off  and  installed  in  German  factories.  By 
no  process  of  interpretation  could  it  be  said  that  such  requisitions 
were  for  "the  needs  of  the  occupying  army";  they  were,  in  fact,  for 
the  maintenance  of  Germany's  home  industries — i.e.,  for  a  purpose 
the  legitimacy  of  which  is  not  recognized  by  the  Hague  Convention, 
the  military  manuals  of  other  countries,  or  by  any  writer  on  inter- 
national law  outside  Germany.  In  many  cases  the  deposits  in  pri- 
vate banks  and  private  pension  funds  in  the  post  offices  were  seized 
and  appropriated  in  violation  of  the  express  terms  of  the  Hague  Con- 
vention.^ Finally,  the  services  of  thousands  of  Belgian  laborers  were 
requisitioned  for  work  in  munitions  plants,  in  establishments  for  the 
manufacture  of  barbed  wire  and  other  war  materials,  for  digging 
trenches,  operating  military  railway  trains,  and  even  for  guides.^ 

Such  is  the  German  theory  and  practice  in  respect  to  requisitions. 
It  is  in  flagrant  contradiction  with  the  long-established  customary 
laws  of  war,  contrary  to  the  express  provisions  of  the  Hague  Conven- 
tion, and  it  has  been  condemned  by  every  authority  on  international 
law  outside  Germany  and  even  by  reputable  German  jurists. 


PECUNIARY  CONTRIBUTIONS 

The  Hague  Convention  allows  a  military  occupant  not  only  to 
collect  the  taxes  levied  by  the  state  in  the  territory  occupied,  but  in 
addition  it  allows  him  to  raise  "other  money  contributions,"  subject 
to  the  condition,  however,  that  the  latter  shall  be  levied  "only  for 
the  needs  of  the  army  or  for  the  administration  of  the  territory  in 
question."^  This  rule,  with  the  limitation  with  which  it  is  coupled, 
is  incorporated  in  the  manuals  of  the  United  States,  Great  Britain, 
and  France.  In  order  to  leave  no  doubt  as  to  the  purpose  for  which 
such  exactions  may  be  made,  the  British  manual  takes  the  precaution 
to  add  that  they  may  not  be  resorted  to  for  the  purpose  of  enriching 
the  occupant  or  for  the  purpose  of  pressure  or  of  punishment,  and 
that  they  shall  not  be  exorbitant  in  amount.  It  further  adds  that 
the  chief  purpose  in  allowing  an  occupant  to  levy  such  exactions  on 
the  inhabitants  is  to  permit  an  equitable  distribution  of  requisitions 
between  towns  and  cities,  on  the  one  hand,  and  the  country  districts, 
on  the  other;  money  being  contributed  by  the  former  to  purchase  sup- 
plies requisitioned  of  the  latter.^  This  view  of  the  nature  and  pur- 
pose of  contributions  is  that  generally  held  by  the  writers  on  inter- 


'Art.  S3. 

'I  have   discussed   at   length   German   policy  in  respect  to  requisitions  during   the    present    war,  in    an 

article  in  the  American  Journal  oj  International  Law  for  January,  1917,  pp.  74-112. 
3Art.  49. 
^Articles  423,  424.     Article  107  of  the   French   manual   likewise  adds   that  contributions   imposed   for 

self-enrichment  or  for  weakening  the  enemy  are  prohibited. 

21 


national  law  everywhere,^  at  least  outside  Germany,  and  it  is  also  the 
view  of  some  reputable  German  authorities.^ 

The  German  manual  itself  admits  that  contributions  cannot  be 
levied  for  the  "arbitrary  enrichment"  of  the  conqueror,  nor  for  the 
purpose  of  recouping  himself  for  the  cost  of  the  war,  but  it  allows 
them  to  be  levied  for  the  purpose  of  punishment^  and  it  does  not  take 
the  trouble  to  say,  as  does  the  English  manual,  that  they  shall  not  be 
"exorbitant"  in  amount.  In  fact,  German  theory  and  practice  have 
been  in  accord  with  the  view  that  contributions  are  not  merely  levies 
on  towns  and  cities  as  a  substitute  for  requisitions  in  kind,  that  they 
are  not  limited  to  the  needs  of  the  occupying  army  or  the  administra- 
tion, but  that  they  may  be  exacted  for  the  purpose  of  compelling  the 
inhabitants  to  sue  for  peace,  for  the  purpose  of  punishment,  for  cov- 
ering the  expenses  of  the  war,  and  even  for  the  enrichment  of  the 
occupant.  Von  Clausewitz,  for  example,  declared  that  the  first  ob- 
ject of  war  is  "invasion,  that  is,  the  occupation  of  the  enemy's  terri- 
tory, not  with  a  view  to  keeping  it  but  in  order  to  levy  contributions 
upon  it  or  to  devastate  it."*  Von  Moltke  expressed  essentially  the 
same  view  in  his  letter  to  Bluntschli,  referred  to  above.  Loening,  a  high 
German  authority,  maintains  that  it  is  even  legitimate  for  a  military 
occupant  to  exact  money  contributions  for  the  purpose  of  compelling 
the  inhabitants  to  sue  for  peace, ^  and  the  distinguished  Austrian  pub- 
licist, Lammasch,  defended  this  view  at  the  first  Hague  Conference 
in  1899,  although  it  found  no  favor  there.  ^  Other  German  writers 
maintain  this  extreme  view  universally  condemned  by  all  the  authori- 
ties outside  Germany  and  Austria. 

German  practice  during  the  war  of  1870-71  was  in  harmony  with 
this  view  and  it  has  been  the  same  during  the  present  war.  During 
their  occupation  of  France  in  1870-71  they  not  only  levied  enormous 
contributions  on  cities,  towns,  and  departments,^ — so  exorbitant  in 
amount  that  many  of  them  did  not  differ  from  sheer  pillage  except  in 
name,^ — but  for  the  avowed  purpose  of  breaking  the  resistance  of  the 
French  people  and  inducing  them  to  sue  for  peace,  they  levied  in 
December,  1870,  a  per  capita  contribution  of  25  francs  on  every 
inhabitant  in  the  occupied  districts  of  France.  The  German  writer 
Loening  admits  that  this  expedient  was  "extraordinary,"  but  he  de- 
fends it  on  the  ground  that  the  "situation  was  none  the  less  so,"  and 

'Compare  e.g.  Spaight,  op.  cit.,  p.  383. 

'E.g.  Bluntschli,  who  remarks  that  international  law  forbids  the  levying  of  contributions  on  the  inhabi- 
tants of  occupied  territory  except  when  they  are  absolutely  indispensable  for  the  maintenance  and  needs  of 
the  occupying  army,  op.  cit.,  sec.  654.  So  Leuder  remarks  that  they  are  limited  to  the  urgent  needs  of  the 
army  and  the  power  to  exact  them  must  be  strictly  construed.  Holtzendorff's  Handbuch  des  Volker- 
rechts.  Vol.  IV,  p.  503.  . 

'Morgan,  p.  178;  Carpentier,  p.  140. 

*Vom  Kriege,  Graham's  translation,  Vol.  I,  p.  33. 

'See  his  article  in  the  Revue  de  Droit  International  et  de  Legislation  Comparee,  Vol.  V,  p.  107. 

•Quoted  by  the  German  writer  Wehberg  (Capture  in  War  on  Land  and  Sea,  p.  42),  who  condemns  the 
view  that  a  belligerent  may  seek  to  induce  his  enemy  to  submit  by  exhausting  him  through  the  power 
to  lay  contributions  and  exact  requisitions. 

'I  have  given  many  examples  in  an  article  published  in  the  American  Journal  of  International  Law  for 
January,  1917,  pp.  74-76. 

8Cf.  Latifi,  "Effects  of  War  on  Private  Property,"  p.  34. 

22 


that  it  was  effective!^  It  is  refreshing  to  be  able  to  record,  however, 
that  this  harsh  and  unjustmeasure,  unanimously  condemned  by  writ- 
ers outside  Germany,  has  not  met  with  the  approval  of  all  reputable 
German  authorities.^  But  the  German  manual  assures  us  that  the 
power  of  requisition  and  contribution  as  resorted  to  by  the  Germans 
was  exercised  "with  the  utmost  tenderness  for  the  inhabitants,  even 
if  in  isolated  cases  excesses  occurred"!^ 

During  the  present  war  Belgium  and  France  have  been  bled  by 
huge  contributions,  the  frequency  and  amount  of  which  repel  the  as- 
sumption that  they  were  levied  only  for  the  needs  of  the  army  and  the 
expenses  of  the  administration.**  In  addition  to  a  general  annual  con- 
tribution of  480,000,000  francs  levied  on  the  occupied  portion  of  Bel- 
gium in  December,  1914,^  which  was  subsequently  increased  to 
720,000,000  and  renewed  each  year  since,  huge  contributions,  often 
running  into  the  millions,  have  been  levied  on  scores  if  not  hundreds 
of  towns  and  cities  in  both  Belgium  and  France.  In  addition  to  these 
exactions  the  Germans  of  course  collected  the  regular  taxes^  and 
raised  other  huge  sums  under  the  guise  of  collective  fines. 

COLLECTIVE  FINES 

The  Hague  Convention  forbids  the  imposition  of  collective  pun- 
ishments, pecuniary  or  otherwise,  upon  the  inhabitants  of  occupied 
territory  on  account  of  the  acts  of  individuals  for  which  they  cannot 
be  regarded  as  jointly  and  severally  responsible.^  This  rule  is  incor- 
porated in  the  war  manuals  of  the  United  States,*  Great  Britain,^ 
and  France, ^°  in  the  identical  language  in  which  it  was  formulated  by 
the  Hague  Conference.  The  American  manual  interprets  the  rule  to 
forbid  collective  punishments  except  for  such  offenses  "as  the  com- 
munity has  committed  or  permitted  to  be  committed,"  the  inference 
being  that  the  community  cannot  be  punished  for  the  acts  of  isolated 
individuals  when  the  population  as  a  whole  is  not  an  accomplice, 
either  actively  or  passively,  or  for  acts  which  the  local  authorities 
could  not  have  prevented.  If,  for  example,  the  act  is  committed  by 
an  isolated  individual  in  the  dead  of  night  in  a  remote  part  of  the 
town  or  district,  under  circumstances  which  make  it  impossible  for 
the  public  authorities  to  have  prevented  it,  or  if  there  is  no  proof  that 
the  population  as  a  whole  was  a  party  through  either  participation 
or  sympathy,  it  would  be  a  violation  of  the  most  elementary  rules  of 

'See  his  article  in  the  Revue  de  Droit  International  et  de  Legislation  Comparee,  Voi.  V,  p.  108. 

2It  is  condemned  e.g.  by  Bluntschli  {op.  cit.,  sec.  654),  by  Geffcken  (ed.  of  Heffter,  p.  30,  note  4)  and  by 
Wehberg  (Capture  in  War  on  Land  and  Sea,  ch.  iv). 

'Morgan,  p.  176;  Carpentier,  p.  138. 

*1  have  given  numerous  examples  in  my  article  referred  to  above. 

^The  text  of  the  order  imposing  this  contribution  may  be  found  in  Huberich  and  Speyer,  "German 
Legislation  in  Belgium,"  2d  ser.,  p.  11. 

^Not  content  with  collecting,  the  regular  taxes  on  the  inhabitants  who  remained  in  Belgium,  General 
von  Bissing  by  an  order  t  o  Jan.  16,  1915,  issued  for  the  purpose  of  compelling  the  hundreds  of  thousands 
of  Belgian  refugees  who  had  gone  into  exile  in  Holland  and  England  to  return  to  Belgium  in  order  that 
their  labor  might  be  requisit  ioned  by  the  Germans,  gave  notice  that  all  Belgians  who  did  not  return  by 
March  1  would  be  penalized  b  y  an  additiona  llevy  equal  to  ten  times  the  regular  personal  tax.  Text  in 
Huberich  and  Speyer,  op.  cit.,  p.41. 

'Art.  50.  'Art.  385. 

8Art.  354.  ""Art.  109. 

23 


justice  to  hold  the  community  responsible  and  subject  it  to  punish- 
ment; and  it  is  safe  to  say  that  the  Hague  Conference  never  intended 
to  sanction  the  application  of  the  principle  of  collective  responsi- 
bility and  punishment  in  such  cases.  ^ 

The  German  manual  does  not  deal  with  the  subject  of  collective 
fines  further  than  to  say  that  they  are  the  most  effective  means  of 
insuring  the  obedience  of  the  inhabitants  of  occupied  territory.  ^  It 
also  remarks  that  they  were  frequently  employed  by  the  Germans 
during  the  Franco-German  war  of  1870-71,  and  the  manual  naturally 
attempts  to  defend  the  German  practice.  As  is  well  known,  huge 
fines  were  laid  on  many  towns,  cities,  departments,  and  communes 
of  France.  The  enormity  of  the  amounts  exacted  and  their  dispro- 
portion to  the  offenses  alleged  are  evidence  enough  that  in  many  cases 
they  were  nothing  more  than  contributions  exacted  under  the  guise 
of  fines,  and  were  imposed  not  as  a  punitive  measure  but  merely  for 
the  enrichment  of  the  military  occupant.  ^  The  Germans  even  pushed 
the  theory  of  collective  responsibility  to  the  length  of  fining  remote 
communes,  from  which  offenders  originally  came,  for  acts  committed 
by  them  in  other  distant  communes  in  the  occupied  portion  of 
France."*  This  iniquitous  theory  of  collective  punishment  is  defended 
by  the  Kriegsbrauch  im  Landkriege  and  by  most  German  writers  on 
international  law,  mainly  on  the  ground  that  it  was  effective  in  pre- 
venting a  repetition  of  the  acts  complained  of.  ^  Leuder  and  the 
authors  of  the  German  manual  find  a  justification  also  in  the  "embit- 
tered character  which  the  war  took  on  during  its  later  stages."^ 
Regarding  the  French  complaint  that  the  fines  were  in  many  cases 
grossly  excessive  and  out  of  all  proportion  to  the  gravity  of  the 
offenses  alleged,  Leuder  remarks  that  the  promptness  with  which  they 
were  paid  is  evidence  enough  that  they  were  "in  truth  not  too  exor- 
bitant."^ Leuder  even  goes  to  the  length  of  asserting  that  a  com- 
munity may  be  fined  for  the  continued  persistence  of  the  inhabitants 
in  keeping  up  a  futile  struggle  {durch  frivol fortgesetze  Kriege).  The  25 
franc  per  capita  fine  levied  in  1870  on  all  the  inhabitants  of  the  occu- 
pied regions  of  France  for  the  purpose  of  breaking  their  spirit  of 
resistance  was  therefore  a  justifiable  measure.^ 

Such  is  the  theory  of  the  German  manual  and  of  German  writers 
regarding  collective  punishments.  It  is  criticized  by  practically 
every  writer  on  international  law  outside  Germany  and  even  some 


iCompare  Lawrence,  op.  cit.,  p.  447;   Spaight,  op.  cit.,  p.  408;  Despagnet,  Cours  de  Droit  International 

sees.  587-588;  Bordwell,  "Law  of  War,"  p.  317;  and  Nys,  Le  Droit  International,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  429. 
-Morgan,  p.  178.  ,  .  ,      _  . 

^Compare   Bonfils   Manuel  de  Droit   International,   sec.   1219.     I   have  reviewed  the  German  practice  of 

1870-71  and  given  many  details  as  to  the  imposition  of  fines  by  the  Germans,  in  an  article  in  the  American 

Journal  of  International  Law,  July,  1917,  pp.  512ff. 
^The  text  of  the  order  putting  into  effect  this  extraordinary  theory  of  collective  responsibility  may  be 

found  in  the  Revue  de  Droit  International  et  de  Legislation  Comparee,  Vol.  II,  p.  666. 
^See  the  defense  by  Loening  in  an  article  in  the  Revue  de  Droit  International  et  de  Legislation  Comparee. 

Vol.  v.  pp.  77ff. 
^Leuder  in  Holtzendorff's  Handbuch  des  Volkerrechts,  Vol.  IV,  p.  508;  also  sec.  112,  notel4M;  organ,  p. 178; 

Carpentier,  p.  141. 
Wp.  cit.,  p.  509. 

^Ibid.,  pp.  505  and  510.     For  a  criticism  of  this  extraordinary  contention  see  Westlake,  "Collected  papers 
on  International  Law,"  p.  251. 

24 


German  writers  have  condemned  it.^  It  is  likewise  contrary  to  the 
rule  of  the  Hague  Convention  and  to  the  most  elementary  principles 
of  the  criminal  law. 

During  the  present  war  the  Germans  in  both  Belgium  and  France 
have  proceeded  on  this  theory  on  an  even  larger  scale  than  they  did 
in  1870-71.  Scores  of  cities,  towns,  and  communes  have  been  pun- 
ished by  huge  fines  for  offenses  committed  by  individuals  which  the 
civil  authorities  were  powerless  to  prevent  and  in  which  the  popula- 
tion could  not  by  any  process  of  reasoning  have  been  regarded  as 
accomplices.  In  many  cases  the  fines  were  out  of  all  proportion  to 
the  gravity  of  the  offenses  alleged,  leaving  no  doubt  that  in  fact  they 
were  levied  not  as  a  punitive  measure  but  for  the  purpose  of  enrich- 
ing the  military  occupant  and  recouping  himself  for  the  cost  of  the 
war.  In  some  cases  they  were  levied  on  the  inhabitants  not  for  acts 
of  the  civil  population  but  for  acts  committed  by  the  regular  armed 
forces  of  the  enemy,  which  of  course  are  not  punishable  by  community 
fines  since  they  are  legitimate  acts  of  war. 

The  city  of  Brussels,  to  cite  a  notable  instance  from  many,  has 
already  been  fined  at  least  five  times.  It  was  fined  5,000,000  francs 
in  November,  1914,  for  the  act  of  a  policeman  in  attacking  a  German 
officer  during  the  course  of  a  dispute  between  the  two;  again  in  July, 
1915,  it  was  fined  5,000,000  francs  for  the  alleged  destruction  of  a 
German  Zeppelin  by  a  British  aviator  near  Brussels;  in  the  same 
month  it  was  fined  5,000,000  marks  in  consequence  of  a  patriotic 
demonstration  by  the  inhabitants  on  the  occasion  of  the  celebration 
of  the  national  holiday  (July  21);  early  in  1916  it  was  fined  500,000 
marks  on  the  charge  that  a  crime  had  been  committed  in  the  suburb 
of  Shaerbeek  with  a  revolver  obtained  in  Brussels  where  the  posses- 
sion of  fire  arms  by  the  citizens  had  been  forbidden  by  the  military 
authorities;  finally,  in  March,  1918,  the  city  was  fined  2,000,000 
marks  on  account  of  a  demonstration  by  anti-Flemish  agitators.  A 
fine  of  60,000,000  francs  was  imposed  on  the  province  of  Liege; 
10,000,000  on  the  city  of  Liege;  3,000,000  on  Tournai;  10,000,000  on 
Courtrai;  3,000,000  on  Wavre;  500,000  on  Lille;  650,000  on  Lune- 
ville,  and  scores  of  others.-  Many  towns  were  fined  for  the  alleged 
firing  of  shots  against  German  troops  by  civilian  inhabitants;  others 
were  fined  on  account  of  the  refusal  of  the  municipal  authorities  to 
furnish  the  military  commanders  with  lists  of  unemployed  laborers 
whom  the  Germans  were  preparing  to  deport  for  forced  labor  in  Ger- 
many; others  were  fined  for  inability  to  comply  with  requisitions;  for 
the  refusal  of  the  inhabitants  to  work  for  the  Germans;  for  the  cut- 
ting of  telephone  wires,  and  the  like. 

In  many  instances  these  fines  were  in  addition  to  other  heavy 
exactions   under   the   form   of  requisitions,   contributions,    and    tax 


i£.g.  Bluntschli,  op.  cit.,  sec.  643bis;  and  Geffcken,  note  7  to  sec.  126  of  his  edition  of  Heffter's  Le  Droit 

InternatioJial  de  V Europe. 
2  I  have  given  the  details  regarding  a  good  many  other  instances  in  the  American  Journal  of  International 

Law  ior  ]u\y,  1917,  pp.  ilSff. 

25 


levies.  As  one  reads  the  long  list  of  such  exactions  and  the  reasons 
alleged  for  imposing  them,  it  is  difficult  to  avoid  the  conclusion  that 
they  were  a  part  of  the  well-established  German  philosophy  of  war 
that  an  invader  is  entitled  to  live  on  the  country  which  falls  under 
his  occupation  and  that  the  employment  of  any  instrumentality  or 
measure  is  legitimate  whenever  its  use  contributes  "to  the  attain- 
ment of  the  object  of  the  war." 

BOMBARDMENTS 

The  Hague  Convention  forbids  the  bombardment  by  whatever 
means  of  towns,  villages,  dwellings,  or  buildings  which  are  unde- 
fended;^ it  requires  the  officer  in  command  of  an  attacking  force  to  do 
all  in  his  power  to  warn  the  authorities  before  commencing  a  bom- 
bardment, except  in  cases  of  assault;-  and  it  enjoins  belligerents  to 
spare  as  far  as  possible  buildings  dedicated  to  religion,  art,  science,  or 
charitable  purposes,  historic  monuments,  and  hospitals.^  These  rules 
are  incorporated  textually  in  the  war  manuals  of  the  United  States, 
Great  Britain,  and  France. 

The  German  manual,  however,  as  it  so  often  does,  repudiates 
the  Hague  rule  and  declares  that  a  preliminary  notification  of  bom- 
bardment is  not  required  in  any  case.  The  claims  to  the  contrary 
put  forward  by  some  jurists  are,  we  are  told,  absolutely  contrary  to 
the  necessities  of  war  and  must  be  rejected  by  soldiers;  moreover,  the 
instances  in  which  warning  has  been  voluntarily  given  do  not  prove 
the  existence  of  an  obligation.  The  besieging  commander  must  de- 
termine for  himself  whether  the  giving  of  preliminary  notice  will  have 
the  effect  of  endangering  the  success  of  his  operations  through  the 
loss  of  precious  time.  It  he  is  satisfied  that  it  will  have  this  effect  he 
is  not  bound  to  give  warning;  if,  on  the  contrary,  he  has  nothing  to 
fear  from  giving  the  notification,  "conformity  to  the  exigences  of 
humanity"  requires  that  it  should  be  given.'*  In  short,  the  duty  of 
the  belligerent  in  this  as  in  other  cases  is  determined  not  by  consider- 
ations of  humanity  but  by  its  effect  upon  the  success  of  the  military 
operations.  The  American  rules  add  that  while  there  is  no  rule 
requiring  a  besieging  commander  to  allow  women  and  children  to  be 
removed  before  the  bombardment  commences,  it  has  been  the  Ameri- 
can practice  to  allow  them  to  leave  and  the  manual  reproduces  the 
text  of  an  order  issued  by  General  Noghi  during  the  Russo-Japanese 
war  giving  permission  to  the  women  and  children  to  leave  Port 
Arthur  before  the  bombardment  commenced.^  The  text  of  the  Ger- 
man manual  does  not  differ  from  those  of  the  other  three  countries  in 
holding  that  no  such  obligation  is  incumbent  upon  a  besieging  com- 
mander, but  it  does  not  go  to  the  length  which  the  British  manual 
does^  of  saying  that  considerations  of  humanity  make  it  desirable  if 

■Art.  25.  ■ 

2Art.  26.  . 

'Art.  27. 

^Morgan,  p.  104;  Carpentier,  p.  45. 

'American  Rules,  p.  68. 

8Art.  127. 

■  26  . 


possible  to  permit  the  inhabitants  to  leave,  nor  does  it  call  attention 
to  the  fact,  as  do  the  American  rules,  that  the  best  recent  practice  is 
in  favor  of  this  humanitarian  procedure.  On  the  contrary,  it  asserts 
that  the  "pretentions  of  the  professors  of  international  law  on  this 
point  must  be  deliberately  rejected  in  principle  as  opposed  to  the 
principles  of  war,"  because  the  presence  of  the  noncombatant  popu- 
lation who  must  be  fed  from  the  supplies  of  the  besieged  may  have 
the  effect  of  hastening  the  surrender  of  the  place.  By  refusing  to 
allow  them  to  leave,  the  besieging  commander  derives  a  military  ad- 
vantage and  it  would  be  foolish,  therefore,  for  him  to  renounce  volun- 
tarily this  advantage.^ 

Regarding  the  prohibition  to  bombard  open  towns  and  villages 
which  are  not  occupied  by  the  enemy  or  defended,  the  German  man- 
ual takes  occasion  to  say,  somewhat  cynically,  that  such  a  prohibition 
was  indeed  embodied  in  the  Hague  regulations  but  it  was  a  "super- 
fluous provision  because  the  history  of  modern  wars  hardly  knows  of 
any  such  case."^  In  short,  according  to  the  view  of  the  German 
manual,  practically  every  town  within  the  lines  of  the  enemy  is  today 
a  "defended"  place  and  may  therefore  be  bombarded.  This  extra- 
ordinary contention  in  effect  reduces  the  prohibitions  of  the  Hague 
Convention  in  respect  to  bombardment  to  a  nullity  and  it  is  directly 
contrary  to  the  views  of  practically  all  writers  on  international  law  as 
to  what  constitutes  "defense."  There  is  a  general  agreement  among 
the  text  writers  that  a  place  is  "undefended"  and  therefore  exempt 
from  bombardment  if  it  possesses  no  means  of  defense  or  offers  no 
resistance  to  the  entrance  of  the  enemy.  If  it  is  without  fortifications 
or  artillery  or  is  unoccupied  by  troops,  as  many  towns  are  in  time  of 
war,  it  cannot  by  any  reasonable  process  of  interpretation  be  said  to 
be  "defended."^  The  German  manual,  however,  proceeds  on  the  as- 
sumption that  practically  all  towns  in  modern  times  possess  the 
means  of  defending  themselves  against  the  enemy.  If  there  are  mil- 
itary stores,  railway  establishments,  telegraph  lines,  or  bridges  in  the 
town,  this  constitutes  a  sufficient  excuse  for  bombarding  it.'* 

In  practice  the  Germans  have  during  the  present  war  proceeded 
in  accord  with  the  teachings  of  the  Kriegsbrauch.  They  have  bom- 
barded many  open  and  undefended  towns  in  Belgium  and  France. 
In  some  cases  these  appear  to  have  been  technically  defended  in  the 
sense  of  being  occupied  by  troops,  although  without  batteries;  in 
other  cases,  such  as  the  bombardment  of  the  coast  towns  of  Hartle- 
pool, Whitby,  Scarborough,  and  Yarmouth,  there  was  not  a  soldier 
or  a  battery  in  the  town.  They  were  bombarded  in  the  darkness  of 
night  without  a  word  of  warning;  scores  of  women  and  children  were 
killed,  and  hundreds  of  private  houses  were  destroyed,  when  in  fact 


'Morgan,  p.  107;  Carpentier,  p.  49. 

^Morgan,  p.  108;  Carpentier,  p.  50. 

'Compare  Holland,  "Laws  of  War  on  Land,"  p.  30;  Spaight,  op.  cit.,  p.  158;Pillet,  Les  Lois  ActuelUs.'p. 
104;  Bonfils,  Manuel,   sees.  1081-1082;   Westlake,  op.  cit..  Vol.  II,  p.  315;  Merignhac,  op.  cit.,  p.   177. 

*The  British  manual.  Art.  118,  expressly  condemns  this  view  as  do  the  American  ^u/«  (Art.  212,  note  I) 
which  add  that  if  it  is  necessary  to  destroy  such  objects  it  must  be  done  by  other  means  than  bombard- 
ment. ,  -      . 

27 


no  military  purpose  was  subserved.  As  long  ago  as  1844  the  Duke 
of  Wellington,  adverting  to  a  recommendation  of  the  Prince  of  Join- 
ville's  that  in  the  event  of  war  between  France  and  England  the  unde- 
fended coast  towns  of  England  should  be  bombarded,  declared  that 
such  a  method  of  warfare  had  been  "disclaimed  by  the  civilized  por- 
tions of  mankind."  He  was  right,  but  it  remained  for  the  Germans 
to  revive  it  in  the  year  1915. 

The  injunction  of  the  Hague  Convention  that  in  sieges  and  bom- 
bardments all  necessary  steps  must  be  taken  to  spare  as  far  as  pos- 
sible buildings  dedicated  to  religion,  art,  science,  or  charitable  pur- 
poses, historic  monuments,  hospitals,  and  the  like  has  been  system- 
atically disregarded  by  the  German  military  commanders  during  the 
present  war.  The  destruction  of  the  University  of  Louvain  with  its 
library  of  priceless  treasures;  of  many  beautiful  historic  city  halls, 
some  of  them  dating  from  the  middle  ages;  of  the  cathedrals  of 
Rheims,  Malines,  St.  Quentin,  Soissons,  and  Arras;  the  ancient  Cloth 
Hall  at  Ypres  completed  in  1304  and  one  of  the  most  exquisite  ex- 
amples of  Gothic  architecture  in  Europe;  the  historic  Chateau  de 
Coucy  built  in  the  thirteenth  century;  and  scores  of  other  ancient 
historic  edifices — some  of  which  like  the  Cathedral  of  Rheims  belonged 
not  to  France  alone  but  were  in  a  real  sense  the  property  of  all 
mankind — is  evidence  enough  of  the  manner  in  which  the  injunction 
of  the  Hague  Convention  has  been  respected.^  Brand  Whitlock, 
American  minister  to  Belgium,  in  a  report  made  to  the  Department 
of  State  in  1917,  declared  that  the  only  institutions  scrupulously  res- 
pected by  the  Germans  in  Belgium  were  the  breweries.  It  is  only 
just  to  the  Germans,  however,  to  assume  that  in  some  instances  it 
was  impossible  for  them  to  spare  churches  and  historic  monuments 
situated  as  they  were  in  the  center  of  the  towns  or  cities  which  they 
had  a  lawful  right  to  bombard,  and  it  may  be  true  that  in  some  in- 
stances church  towers  were,  as  they  charged,  used  for  purposes  of 
military  observation  by  the  enemy,  although  these  charges  have  been 
emphatically  denied  by  the  Belgian  and  French  authorities.  But 
even  if  we  admit  the  validity  of  the  German  excuse  that  the  immunity 
of  certain  edifices  from  bombardment  had  been  forfeited  by  their  use 
for  military  observation  and  that  it  was  impossible  to  spare  others 
because  of  their  situation,  what  justification  can  they  offer  for  the 
destruction  of  buildings  of  this  character  after  their  armed  forces  had 
gained  possession  of  the  towns  in  which  they  were  situated  and  effec- 
tively established  their  authority  over  the  population?  In  fact, 
most  of  them  were  destroyed  or  damaged  not  through  bombardment 
from  the  outside  but  were  burned  by  the  Germans  while  they  were  in 
full  possession  and  consequently  when  there  was  no  military  justifica- 
tion for  destroying  them.  Some  of  them,  like  the  Castle  of  Coucy, 
were  wantonly  destroyed  as  a  measure  of  devastation  before  the 

iM.  Malvey,  French  Minister  of  the  Interior,  in  a  report  made  by  him  in  1917  stated  that  221  city  halls 
of  France  had  been  damaged  or  wrecked  by  the  Germans,  379  school  buildings,  331  churches  and  306 
other  structures  of  a  public  or  semi-public  character.  Fifty-six  of  the  buildings  destroyed  were  classified 
as  "historical"  edifices.     The  number  of  such  buildings  destroyed  or  injured  in  Belgium  was  even  larger. 

28 


retreat  of  the  Germans  and  when  no  direct  military  object  was  sub- 
served thereby.  The  war  manuals  of  all  countries  condemn  the  des- 
truction of  such  buildings  except  where  it  is  absolutely  required  by 
the  gravest  military  necessity.^  Even  the  German  manual  declares 
that  they  must  be  spared  and  protected.^ 

CONCLUSION 

Such  are  the  theories  of  the  German  war  manual  and  such  are 
some  of  the  more  important  points  of  divergence  between  it  and  the 
manuals  of  the  United  States,  Great  Britain,  and  France  and  the 
Hague  Convention.  The  statement  of  the  London  Times  that  "it 
is  the  first  time  in  the  history  of  mankind  that  a  creed  so  revolting 
has  been  deliberately  formulated  by  a  great  civilized  state"  may  seem 
a  little  severe,  but  it  can  at  least  be  said  that  the  doctrines  of  the  Ger- 
man manual  on  many  points  are  absolutely  in  conflict  with  the  liberal 
and  enlightened  views  of  practically  all  jurists  and  text  writers  out- 
side Germany,  contrary  to  many  of  the  rules  agreed  upon  by  the 
powers  represented  at  the  Hague  Conferences  and  formally  embodied 
in  the  Convention  Respecting  the  Laws  and  Customs  of  War  on  Land, 
and  out  of  harmony  with  the  whole  spirit  and  progress  of  modern 
civilization.  As  such,  the  manual  has  been  justly  condemned  by 
American,  Belgian,  English,  and  French  writers  on  the  laws  of  war, 
almost  without  exception. 

It  is  but  just  to  say,  however,  that  some  of  its  provisions  are 
irreproachable  and  entirely  in  accord  with  the  letter  and  spirit  of  the 
Hague  Conventions  as  well  as  the  generally  recognized  customs  and 
usages  of  civilized  warfare.  Thus  the  manual  declares  that  belliger- 
ents are  bound  to  respect  the  inviolability  of  neutral  territory  and 
that  if  a  belligerent  trespasses  upon  the  territory  of  a  neutral  state 
the  latter  may  resist  such  a  violation  with  all  the  means  in  its  power;^ 
that  an  occupying  belligerent  is  bound  to  respect  the  laws  in  force 
except  where  "imperative  military  necessity"  requires  alteration;'* 
that  occupation  of  the  enemy's  territory  does  not  mean  annexation 
of  it;^  that  the  law  of  nations  no  longer  recognizes  the  right  ofpillage 
and  devastation;^  that  private  property  in  land  warfare  may  be  taken 
only  for  the  needs  of  the  army;^  that  libraries,  churches,  school  build- 
ings, museums,  almshouses,  and  hospitals  must  be  protected  and  that 
art  treasures  can  no  longer  be  carried  off  by  an  invader  for  the  en- 
richment of  his  own  galleries;^  that  the  civil  population  of  the  enemy 
territory  are  not  to  be  regarded,  generally  speaking,  as  enemies;  that 


^Compare  the  American  Rules,  Art.  225;  the  British  manual,  Art.  133;  and  the  French  manual.  Art.  65. 

^Morgan,  pp.  105,  169.  The  following  from  an  article  by  Major  General  Disfurth  published  in  the  Ham- 
burger Nachrichten,  November,  1914,  has  been  quoted  as  an  example  of  the  estimation  in  which  historic 
monuments  are  held  by  German  military  commanders:  "War  is  war  and  must  be  waged  with  severity. 
The  commonest  ugliest  stone  placed  over  the  grave  of  a  German  grenadier  is  a  more  glorious  monument 
than  all  the  cathedrals  in  Europe  put  together.  They  call  us  barbarians.  What  of  it.''  For  my  part 
I  hope  that  in  this  war  we  have  merited  the  title  of  barbarians.  Our  troops  must  achieve  victory.  What 
else  matters?"     Quoted  by  Sir  Gilbert  Parker  in  his  book,  "The  World  in  the  Crucible,"  p.  80. 

^Morgan,  p.  197.  ^Ibid.,  pp.  161  and  177. 

*Ibid.,  p.  181.  Ubid.,  p.  170. 

mid.,  p.  180.  ilbid.,  p.  169. 

■  29 


they  cannot  therefore  be  injured,  insulted,  maltreated,  carried  away 
into  bondage,  or  killed;^  that  the  sick  and  wounded  of  the  enemy 
should  be  protected  and  cared  for;  etc.-  In  fact,  however,  every  one 
of  these  rules  has  been  violated — some  of  them  many  times —  by  the 
German  armies  during  the  present  war. 

The  German  manual,  therefore,  must  be  studied  not  merely  as  a 
document  but  in  the  light  of  German  practice  in  order  to  arrive  at  a 
just  conception  of  the  real  German  philosophy  of  the  nature  and  ob- 
jects of  war  and  the  means  and  instruments  that  may  be  employed  in 
prosecuting  it  to  a  successful  termination.  One  can  no  more  obtain 
a  true  notion  of  this  philosophy  by  confining  his  study  to  the  text  of 
the  manual  than  he  can  understand  the  real  character  of  the  German 
government  by  reading  the  formal  prescriptions  of  the  constitution. 

THE  GERMAN  CODE  OF  NAVAL  WARFARE 

Happily  what  is  said  above  in  criticism  of  the  German  manual 
of  land  warfare  cannot  be  applied  to  the  German  manual  for  the  con- 
duct of  war  at  sea.^  The  rules  of  the  German  prize  code  in  respect 
to  blockade,  contraband,  capture,  search,  and  the  destruction  of 
prizes  are  quite  in  harmony  with  the  generally  recognized  laws  and 
usages  of  naval  warfare.  In  the  main  they  are  literal  reproductions 
of  the  corresponding  rules  of  the  Declaration  of  London,  although 
there  are  some  unimportant  divergencies. 

Before  capturing  a  vessel,  the  prize  code  tells  us,  the  commander 
must  cause  it  to  stop  by  means  of  a  signal,  he  must  then  send  aboard 
a  searching  party,  its  papers  must  be  examined  for  the  purpose  of 
determining  its  nationality  as  well  as  the  character  and  destination 
of  its  cargo,  etc.  If  the  examination  establishes  the  liability  of  the 
ship  or  cargo  to  capture,  a  prize  crew  must  be  placed  on  board  and 
the  vessel  taken  in  for  trial  by  a  prize  court.  Members  of  the  crew 
who  are  subjects  of  a  neutral  state  must  be  released  without  condi- 
tions.^ Following  the  rules  of  the  Declaration  of  London,  the  prize 
code  allows  the  captor  under  certain  conditions  to  destroy  his  prize 
instead  of  taking  it  in  for  adjudication^  but  it  takes  care  to  add  that 
"before  proceeding  to  a  destruction  of  the  vessel,  the  safety  of  all  per- 
sons on  boards  and,  so  far  as  possible,  of  their  effects,  is  to  be  provided 
for,  and  all  the  ship's  papers  and  other  evidentiary  material  of  value 
for  the  formulation  of  the  judgment  of  the  prize  court  are  to  be  taken 
over  by  the  commander."^  Regarding  the  destruction  of  neutral  ves- 
sels for  carrying  contraband,  the  prize  code  expressly  declares,  fol- 
lowing the  Declaration  of  London,  that  such  vessels  may  be  destroyed 

nhid.,  pp.  147-148. 

nhid.,  p.  115. 

3The  Prxsen  Ordnung  of  Sept.  30,  1909,  and  the  Prij^n  GirrifA«/orinu«j  of  April  IS,  1911,  together  pro- 
.    mulgated  as  a  prize  code  on  Aug.  3,  1914.     Both  have  been  translated  into  English  by  C.  H.  Huberich 

and  Richard  King  and  published  under  the  title    "The  Prize  Code  of  the  German  Empire  as  in  Force 

July  1,  1915"  (New  York  and  London,  1915). 
♦Arts.  81-98. 
6Art.  113. 
'Art.  116.     This  humane  requirement  regarding  provision  for  the  safety  of  the  crews  and  passengers  is 

repeated  in  Art.  129. 

30 


only  when  subject  to  condemnation  by  a  prize  court;  and  it  adds  that 
they  are  not  subject  to  condemnation  unless  the  contraband  on  board 
constitutes  more  than  half  the  cargo.  ^ 

As  to  blockades,  the  prize  code  lays  down  the  universally  ac- 
cepted principle  that  a  blockade  to  be  legal  must  be  effective,-  that 
is,  it  must  be  maintained,  in  the  language  of  the  prize  code,  by  a  "cor- 
don" of  ships  off  the  blockaded  ports, ^  and  that,  when  vessels  are 
destroyed  by  the  captor  for  breach  of  blockade,  provision  must  be 
made  for  the  safety  of  the  persons  on  board.  ^  Finally,  the  prize  code 
in  accordance  with  Conventions  No.  X  and  XI  of  the  second  Hague 
Conference  declares  that  hospital  ships  and  vessels  engaged  on  mis- 
sions of  philanthropy  and  relief  are  exempt  from  capture,  and  of 
course  from  destruction.^ 

GERMAN  METHODS  OF  WAR  AT  SEA 

These  rules  are  beyond  criticism;  unlike  so  many  of  those  in  the 
German  manual  of  land  warfare  they  conform  to  the  requirements  of 
the  great  international  Conventions  as  well  as  the  best  usage  of  mod- 
ern naval  warfare.  Unfortunately,  however,  German  practice  during 
the  present  war  has  been  in  flagrant  contradiction  to  them.  The  re- 
quirement that  vessels  shall  be  searched,  their  nationality  verified, 
and  their  liability  to  capture  established  before  destruction,  has  rarely 
been  observed  by  German  submarine  commanders.  Their  examina- 
tion has  usually  consisted  of  nothing  more  than  a  long  distance  view 
through  a  periscope,  under  circumstances  which  make  it  impossible 
for  the  commander  to  determine  the  destination  of  the  ship  or  the 
character  and  destination  of  the  cargo.  Hundreds  of  neutral  vessels, 
more  than  a  thousand  altogether,  have  been  torpedoed,  in  most  cases, 
for  carrying  contraband,  yet  there  appear  to  be  few  or  no  instances 
in  which  the  destroying  commander  stopped  the  vessel,  inspected  its 
papers,  or  examined  its  cargo — this  in  the  face  of  the  rule  of  the  Ger- 
man prize  code  that  a  vessel  may  not  be  destroyed  for  carrying  con- 
traband unless  it  is  liable  to  condemnation  by  a  prize  court  and  unless 
the  contraband  goods  constitute  more  than  half  the  cargo.  How  it 
is  possible  for  a  submarine  commander  peering  through  the  narrow 
slit  of  a  periscope  to  determine  the  character  of  a  cargo  in  the  hold  of 
a  distant  ocean  liner,  much  less  to  determine  what  proportion  the  con- 
traband goods,  if  there  Se  any,  bear  to  the  total  cargo,  has  never  been 
explained. 

The  provision  of  the  German  prize  code  that  the  captor  shall 
make  provision  for  the  safety  of  all  persons  on  board  before  destroy- 
ing the  vessel  has,  as  is  well  known,  been  ruthlessly  disregarded. 
Ocean  liners  by  the  hundred  have  been  torpedoed  by  German  sub- 
marines sorrietimes  without  a  word  of  warning,  sometimes  with  warn- 

lArts.  41  and  113a. 

2Art.  59. 

3Arts.  76,  77.  .  .  .  .  ■         - 

4Arts.  78,  113.  .  ...   .":..  , 

6Art.  5.  -  ■■  . 

31 


ing  entirely  insufficient  to  enable  the  crews  and  passengers  to  take  to 
the  life  boats.  Even  when  provision  was  made  for  the  safety  of  those 
on  board,  it  consisted  of  nothing  more  than  placing  them  in  small  life 
boats,  frequently  in  rough  weather,  sometimes  hundreds  of  miles  from 
land,  leaving  them  to  drift  about  for  many  days  exposed  to  the  rigors 
of  winter,  to  suffer  the  tortures  of  thirst  and  hunger,  and  often  to  be 
washed  overboard  and  drowned  in  the  seas  which  they  were  innocently 
traversing  and  for  the  freedom  of  which  the  German  government  pre- 
tends to  be  fighting.  According  to  official  British  returns  published 
in  March,  1918,  12,836  noncombatants  of  British  nationality  alone, 
including  many  women  and  children,  had  lost  their  lives  in  conse- 
quence of  this  method  of  warfare.^  Down  to  May,  1918,  the  toll 
taken  in  this  way  of  Norwegian  ships  and  seamen  amounted  to  755 
vessels  and  1006  lives,  not  counting  700  men  on  53  missing  vessels 
most  of  which  are  now  regarded  as  lost.- 

Notwithstanding  the  rule  of  the  German  prize  code  that  for  a 
blockade  to  be  legal  a  "cordon"  of  vessels  must  be  stationed  off  the 
blockaded  coasts  and  ports  so  as  to  make  the  blockade  effective,  the 
German  government  pretends  to  have  established  a  lawful  blockade 
of  England  by  means  of  the  submarines,  which,  of  course,  by  reason 
of  their  number  and  character,  are  incapable  of  maintaining  a  block- 
ade. Such  a  blockade  is  very  much  like  the  expedient  of  a  police 
commissioner  who  without  having  a  sufficient  number  of  officers  at 
his  disposal  to  close  a  street  depends  upon  the  occasional  dash  of  a 
policeman  upon  the  scene  who  shoots  innocent  bystanders  and  tres- 
passers alike.  There  in  no  formality  of  search,  no  notification,  no 
adjudication.  The  whole  procedure  is  like  ambushing  a  man  and 
sending  him  to  his  death  without  warning  and  without  a  trial. 

DESTRUCTION  OF  HOSPITAL  AND  BELGIAN 
RELIEF  SHIPS 

In  a  similar  manner  the  immunity  of  hospital  ships  and  vessels 
engaged  in  charitable  work,  proclaimed  by  the  German  prize  code  in 
its  very  first  chapter,  has  been  deliberately  overridden  again  and  again 
by  German  submarine  commanders.  On  October  26,  1914,  the 
French  steamer  Amiral  Gaiiteaume  with  2500  Belgian  refugees  who 
were  being  transported  to  England  from  their  stricken  country  was 
deliberately  torpedoed  by  a  German  submarine  without  warning  and 
without  excuse.  The  French  government  justly  characterized  the 
act  as  the  "murder  of  inoffensive  individuals"  and  asserted  that  "never 
before  in  the  most  barbarous  times  had  a  crime  comparable  to  this 
been  committed."^     Among  hospital  ships  similarly  torpedoed  were 

^New  York  Times,  March  14,  1918.  See  also  an  address  by  Wesley  Frost,  United  States  Consul  at 
Queenstown,  published  in  the  London  Weekly  Times  of  Dec.  7,  1917;  also  his  despatch  to  the  Depart- 
ment of  State,  text  in  New  York  Times  of  April  23,  1917.  Mr  Frost,  who  saw  hundreds  of  the  rescued 
victims,  gives  many  harrowing  details  of  the  sufferings  which  they  endured.  See  also  a  book  by  Alfred 
Noyes  entitled  "Open  Boats"  (New  York,  1917)  and  a  very  frank  and  illuminating  account  by  a  Ger- 
man submarine  commander  in  his  book  entitled  "The  Journal  of  a  Submarine  Commander"  (English 
translation  by  Russell  Codman,  Boston,  1917). 

^Despatch  from  the  Norwegian  Foreign  Office  published  in  the  New  York  Times,  May  7,  1918. 

^Rei'ue  Generate  de  Droit  International  Public,  July-Oct.,  1915,  Docs.  p.  112. 

32 


the  Asturias  (31  persons  lost  their  lives),  th&Anglia  (with  a  loss  of 
100  lives),  th&Britannic  (about  50  lives  being  lost),  the  Bremer  Castle, 
the  Gloucester  Castle,  the  Donegal,  the  Lanjranc  (75  lives  lost),  the 
Stephano,  and  others.  Every  one  of  these  vessels  bore  in  conspicu- 
ous letters  the  Red  Cross  markings  which  at  night  were  highly  illu- 
minated. In  some  cases  the  excuse  given  by  the  German  govern- 
ment was  mistake;  but  in  January,  1917,  the  German  government 
threw  off  the  mask  and  announced  that  in  the  future  all  British  and 
French  hospital  ships  would  be  regarded  as  vessels  of  war  and  would 
if  encountered  in  the  war  zone  be  sunk  without  warning^ — this  on  the 
pretext  that  the  Entente  hospital  ships  were  engaged  in  transporting 
troops  and  munitions  of  war.  The  British  and  French  governments 
emphatically  denied  the  charge  and  caused  the  attention  of  the  Ger- 
man government  to  be  called  to  the  provision  of  the  Hague  Conven- 
tion which  allows  belligerents  to  stop  and  search  hospital  ships  and 
to  verify  any  suspicions  which  they  may  have  that  the  Red  Cross 
privilege  is  being  abused.  But  German  submarine  commanders  ap- 
parently did  not  care  to  take  the  trouble  to  observe  this  humane 
requirement  of  the  Convention  and  they  continued  to  sink  every  hos- 
pital ship  which  they  pretended  to  suspect  of  misusing  the  Red  Cross 
flag,  without  making  any  effort  to  verify  their  suspicions  by  an  exam- 
ination. There  is  no  evidence  that  one  of  the  ships  thus  torpedoed 
was  ever  employed  for  any  other  purpose  than  the  transportation  of 
the  sick  and  wounded  and  the  neutral  world  has  accepted  the  denial 
of  the  British  and  French  governments  as  a  truthful  statement  of 
facts.  The  decree  of  January,  1917,  was  justly  regarded  in  America 
as  the  climax  of  German  savagery  in  its  methods  of  submarine  war- 
fare. 

Many  relief  ships  engaged  in  the  transportation  of  food  and  other 
supplies  to  the  stricken  people  of  Belgium,  and  equally  protected  by 
both  the  Hague  Conventions  and  the  German  prize  code,  were  simi- 
larly treated.  The  Harplyce,  the  Ulriken,  the  Otamas,  the  Tokomaru, 
the  Hendron  Hall,  the  Friedland,  the  Storstad,  the  Lars  Fostenes,  the 
Haelen,  the  Tunisie,  the  Hinghorn,  the  Camilla,  the  Trevier, 
the  Anna  Fostenes,  the  Euphrates,  the  Ministre  de  Smet,  the 
Festein,  and  various  others  whose  names  were  not  given  in  the  press 
despatches  were  some  of  the  victims.  Every  one  of  them  bore  in 
huge  letters  the  markings  of  the  Belgian  Relief  Commision,  and  what 
is  more,  every  one  carried  a  safe  conduct  issued  by  authority  of  the 
German  government.  In  a  few  cases  the  excuse  alleged  was  mistake, 
which  could  have  been  avoided  had  German  submarine  commanders 
taken  the  trouble  to  observe  the  formality  of  search  and  verification 
which  the  German  prize  code  itself  requires.  In  most  cases,  how- 
ever, the  pretext  put  forward  was  the  same  as  that  alleged  in  justifi- 
cation of  the  sinking  of  hospital  ships:  namely,  that  they  were  en- 
gaged in  carrying  troops  and  munitions,  and  in  some  instances  they 


^Memorandum  of  Jan,   29,   1917,   to  the  American  government  for  transmission  to  the  governments, of 
Great  Britain  and  France. 

23 


were  even  charged  with  attacking  German  submarines.  How  sub- 
marine commanders,  in  view  of  their  practice  of  destroying  without 
searching  and  verifying  the  character  of  the  cargoes  carried  by  their 
victims,  could  have  known  that  the  vessels  in  question  had  on  board 
troops  and  munitions  is  not  apparent.  Most  of  the  relief  ships  thus 
destroyed  were  in  fact  of  neutral  nationality  and  could  have  had  no 
motive  in  transporting  troops  or  munitions  for  either  belligerent.  No 
evidence  was  ever  offered  in  support  of  the  charges  made  by  the  Ger- 
mans, and  the  vigorous  denial  of  the  officials  of  the  Relief  Commis- 
sion may  be  taken  as  an  absolutely  truthful  statement  of  the  facts. 
Such  is  the  manner  in  which  German  naval  commanders  have 
respected  the  rules  of  their  own  prize  code  promulgated  by  the  Ger- 
man government  on  August  3,  1914.  It  is  hard  to  see  how  it  can  be 
reconciled  with  the  noble  utterance  of  Germany's  great  diplomat, 
Marschall  von  Bieberstein,  at  the  second  Hague  Conference:  "The 
officers  of  the  German  Navy,  I  loudly  proclaim  it  {je  le  dis  a  voix 
haute),  will  always  fulfill  in  the  strictest  fashion  the  duties  which 
emanate  from  the  unwritten  law  of  humanity  and  civilization.  As 
to  the  sentiments  of  humanity  and  civilization,  I  cannot  admit  that 
there  is  any  government  or  country  which  is  superior  in  those  senti- 
ments to  that  which  I  have  the  honor  to  represent."^ 


^La  Devxiime  Conference  de  la  Paix,  Actes  et  Documents,  T.  Ill,  p.  382. 


34 


THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS 
THE  STATE  UNIVERSITY 


THE  UNIVERSITY  INCLUDES 

The  Graduate  School,  which  offers  courses  of  graduate  study  in  ail  departments  of 

the  University. 
The  College  of  Liberal  Arts  and  Sciekces. 

The  College  OF  Commerce  AND  Business  Administration.  -  '         \     1 

The  College  of  Engineering  and  the  Engineering  Experiment  Station. 
The  College  of  Agriculture  and  the  Agricultural  Experiment  Station. 
The  College  OF  Law.  -  „ --,.    .    ,    - 

The  College  of  Medicine  (Chicago).  ""        ^ 

The  College  of  Dentistry  (Chicago). 

The  Schools  of  Education,  Music,  Library  Science,  and  Pharmacy  (Chicago). 
The  Summer  Session  of  eight  weeks,  held  each  summer. 


The  State  Laboratory  of  Natural  History,  the  State  Geological  Survey,  the  State 
Water  Survey,  located  at  the  University,  all  offer  unusual  facilities  for  researck. 

The  Libraries  at  Urbana  contain  390,867  volumes  and  100,284  pamphlets. 
For  catalogs  and  information  address 

The  University  Registrar         -~        ' 
^        .=  Urbana,  Illinois 


Publications  of  the  University  of  Illinois 

Following  Is  a  partial  list  of  the  publications  issued  by  or  at  the  University: 

1 .  The  University  Studies.     A  series  of  monographs  on  miscellaneous  subjects. 

2.  The  University  of  Illinois  Studies  in  the  Social  Sciences.  Monographs 
in  history,  economics,  political  science  and  sociology,  issued  quarterly.  Three  dollars 
a    year, 

3.  The  University  of  Illinois  Studies  in  Language  and  Literature.  Quar- 
terly monographs.     Three  dollars  a  year. 

4.  The  Illinois  Biological  Monographs,  published  quarterly.  Three  dollars  a 
year.  . 

5.  The  Journal  of  English  and  Germanic  Philology,  published  quarterly. 
Three  dollars  a  year.  '  - 

For  any  of  the  above,  address  Room  161  Administration  BuildingyUniversity'Of  Illinois, 
Urbana, Illinois,  U.S.  A.  .      .  • 

6.  The  Bulletin  of  the  Agricultural  Experiment  Station.  Address 
Director  of  Agricultural  Experiment  Station,  University  of  Illinois. 

7.  The  Bulletin  of  the  Engineering  Experiment  Station.  A  reportr  of -the 
research  work  in  the  Engineering  Experiment  Station.  Address  Director  of  Engineer- 
ing Experiment  Station,  University  of  Illinois.  \ 

8.  The  Bulletin  of  the  State  Laboratory  of  Natural  History.  Address 
Director  of  State  Laboratory  of  Natural  History,  University  of  Illinois. 

9.  The  Bulletin  of  the  State  Geological  Survey,  University  of  Illinois. 

10.  The  Bulletin  of  the  State  Water  Survey.  Address  Director  of  State 
Water  Survey,  University  of  Illinois. 

IL  The  Report  of  the  State  Entomologist.  Address  State  Entomologist, 
University  of  Illinois. 

12.  The  Bulletin  of  the  Illinois  Association  of  Teachers  of  English. 
Address  301  University  Hall,  University  of  Illinois. 

13.  The  Bulletin  of  the  School  of  Education.  Address  203  University  Hall, 
University  of  Illinois. 

14.  The  general  series,  containing  the  University  catalog  and  circulars  of  special 
departments.     Address  the  Rrgistrar,  University  of  Illinois. 

15.  War  Committee  Leaflets  and  Pamphlets.  Address  109  Commerce  Building, 
University  of  Illinois. 

16.  The  Law  Bulletin.    Address  College  of  Law,  University  of  Illinois. 


UNIVERSITY    OF     ILLLINOIS     BULLETIN 

Issued  Weekly 

Vol.  XV  AUGUST  19,  1918  No.  51 

[Entered  as  secor.d-class  iratter  December   11,   1912,  at  the  post  offce  at  Urbana,  Illinois,  under 
the  Act  of  August  24,   1912.] 


The  Responsibility  for  the 
Great  War 

BY 

LAURENCE  M.  LARSON 

Professor  of  History 


An  address  delivered  at  a  convocation  of  this  College  cf^Agriculture, 
University  of  Illinois,  May  16,  1918. 


PUBLISHED   BY   THE   WAR    COMMITTEE 

OF  THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS 

URBANA 


^■ 


THE  RESPONSIBILITY  FOR  THE 
GREAT  WAR. 

In  the  summer  of  1914,  when  the  Great  War  suddenly  broke  upon 
Europe,  there  was  much  perplexity  and  confusion  of  thought  among 
neutral  observers.  Signs  of  a  coming  test  of  strength  had  been  plenti- 
ful, but  thus  far  they  had  proved  false:  diplomatic  "crises"  had  been 
successfully  handled ;  sabers  had  rattled  but  had  remained  in  the  sheath ; 
' '  storm  clouds ' '  had  failed  to  break.  And  now,  almost  without  warning, 
the  most  malignant  forces  of  civilization  were  loosened  and  the  world 
war  was  a  fact. 

There  was  nothing  in  the  European  situation  of  that  year  that  should 
"inevitably"  have  led  to  war.  Armed  conflicts  usually  come  when 
statesmen,  diplomats,  and  the  controlling  classes  lack  wisdom  in  dealing 
with  real  crises  or  when  the  ruling  elements  actually  desire  war.  Justice 
sometimes  demands  warfare,  but  in  1914  justice  was  evidently  aot 
active  in  the  councils  of  Central  Europe.  Neutral  observers  were  soon 
in  fair  agreement  that  in  August  of  that  }  ear  a  crime  had  been  com- 
mitted— the  greatest  crime  in  all  the  ages. 

In  their  search  for  the  criminal  they  received  but  slight  help  from 
the  belHgerent  parties;  all  tried  to  load  the  responsibility  for  the  war 
on  the  backs  of  their  opponents.  Soon  after  the  outbreak,  Count 
Andrassy,  an  eminent  Hungarian  statesman,  in  a  book  entitled  "Whose 
Sin  is  the  World  War,"  placed  the  blame  on  Russia;  England  and  France 
were  responsible  in  a  lesser  degree.  The  Germans,  however,  were  un- 
willing to  accept  Andrassy 's  dictum;  they  regarded  England  as  the  chief 
criminal  and  called  fervently  on  the  Almighty  to  join  in  punishing  that 
wicked  state.  England  in  her  turn  found  the  responsibihty  in  Berlin 
and  poured  forth  her  wrath  upon  the  Kaiser  as  the  symbol  of  Prussian 
power  and  perfidy. 

Before  many  months  the  neutral  world  had  come  to  feel  that  the 
burden  of  responsibility  must  ultimately  be  placed  on  one  of  these  two 
powers,  England  or  Germany.  And,  as  the  war  developed,  a  constantly 
growing  number  came  to  feel  that  the  guilt  must  be  charged  to  the 
German  government.     It  may,  therefore,  be  worth  while  to  review  a  few 


outstanding  facts  of  recent  history,  the  fuller  understanding  of  which 
has  helped  to  drive  mankind  toward  this  conclusion. 

One  of  the  chief  controlling  factors  in  British  foreign  policy  in  the 
second  half  of  the  nineteenth  century  was  a  deep-seated  fear  of  Russia. 
Spann'ng  the  vast  plain  from  the  Baltic  Sea  to  Bering  Strait,  a  distance 
of  nearly  5,000  miles,  and  controlling  the  destinies  of  more  than  150,000,- 
000  people,  the  Russian  Empire  made  a  tremendous  impression  on  states- 
men two  generations  ago.  But  as  the  century  marked  its  close  it 
gradually  dawned  upon  Western  Europe  that  Russia  was  not  able  to 
play  the  part  that  she  had  chosen.  The  outcome  of  the  Russo-Japanese 
war  convinced  the  world  that  there  was  much  clay  in  the  feet  of  the 
Russian  giant.  In  England  the  dread  of  "the  Bear"  passed  away,  but 
it  was  replaced  by  another  fear — the  fear  of  Germany. 

The  belief  that  Germany  might  some  day  become  a  menace  to 
British  power  began  to  find  expression  about  thirty  years  ago,  and  had 
its  origin  in  competition  and  rivalry,  of  which  three  forms  developed: 
commercial,  naval  and  imperialistic. 

I.     Commercial  Rivalry. 

The  commercial  rivalry  originated  during  the  eighties,  when  Ger- 
many was  beginning  her  wonderful  development  along  industrial  lines. 
Before  this  time  England  had  largely  provided  the  world  with  manufac- 
tured products;  now  Germany  appeared  with  a  demand  for  a  large 
share  of  the  world's  commerce ;  her  merchants  even  began  to  sell  their 
wares  in  the  markets  of  the  British  Isles.  Their  success  irritated  the 
English,  and  parliament  (1887)  passed  an  act  requiring  all  goods  of 
German  origin  to  be  clearly  marked  "made  in  Germany."  This  law  did 
not  work  out  ss  was  intended,  however,  for  the  Germans  seized  on  the 
phrase  and  began  to  use  it  for  trade-mark  purposes. 

For  a  time  it  was  feared  in  England  that  the  German  merchants 
might  succeed  in  their  efforts  to  obtain  the  leadership  in  the  world's 
trade;  but  English  commerce  soon  began  to  show  a  parallel  growth, 
especially  during  the  five  years  just  preceding  the  war.  England  was 
apparently  on  the  way  to  regain  her  commercial  supremacy — to  the 
great  disgust  of  the  industrial  barons  of  Germany.  There  was  in  1914 
no  reason  why  England  should  wish  to  risk  a  war  for  the  destruction  of 
German  commerce. 


II.     Naval  Rivalry. 

The  naval  rivalry  foUowed  the  economic  expansion  of  Germany  and 
was  in  a  measiu-e  an  outgrowth  of  the  same.  Germany  was  building  a 
large  merchant  marine,  and  there  is  a  superstition  abroad  that  such  a 
fleet  must  have  the  support  and  protection  of  a  great  and  efficient  navy. 
Twenty-five  years  ago  certain  influences  in  Germany  began  to  agitate 
for  a  strong  naval  armament.  In  1897  Admiral  Tirpitz  became  the 
chief  of  naval  affairs.  It  was  his  purpose  to  develop  a  German  navy 
so  strong  that  no  other  power  would  care  to  attack  it.  In  this  he  was 
supported  by  a  powerful  organization,  the  "Navy  League,"  which  the 
ICrupps  helped  to  finance,  and  which  in  a  few  years  could  count  its 
membership  by  the  hundred  thousands. 

It  has  long  been  the  policy  of  England  to  maintain  only  a  small 
standing  army,  but  to  keep  afloat  a  navy  as  large  and  as  efficient  as 
any  other  two  navies :  this  is  known  as  the  two-power  standard.  The 
character  of  the  British  empire  necessitates  such  a  polic}':  nine-tenths 
of  the  subjects  of  Britain  live  outside  Europe,  most  of  them  thousands 
of  miles  away.  To  maintain  communication  with  her  dependencies 
over  the  sea  and  to  provide  for  their  prompt  and  adequate  defense, 
Englands  needs  a  large  navy. 

But  now  comes  Germany  with  a  proposal  to  maintain  the  greatest 
and  most  efficient  army  in  the  world  and  to  add  to  it  a  navy  that  would 
rival  that  of  England  and  perhaps  ultimately  surpass  it.  If  the  British 
government  were  to  maintain  the  two-power  standard,  more  English 
ships  must  be  built;  and  now  began  a  dangerous  competition  in  ship 
construction  which  continued  to  the  beginning  of  the  war.  This  meant 
vast  expendittu-es  of  money  and  consequently  high  taxation.  This  led 
again  to  much  complaint,  especially  in  England  where  the  government 
was  anxiously  seeking  methods  by  which  to  finance  certain  important 
social  reforms,  such  as  national  insm^ance  of  workingmen  and  pensions 
for  the  aged  poor. 

Much  has  been  said  in  recent  years  about  the  menace  of  Prussian 
militarism,  to  which  the  Germans  have  replied  by  calling  attention  to 
English  navalism.  A  navy,  however,  is  essentially  a  defensive  weapon; 
its  use  in  offensive  warfare  is  narrowly  limited  and  ordinarily  requires 
the  cooperation  of  an  army.  A  great  military  force,  on  the  other  hand, 
can  often  be  used  effectively  mthout  the  support  of  a  fleet,  as  German 
warfare  in  the  present  conflict  has  abundantly  proved.     Militarism  is  a 


greater  menace  than  navalism;  but  a  combination  of  militarism  and 
navalism,  as  planned  by  the  war  lords  of  Berlin,  is  the  greatest  menace  to 
the  world's  peace  imaginable. 

About  1901  the  English  people  began  to  appreciate  the  dangers  of 
the  new  situation.  The  Boer  War,  which  had  just  been  ended,  had 
revealed  the  difficulties  of  imperial  defense ;  it  had  also  revealed  the  fact 
that  England  had  no  real  friend  among  the  great  powers.  The  "splen- 
did isolation"  of  which  a  prime  minister  had  boasted  a  dozen  years 
earlier  did  not  look  attractive  then,  more  partictdarly  because  across  the 
North  Sea  an  unfriendly  rival  was  developing  a  wonderful  naval  estab- 
Hshment,  and  England  suddenly  remembered  that  she  had  no  fleet  with 
which  to  match  and  to  meet  the  battleships  of  Germany  riding  at 
anchor  only  200  miles  away. 

In  the  decade  before  the  war  two  great  problems  lay  before  the 
English  government  on  the  side  of  the  admiralty;  to  maintain  the  tWo- 
power  standard  and  to  establish  a  North  Sea  fleet. 

The  government  began  by  forming  an  alliance  with  Japan,  according 
to  the  terms  of  which  the  latter  power  should  take  over  the  protection  of 
British  interests  in  the  North  Pacific.  This  would  release  a  number  of 
British  men-of-war,  which  could  be  brought  home  and  assigned  to  duty 
in  the  North  Sea. 

Another  important  step  was  the  appointment  of  Sir  John  Fisher  to  a 
high  office  in  the  British  admiralty.  Sir  John  was  more  than  a  mere 
administrator;  he  was  a  real  seaman  and  appreciated  the  possibilities 
of  naval  development.  He  rebuilt  and  reorganized  the  British  navy, 
beginning  the  work  by  assigning  180  ships  to  the  official  junk  heap.  But 
John  Fisher's  activities  were  not  all  destructive;  he  directed  the  building 
of  a  new  battleship  which  was  larger,  swifter,  and  carried  heavier  guns 
than  any  other  battleship  afloat.  This  was  the  famous  Dreadnought, 
which  was  completed  for  service  in  1906. 

The  launching  of  the  Dreadnought  produced  a  sensation  in  the  naval 
world.  All  the  older  battleships  were  suddenly  relegated  to  second 
place.  The  other  great  powers  immediately  felt  that  they,  too,  must 
have  dreadnoughts.  Incidentally  the  launching  of  John  Fisher's  new 
man-of-war  postponed  the  great  European  conflict  for  eight  years.  The 
Germans  had  cut  a  canal  across  Schleswig  between  the  North  and  Baltic 
seas  so  as  to  facilitate  naval  movements  and  to  provide  a  refuge  for 
their  warships  and  merchantmen  at  times  of  great  danger.     Now  it 


was  discovered  that  the  Kiel  Canal  was  too  narrow  to  accommodate 
battleships  of  the  dreadnought  type.  The  German  government  at  once 
proceeded  to  enlarge  this  waterway  and  on  July  1,  1914,  the  work  was 
completed.  A  month  later  the  Kaiser  called  out  his  forces,  and  the 
peace  of  Europe  was  at  an  end. 

III.     Imperialistic  Rivalry. 

In  its  early  stages  the  Great  War  was  a  struggle  for  empire;  the 
Germans  hoped  to  win  colonies  and  dependencies ;  Great  Britain  wished 
to  retain  what  she  already  possessed.  England  did  not  covet  any 
German  territory;  on  the  other  hand  Prussian  agitators  and  publicists 
were  constantly  calling  on  the  English  "land-grabber"  to  disgorge,  not 
for  the  benefit  of  subject  Asiatics  or  Africans,  but  in  the  interest  of 
Prussian  capitalists.  Though  many  Englishmen  felt  that  the  expansion 
of  England  had  already  passed  desirable  limits,  they  were  averse  to 
hauling  down  the  British  flag  on  the  demands  of  a  rival  and  apparently 
unfriendly  power.  So  the  Briton  set  his  teeth  and  informed  the  Prus- 
sians that  "what  we  hold  we  shall  keep." 

For  more  than  three  hundred  A^ears  the  English  have  been  engaged 
in  colonizing  ventures.  Not  even  a  German  historian  in  his  serious 
moments  would  care  to  deny  that  the  building  of  the  British  Empire  has 
brought  great  benefits  not  only  to  England,  but  to  the  cause  of  civiliza- 
tion throughout  the  world.  The  German  government  began  to  take  a 
half-hearted  interest  in  coknial  expansion  only  thirty-five  years  ago. 
While  the  English  Puritans  were  settHng  New  England  and  laying  the 
foundations  of  the  present  United  States,  Germany  was  fighting  the 
Thirty- Years'  War.  While  the  English  East  India  Company  was 
establishing  British  power  in  India,  Frederick  II  and  the  Prussians  were 
engaged  in  the  presiunably  laudable  effort  to  deprive  the  Hapsburg 
dynasty  of  one  of  its  choicest  provinces.  While  Englishrren  were 
settling  Canada  and  Australia  and  making  those  great  regions  securely 
British,  the  two  great  German  states,  Prussia  and  Austria,  were  occupied 
with  the  far  more  spectacular  and  congenial  task  of  slaughtering  Poland 
and  dividing  the  carcass  with  the  Russian  Czar.  While  David  Living- 
stone and  Cecil  Rhodes  were  exploring  and  winning  South  Africa  for 
England,  Germany  was  busy  strengthening  herself  in  Europe  and  inci- 
dentally trying  to  impose  KulUtr  on  sundry  Danes  and  Frenchmen  who 
had  become  unwilling  subjects  of  the  Kaiser  a  few  years  before. 


When  the  Fatherland  at  last  was  ready  to  consider  territorial  ex- 
pansion outside  Europe,  the  desirable  regions  had  long  been  appropria- 
ted. The  territories  that  fell  to  Germany  in  the  "scramble  for  Africa" 
in  the  eighties  were  not  su  2h  as  would  gladden  the  Prussian  imperiaHst, 
and  he  looked  with  longing  eyes  toward  Egypt,  India,  and  South  Africa, 
— but  there  was  the  Union  Jack! 

In  1901,  however,  Paul  Rohrbach,  a  German  publicist,  sketched  and 
put  forth  a  plan  that  looked  highly  promising;  it  was  to  utihze  in 
modern  fashion  the  aticient  Persian  road  and  trade  route  from  the 
Bosporus  to  the  Persian  Gulf.  The  project  was  to  build  a  railway  from 
Constantinople  through  Asia  Minor  and  Mesopotamia  to  the  mouth  of 
the  "rivers  of  Babylon."  Ostensibly  this  railway  was  to  be  the  means 
for  the  development  of  the  Near  East ;  and  to  this  the  English  had  no 
serious  objections.  But  as  they  reflected  on  the  possibilities  of  the 
Baghdad  railway  scheme  British  statesmen  began  to  feel  somewhat 
uneasy. 

(1).  East  of  the  Persian  Gulf  in  the  Middle  and  Far  East  Hves  one- 
half  of  the  population  of  the  entire  world.  The  European  trade  of  this 
vast  region,  which  in  recent  years  has  been  carried  in  large  measures  in 
English  ships  through  the  Suez  Canal,  would,  in  part  at  least,  be  diverted 
to  this  far  shorter  railway  route. 

(2).  An  important  branch  of  the  Baghdad  system  was  to  run  south 
through  Syria  to  the  neighborhood  of  the  Isthmus  of  Suez.  In  a  war 
with  Germany  this  might  prove  extremely  important  as  it  would  endan- 
ger the  English  possession  of  the  Suez  Canal.  If  the  Germans  and  Turks 
should  seize  the  isthmus,  the  Germans  would  possess  both  of  the  two 
short  routes  to  the  Orient,  the  Baghdad  Railway  and  the  Suez  Canal. 

(3).  The  Syrian  branch  of  the  Baghdad  Railway  could  easily  be 
connected  with  the  terminus  of  the  Cape  to  Cairo  Railway,  which  the 
English  were  building  in  eastern  Africa.  It  might  be  an  advantage  to 
be  able  to  travel  by  rail  from  Cape  Town  to  Hamburg,  but  the  English 
feared  that  the  advantage  would  be  chiefly  with  the  Germans. 

(4).  It  also  seemed  possible  that  somewhere  on  the  Persian  Gulf 
at  the  terminal  of  the  Baghdad  Railway  the  Germans  might  develop 
a  naval  station  sufficiently  strong  to  endanger  English  supremacy  in 
India,  which  is  only  four  days'  sailing  distant.  India  has  long  been  and 
still  remains  the  central  fact  in  the  British  Empire.  It  is  the  richest  and 
most  populous  dependency  in  all  the  world  and  the  English  are  naturally 
not  disposed  to  surrender  India  to  the  Germans. 


The  German  expansionists,  who  talk  glibly  of  Kultur  in  Egypt, 
Mesopotamia,  India,  and  China,  doubtless  based  their  hopes  largely 
on  the  Baghdad  project.  And  then  suddenly  the  dream  vanished.  It 
was  learned  that  the  chief  of  an  Arab  tribe  on  the  shores  of  the  Persian 
Gulf,  the  sheikh  of  Koweit,  had,  even  before  the  Germans  had  arranged 
to  build  their  railway,  placed  his  territories  under  the  protection  of 
England.  And  the  port  of  Koweit  was  the  only  available  terminal  for 
the  great  road ! 

The  English  did  not  come  into  these  regions  as  interlopers.  For 
three  hundred  years  the  Union  Jack  has  waved  over  the  Persian  Gulf. 
For  three  hundred  years  the  English  navy  has  policed  its  waters  and 
given  trade  what  security  it  has  been  able  to  enjoy.  The  Union  Jack 
was  there  even  before  the  Turkish  Crescent  appeared  in  the  Persian 
Gulf;  but  the  English  annexed  no  territory;  they  were  in  those  waters 
in  the  interest  of  trade  only. 

British  imperialism  is  not  wholly  altioiistic;  and  yet,  when  it  is 
compared  with  the  imperialistic  policies  of  other  nations,  it  reveals  a 
remarkably  unselfish  spirit.  England  does  not  tax  her  colonies;  the 
taxes  raised  in  Canada,  Australia,  or  India  are  spent  in  and  for  the 
colony  that  pays  the  tax.  What  England  wants  in  the  Orient  is  an 
opportunity  to  trade  on  the  same  terms  that  are  granted  to  other  nations. 
She  seeks  no  monopoly  for  herself  nor  does  she  discriminate  in  her  own 
favor  by  means  of  protective  tariffs.  It  ma}"  be  said  in  passing  that 
the  Germans  are  not  able  to  understand  the  spirit  of  British  imperial- 
ism; to  them  it  is  incontestable  evidence  that  the  "shop-keeper"  nation 
is  an  inefficient  and  inferior  race.  -  -• 

IV.     The  Entente. 

During  the  decade  when  the  German  expansionists  were  preparing 
to  challenge  British  power  in  the  Orient,  the  English  diplomats  were 
seeking  to  establish  friendly  relations  with  other  powers.  The  alliance 
with  Japan  (1902)  has  already  been  noted.  More  important  were  the 
understandings  with  France  (1904)  and  with  Russia  (1907)  which 
became  the  basis  of  the  Triple  Entente. 

There  was  no  real  hostility  between  France  and  England  in  1904, 
but  the  feeling  was  not  wholly  cordial  and  in  certain  parts  of  the  world 
the  English  and  the  French  were  keen  rivals.  They  had  come  near  to 
collision  in  central  Africa  where  French  Soudan  jostles  English  Soudan. 


10 

But  M.  Delcasse,  the  French  foreign  minister,  felt  that  with  the  German 
enemy  gaining  yearly  in  strength  France  coiild  not  afford  to  be  on 
unfriendly  terms  with  England.  Negotiations  were  opened  with  the 
English  foreign  office,  which  resulted  in  a  settlement  known  as  the 
entente  cordiale.  France  gave  England  a  quitclaim  deed  to  Egypt 
while  England  on  her  part  promised  not  to  interfere  with  the  plans  of 
France  with  regard  to  Morocco.  Other  questions  were  also  taken  up 
and  settled  to  the  satisfaction  of  both  parties. 

In  1907  England,  to  the  great  astonishment  of  Europe,  came  to  a 
similar  "cordial  imderstanding  "  with  Russia.  As  noted  above,  English 
statesmen  had  long  feared  the  steady  expansion  of  Russian  territory. 
In  spite  of  her  length  of  coast  line,  however,  Russia  was  not  favorably 
situated  with  respect  to  over-seas  trade.  It  was  believed,  therefore, 
that  the  Muscovites  had  an  ambition  to  force  their  way  to  the  ocean  on 
three  sides:  northwestward  into  northern  Norway  to  an  ice-free  port 
on  the  Atlantic ;  southward  through  the  Turkish  Straits  to  the  Mediter- 
ranean;  southeastward  through  upper  India  to  the  Indian  Ocean. 

With  the  passing  of  this  fear  it  became  possible  to  arrange  certain 
limits  in  Asia  within  which  the  contracting  parties  agreed  to  confine 
their  operations.  Among  the  arrangements  was  the  much  condemned 
partition  of  Persia  into  "spheres  of  influence."  On  the  British  side 
this  transaction  was  entered  into  with  honorable  intentions  toward  Persia 
and  perhaps  in  part  from  a  fear  that  the  German  menace,  which  was 
creeping  forward  along  the  Baghdad  route,  might  continue  its  march 
eastward  along  the  Persian  Gulf.       .  _.        - 

The  Germans  professed  to  see  in  these  negotiations  not  an  effort  to 
maintain  the  balance  of  power  and  to  secure  the  interests  of  England, 
but  a  diplomatic  offensive,  a  policy  of  "encirclement,"  directed  against 
Germany  to  defeat  her  ambitions  and  to  strangle  her  economic  develop- 
ment. Two  men  were  credited  with  the  chief  responsibility  for  this 
policy:  Edward  VII,  the  crafty  intriguer  who  traveled  from  court  to 
court  for  the  piu"pose  of  stirring  up  enemxies  against  the  lovers  of  peace 
in  Potsdam;  and  Sir  Edward  Grey,  the  English  secretary  of  state  for 
foreign  affairs,  who  sat  in  his  secluded  office  in  Westminster  devising 
means  to  ensnare  naive  and  unsophisticated  diplomats. 

To  one  who  is  not  a  German  the  policy  of  encirclement  is  by  no 
means  evident  and  for  several  reasons  seems  to  be  a  creature  of  Prussian 
imagination.  ■  •  ;: 


11 

(1).  The  Prussian  theory  credits  King  Edward  with  greater  abilities 
than  the  EngHsh  people  were  able  to  discover  in  His  Genial  Majesty. 
It  is  true  that  the  king  had  a  wide  acquaintance  in  royal  circles,  but  it 
is  not  likely  that  his  influence  with  foreign  governments  was  very 
great. 

(2).  The  entente  had  its  origin  in  France  rather  than  in  England; 
the  statesman  most  responsible  for  the  entente  cordiale  was  Delcasse. 

(3).  Sir  Edward  Grey  was  not  in  office  in  1904  and  had  nothing  to 
do  with  the  tmderstanding  with  France.  The  negotiations  on  the 
English  side  were  carried  on  by  Lord  Lansdowne,  whose  intentions  were 
surely  not  to  provoke  war  or  even  resentment.  Lord  Lansdowne  was 
in  the  war  office  during  the  Boer  War  and  did  not  come  out  of  that 
conflict  with  much  credit.  It  was  the  same  Lord  Lansdowne  who  some 
months  ago  wrote  a  letter  in  which  he  seemed  to  favor  "peace  by  dis- 
cussion." 

(4).  When  Sir  Edward  Grey  came  into  office  in  1905,  he  continued 
the  policy  of  his  predecessor  and  strove  to  establish  friendly  relations 
with  as  many  Eiuropean  powers  as  possible.  He  came  to  an  understand- 
ing with  Russia  and  succeeded  in  making  certain  important  agreements 
with  Italy  and  Spain  respecting  English  interests  in  the  Mediterranean 
Sea.  In  1914  he  was  even  on  the  point  of  reaching  a  cordial  under- 
standing with  Germany. 

(5).  From  1905  to  1914  the  government  of  England  was  adminis- 
tered by  a  cabinet  of  a  Liberal-Radical  type ,  several  members  of  which  had 
strong  leanings  toward  pacifism.  Two  of  the  ablest  ministers.  Lord 
Morley  and  John  Bums,  resigned  in  August,  1914,  rather  than  agree  to 
make  war  on  Germany.  Another  member,  Lord  Haldane,  was  even 
under  suspicion  as  being  too  friendly  to  Germany.  The  cabinet  as  a 
whole  was  pledged  to  enact  a  great  program  of  social  reforms,  and  the 
achievements  of  the  Asquith  ministry  in  this  direction  are  surely  notable. 
It  was  a  government  that  gave  nearly  all  its  energies  to  domestic  affairs 
a;nd  was  deaf  to  appeals  for  a  larger  army  and  militaristic  legislation. 

(6).  English  sentiment  diuring  this  decade  was — we  may  safely 
affirm  it — overwhelmingly  for  peace.  There  has  never  been  much 
jingoism  in  the  Liberal  ranks  and  the  Unionists  had  come  out  of  the 
Boer  War  in  a  very  chastened  mood. 

Diuing  the  same  period  Germany  displayed  a  spirit  that  was  any- 
thing but  pacific.     In  1907  the  English  government  suggested  that  the 


12 

subject  of  a  general  reduction  of  armaments  be  discussed  at  the  second 
Hague  Conference;  the  Kaiser  promptly  replied  that  in  that  case  he 
wotdd  have  nothing  to  do  with  the  conference.  The  following  year 
King  Edward  visited  his  imperial  nephew  and  proposed  that  England 
and  Germany  should  cease  their  competition  in  the  building  of  war 
ships,  but  to  no  purpose.  The  Kaiser  "avowed  his  intention  to  go  to 
war  rather  than  submit  to  such  a  thing."'  The  King  returned  to  the 
subject  in  1909,  but  without  success.  Lord  Haldane  was  sent  to  Berlin 
on  a  similar  mission  in  1912;  and  in  1913  Winston  Churchill  suggested 
that  the  two  countries  should  declare  "a  naval  holiday";  but  results 
were  not  forthcoming,  and  the  two  governments  continued  to  build 
more  and  larger  ships.  In  1911  the  Kaiser  created  a  crisis  in  Morocco, 
which  happily  found  a  peaceful  outcome.  In  1913  the  Reichstag  voted 
large  additions  to  the  German  army.  Various  suggestions  looking 
toward  the  arbitration  of  disputes  were  made,  by  our  own  government 
among  others,  but  Berlin  would  not  listen.  And  during  the  whole 
period  a  series  of  chauvinistic  and  abusive  books  and  pamphlets  came 
from  the  German  presses  in  which  England  was  characterized  as  the 
rival  and  enemy  which  must  be  dealt  with  at  the  earliest  opportunity, 
whether  the  Kiel  Canal  were  finished  or  not.- 

V.     The  Eve  of  the  War. 

Time  came,  however,  when  those  responsible  for  governmental 
action  in  Berlin  felt  less  inclined  to  provoke  England.  Naval  competi- 
tion with  the  island  kingdom  looked  hopeless,  and  von  Tirpitz  finally 
concluded  that  Germany  need  not  be  disturbed  if  England  should  build 
sixteen  warships  to  her  own  ten.  A  timid,  cautious  man  of  rather 
limited  abilities,  von  Bethmann-HoUweg,  had  come  into  the  chancellor- 
ship, and  he  even  began  to  hope  for  better  relations  with  the  English. 
Accordingly,  in  1912,  he  sent  to  England  as  German  ambassador,  Karl 
Max,  Prince  Lichnowsky,  a  Silesian  nobleman  who  was  not  without 
successful  diplomatic  experience  and  was  known  to  favor  an  under- 
standing with  England  and  Russia.  In  Westminster  the  new  ambassa- 
dor found  Sir  Edward  Grey  anxious  to  accomplish  the  same  purpose, 
and  the  two  men  proceeded  to  discuss  the  terms  of  a  new  "cordial 
understanding . ' ' 


'Quoted  by  Bernadotte  E.  Schmitt,  England  and  Germany,  p.  184. 

2Albrecht  Wirth  in  a  book  on  "German  foreign  policies,"  (1912),  favored  a  war  for  Morocco. 
"They  say  we  must  wait  for  a  better  moment.  Wait  foi  the  deepening  of  the  Kiel  Canal,  for  our 
naval  program  to  have  taken  full  effect,"  etc.     Conquest  and  Kultur  (1918),  p.  117. 


13 

Since  von  Tirpitz  had  accepted  the  naval  ratio  of  ten  to  sixteen, 
there  remained  only  two  matters  that  needed  serious  consideration :  the 
Baghdad  Railway  and  Germany's  demand  for  colonial  possessions. 
On  both  these  points  the  negotiators  seem  to  have  reached  satisfactory 
agreements. 

(1).  England  agreed  that  the  Germans  might  extend  the  Baghdad 
Railway  to  Basra,  a  point  about  70  miles  from  the  Persian  Gulf.  From 
Basra  to  the  Gulf  the  road  was  to  be  built  and  controlled  by  the  English. 
This  left  almost  the  whole  of  the  great  river  valley  to  German  capitalists 
and  engineers.  In  return  the  Germans  agreed  to  recognize  the  rights 
of  earlier  English  investments  in  this  region. 

(2).  Portugal  still  had  important  colonial  possessions  in  East  and 
West  Africa  which  the  Germans  coveted.  The  Portuguese  had  held 
these  for  four  centuries,  but  had  done  very  little  to  develop  them  and 
might  find  it  expedient  to  sell  them.  Sir  Edward  Grey  could  not  dispose 
of  these  colonies,  but  he  agreed  that,  in  case  Portugal  should  wish  to  sell 
them  to  Germany  or  ask  Germany  to  assist  in  developing  them,  England 
would  offer  no  objections. 

These  agreements  were  made,  but  the  treaties  were  never  signed. 
Sir  Edward  Grey  insisted  that  the  agreements  must  be  made  public; 
Berlin  demanded  that  they  be  kept  secret.  Finally,  in  July,  1914,  the 
Germans  concluded  that  the  treaties  might  be  of  value  and  agreed  to 
Sir  Edward's  terms;   but  it  was  then  too  late. 

Meanwhile  a  spirit  of  dissatisfaction  and  wrath  had  descended  upon 
the  ruling  classes  in  Germany.  To  the  earlier  chauvinism,  bigotry,  and 
lust  for  territorial  expansion  there  was  now  added  a  painful  sense  of 
humiliation  and  defeat.  The  Fatherland,  though  destined,  as  the 
Prussians  believed,  to  direct  and  reshape  the  world,  found  its  aims  and 
ambitions  foiled  or  balked  at  every  turn.  The  Morocco  venture  (1911) 
had  brought  nothing  but  disappointment.  In  the  First  Balkan  War 
the  Turk,  now  a  friend  of  Germany,  had  been  disastrously  beaten.  In 
the  second  Balkan  War,  Bulgaria,  for  whom  the  Central  Powers  had 
hoped  a  victory,  was  defeated  (1913).  As  a  result  of  these  wars  the 
Turkish  frontier  was  moved  400  miles  away  from  the  Austrian  border, 
and  Serbia  had  planted  her  flag  in  the  route  to  the  Aegean.  Roumania, 
though  ruled  b}'  a  Hohenzollern,  was  cultivating  the  friendship  of  the 
Triple  Entente,  and  there  was  danger  that  the  Baghdad  Railway  in  its 
European  section  would  have  to  pass  through  unfriendly  territory  in 


14 

Serbia  or  Roumania.  The  ties  that  bound  Italy  to  the  Central  Powers 
were  loosening.     The  outlook  was  not  pleasant. 

True  to  their  history  the  Prussian  war  lords  determined  to  strengthen 
the  position  of  Germany  by  increasing  the  strength  of  the  army.  By 
the  military  law  of  1913  the  peace  strength  of  the  military  forces  was 
increased  from  723,000  to  870,000.  In  other  respects,  too,  the  army 
was  made  stronger  and  more  efficient. 

The  result  of  this  legislation  was  a  panic  in  the  neighboring  capitals. 
France  in  the  face  of  strong  Socialistic  opposition  voted  to  strengthen 
her  army  by  lengthening  the  term  of  service.  Belgium  followed  the 
example  of  her  greater  neighbors  and  provided  for  universal  service. 
Russia  also  lengthened  the  term  of  military  service.  Sweden  went 
through  a  violent  agitation  for  greater  preparedness.  England,  alone, 
refused  to  make  any  changes  in  her  military  establishment. 

During  the  earlier  months  of  1914  there  was  much  talk  about 
"inevitable"  war  in  Germany.  A  host  of  agencies,  unofficial  but 
effective,  were  combining  to  force  the  nation  over  the  precipice.  The 
Socialist  newspaper  Vorwaerts  wrote  with  regret  about  the  constant 
barking  of  the  war  dogs:  "The  naval  League  of  Germany  numbers 
100,000  members,  while  the  various  associations  of  veterans,  which 
include  about  2,000,000  members  in  all,  are  genuine  hotbeds  of  jingoism."* 
The  paper  also  calls  attention  to  ' '  the  venomous  character  of  the  teach- 
ing in  our  public  schools"  and  notes  the  fact  that  the  "first  atlas  put 
into  the  hands  of  children  nine  years  old"  contains  plans  of  the  impor- 
tant battles  of  the  Franco-Prussian  war  and  traces  the  routes  of  the 
German  forces  in  that  war. 

VI.     The  Outbreak  of  War. 

The  "will  to  war"  was  evidently  present  among  the  Prussians  in 
the  spring  of  1914,  but  there  must  always  be  a  good  cause  or  at  least  a 
colorable  pretext,  if  war  is  to  be  justified.  Suddenly  the  pretext  came 
in  the  murder  of  the  Austrian  Archduke  on  June  28  of  that  year.  Two 
days  later  the  Kiel  Canal  was  completed;  Germany  was  ready  at  last. 
The  recent  increases  in  the  armies  of  her  neighbors  had  not  yet  proved  • 
very  fruitful;  the  situation  was  really  fortunate.  In  France  there  was 
violent  opposition  to  the  new  military  law.  Russian  industry  was 
threatened  with  paralysis  from  labor  troubles.  In  Ireland  80,000 
Ulstermen  were  in  arms  against  80,000  Irish  volimteers  to  prevent  the 

'See  The  Literary  Digest,  Feb.  28.  1918,  p.  423. 


15 

extension  of  "home  rule"  to  northern  Ireland.     The  signs  were  favor- 
able;   Germany  ought  to  strike. 

On  July  5,  a  week  after  the  murder  of  the  Archduke,  the  Kaiser 
presided  at  a  war  council  at  Potsdam  where  the  great  crime  was  deter- 
mined upon.  Little  is  known  about  the  personnel  and  the  discussions 
of  the  Potsdam  Conference,  but  it  is  known  that  Austria  was  given 
assurance  of  support  in  the  matter  of  Serbia  even  to  the  point  of  war 
with  Russia. 1  The  financial  magnates  of  the  empire  asked  fo  two  or 
three  weeks  to  set  their  house  in  order,  and  the  request  was  granted. 
Foreign  secretary  von  jagow  went  to  Vienna  to  arrange  details,  and 
in  due  time  the  famous  ultimatum  was  presented  to  Serbia.  On  July 
28  Austria  declared  war  on  the  Serbs.  Three  days  later  Germany 
declared  war  on  Russia  and  prepared  to  invade  France. 

The  German  government  has  tried  to  make  the  world  believe  that 
war  came  when  it  did  because  Russia  had  mobilized,  the  order  having 
been  issued  in  the  afternoon  of  July  31.  Whether  this  was  a  general 
mobilization  has  been  questioned;  but  the  matter  is  unimportant,  as 
partial  mobihzation  may  fall  only  a  very  little  short  of  a  general  mobili- 
zation. It  is  quite  likely  that,  duj:ing  those  last  days  of  July,  all  the 
great  powers  were  mobilizing,  for  it  was  clear  that  Europe  was  steadily 
being  pushed  toward  war. 

Germany  was  also  mobilizing  with  the  rest.  The  German  White 
Book  states  that  "the  Kaiser  ordered  the  mobilization  of  the  entire 
German  army  and  navy  on  August  1st  at  5  p.  m."^  The  word  entire 
should  be  noted,  as  it  may  be  important.  On  that  same  day,  August  1, 
presumably  after  5  p.  m..  Kaiser  Wilhelm  telegraphed  to  the  king  of 
England  that  he  had  ordered  mobilization.  "I  hope  that  Frarce  will 
not  be  nervous.  The  troops  on  my  frontier  are  at  this  moment  being 
kept  back  by  telegraph  and  by  telephone  from  crossing  the  French 
frontier."^ 

That  an  army  strong  enough  and  sufficiently  equipped  for  invasion 
could  be  gotten  together  in  the  few  hoiirs  that  remained  of  August  1 
ssems  unthinkable.  And  yet,  on  that  date,  there  was  e\idently  a 
strong  force  on  the  French  border  tugging  at  the  reins.  The  truth  seems 
to  be  that  German  fear  of  Russian  mobilization  was  pretense  merely. 

1  For  information  as  to  the  Potsdam  Conference,  see  the  War  Cyclopedia  (Washington.  1917),  the 
World's  Work.  June,  1018  (article  by  Ambassador  Morgenthau),  and  the  recently  published  Mem- 
orandum of  Prince  Lichnowski,  German  Ambassador  to  England.  1912-1914:. 

^Diplomatic  Documents  of  the  European  War  (London,  1915),  p.  -113. 

*Ibid.,  p.  540. 


16 

Earlier  than  August  1  there  must  have  been  a  partial  though  quite  exten- 
sive German  mobilization  on  the  French  frontier,  the  imperial  telephone 
service  holding  the  forces  in  check  until  proper  orders  for  mobilization 
could  be  issued.  Meanwhile,  it  was  feared  that  a  "nervous"  France 
might  also  mobilize. 

During  those  fateful  days  of  July,  1914,  the  eyes  of  England  were 
tiuned  toward  Ireland,  where  civil  war  was  threatening.  The  govern- 
ment was  struggling  with  a  series  of  difficult  domestic  problems  and 
was  not  prepared  for  war.  The  British  navy  was  ready  for  immediate 
action,  but  military  and  financial  preparedness  had  been  neglected. 

The  English  telegraph  service  (like  that  of  Germany,  though  in  a 
different  spirit)  was  set  in  motion  to  restrain  the  armies  on  the  frontiers 
of  Europe.  Sir  Edward  Grey  fought  valiantly  to  preserve  the  peace  of 
the  world  and  was  almost  successful.  He  proposed  a  scheme  of  media- 
tion which  even  Austria,  the  nation  most  directly  concerned,  was  willing 
to  accept.  "We  are  quite  prepared  to  entertain  the  proposal  of  Sir  E. 
Grey  to  negotiate  between  us  and  Servia''^  wrote  the  Austrian  foreign 
minister  on  July  31. 

On  that  day  fate  laid  the  issues  of  war  and  peace  into  the  hands  of  a 
single  man,  the  Kaiser  at  Berlin.  His  position  was  such  that  he,  and 
he  alone  of  all  the  rulers  in  the  world,  had  the  power  to  choose  whether 
peace  should  continue  in  Europe.  For  two  days  he  entertained  the 
temptation ;  on  the  second  day  he  announced  his  choice ;  and  the  forces 
of  destruction — war  and  famine,  disease  and  death — leaped  forth  across 
the  world. 


^Diplomatic  Documents  of  the  European  War,  p.  526. 


UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS   BULLETIN 


Vol.  XV. 


Issued  Weekly 
AUGUST  5,  1918 


No.  49 


lEntered  as  second-class  matter  December  11,  1912,  at  the  po3t_  office  at  Urbana,  Illinois,  under  the  act 

of  August  24,  1912.    Acceptance  for  mailing  at  the  special  rate  of  postage  provided  for 

in  section  1103,  Act  of  October  3,  1917,  authorized  July  31,  1918] 


REPORT  OF 
THE  WAR  COMMITTEE 


of  the 


UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS 

For  1917-18 


[Ed.  SM] 


PUBLISHED  BY  THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS 
URBANA  - 


HONORARY  CHAIRMEN 

The  Governor  of  the  State — Ho^r.  Frank  O.  Lowden 

The  President  of  the  University — Dr.  E.  J.  James 

The  Chairman  of  the  State  Council  of  Defense — ^Hon.  Samuel  Insull 


GENERAL  COMMITTEE 

Chairman,  Professor  David  Kinley,  Vice  President 

Dean  Eugene  Davenport 

Professor  S.  A.  Forbes 

Professor  F.  H.  Newell 

Professor  S.  P.  Sherman 

Professor  C.  A.  Ellis 

Professor  C.  M.  Thompson 


SUMMARY  OF  THE  REPORT  OF  THE  WAR  COMMITTEE 
OF  THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS* 

1917-1918 

July  13,  1918 

President  E.  J.  James 
Dear  Mr.  President: 

I  beg  to  submit  herewith  the  report  of  the  activities  of  the  War 
Committee  for  the  University  year  just  closed. 

David  Kinley,  Chairmo,n. 

The  appointm.ent  of  the  War  Committee  v;as  authorized  by  action 
of  the  Board  of  Trustees  December  11,  1917.  In  accordance  with  this 
authority,  the  President  of  the  University  appointed  a  committee  of 
seven,  as  follows:  Dean  Eugene  Davenport,  Professors  S.  A.  Forbes, 
F.  H.  Newell,  S.  P.  Sherman,  C.  A.  Ellis,  C.  M.  Thompson  and  the 
Vice  President,  Professor  David  Kinley,  Ckairrnan. 

This  Committee  requested  the  Governor  or  the  State,  Flon.  Frank 
O.  Lowden,  the  President  of  the  University,  Dr.  Edmund  J.  Jam^es,  and 
the  Chairman  of  the  Illinois  State  Council  ot  Defense,  Hon.  Samuel 
Insull,  to  permit  the  use  of  their  names  as  honorary  chairmen.  They 
assented  to  this  request. 

The  following  divisional  committees  were  created: 

1,  Publication  of  leaflets  and  pamphlets;  2,  Publicity;  3,  Talks  and 
lectures  at  the  University;  4,  Lectures  through  the  state;  5,  Collection 
of  funds;  6,  The  University  program  for  war  purposes;  7,  United  States 
Savings  Certificates  and  Loans;  8,  Students'  cooperation;  9,  The  Uni- 
versity Service  Flag;  10,  University  war  service  records;  11,  War  em- 
ployment for  people  connected  with  the  University;  12,  Military  organ- 
ization and  exhibition;  13,  Conservation  and  economy;  14,  Legal  advice 
to  drafted  men;  15,  On  the  Literature  of  the  War;  16,  W^omen's  War 
Relief  and  Red  Cross;  17,  American  University  L%ion. 

PUBLICATION  OF  WAR  LEAFLETS 

The  following  bulletins  have  thus  far  been  published  under  direc- 
tion of  the  war  committee;  most  of  them  in  editions  of  50,000: 

The  War  Committee  of  the  L  niversity  of  Illinois. 

Practical  Suggestions  for  Food  Conservation,  by  Prof.  Isabel  Bevier. 

Municipal  War  Work,  by  Dr.  R.  E.  Cushman. 

Wheat  Saving,  by  Dr.  Ruth  Wheeler. 

The  War  Garden,  by  Prof.  J.  W.  Lloyd. 

h  Program  in  Food  Production,  by  Dean  Eugene  Davenport. 

War  Legislation,  by  Dr.  R.  E.  Cushman. 

War  Activities  and  Moral  Leadership,  by  President  Edmmnd  J. 
James. 


*The  printed  report  is  a  sammary  of  the  report  submitted  to  the  President. 

1 


Milk,  by  Dr.  Ruth  Wheeler. 

The  German  War  Code,  by  Prof.  J.  W.  Garner. 

Sugar  in  War  Time,  by  Miss  V.  J.  Anderson. 

The  Great  Condition,  by  Prof.  David  Kinley. 

CollegeMen  and  the  War,  by  President  Edmund  J.  James. 

(The  Aims  and  Claims  of  Germany,  by  Prof.  David  Kinley,  was 
published  by  the  College  of  Agriculture  and  reprinted  by  the  State 
Council  of  Defense.) 

COMMITTEE  ON  PUBLICITY 

Beginning  April  24,  nev/s  bulletins  were  sent  out  every  Saturday  to 
a  selected  list  of  from  four  hundred  to  five  hundred  newspapers  in 
Illinois  and  adjoining  states,  and  some  special  articles  to  newspapers 
an  the  larger  cities. 

A  concise  statement  of  the  wartime  activities  of  the  University 
was  printed,  of  a  size  to  be  enclosed  without  folding  in  letters.  Over 
twenty  thousand  of  these  were  sent  out. 

LECTURES  AT  THE  UNIVERSITY 

War  Talks. — Various  sub-committees  were  appointed  for  the  pur- 
pose of  ascertaining  what  war  talks  v/ere  desired  by  the  student  organ- 
izations and  of  submitting  programs  for  such  talks.  The  schedule  was 
brought  to  a  conclusion  May  9,  when  a  total  of  182  had  been  delivered. 

War  Book  Discussion  Club. — A  War  Book  Discussion  Club,  organ- 
ized partly  for  the  purpose  of  preoaring  more  thoroughly  for  giving  war 
lectures  and  talks,  met  every  third  week.  The  books  discussed  were 
provided  gratis  by  the  American  As'-'-ciation  for  International  Concil- 
iation. 

The  Northfteld  Movement. — Closely  allied  with  the  war  talks  were 
the  Northfield  Discussion  Groups,  for  giving  special  consideration  to 
political  problems  from  the  Christian  point  of  view. 

Fifty-three  discussion  groups  were  organized.  The  average  at- 
tendance was  twelve. 

University  Lectures  by  Faculty  Members. — Two  series  of  lectures 
bv  faculty  members  were  given,  one  consisting  of  four  lectures  on  "War 
on  Waste",  the  other,  of  ten  lectures,  on  "'Food  and  the  War". 

Other  lectures  were  given  as  follows: 

Oct.    10.  Organization  of  the  Army Major  E.  W.  McCaskey 

Oct.    17.  Aviation Major  T.  J.  Hanley,  Chanute  Field 

Oct.   24.  Life  in  the  Trenches Lieut.  H.  R.  Kingston 

Nov.    7.  Aviation  in  War Lieut.  Paul  Montariol 

Nov.  14.  Explosives  in  War E.  A.  Holbrook 

Nov.  21.  Camouflage N.  A.  Wells 

Dec.     5.  The  Italian  Battle  Front  (Moving  Pictures) Major  E.  W.  McCaskey 

Dec.  12.  Army  Signal  Work Lieut.  Col.  L.  D.  Wildman 

Jan.     9.  The  Government's  Building  Program  as  Applied  to  Cantonments,  National 

Guard  Camps  and  Aviation  Fields Major  W.  A.  Starrett 

Jan.    15.  Our  Natural  Resources  and  National  Defenses F.  H.  Newell 

Jan.    16.  War  Powers  and  Military  Law Major  Joseph  Wheless 

•  9  .  .  • 


Feb.     6.     "Many  a  Mickle  Makes  a  Muckle" A.  W.  Jamison 

(This  lecture  was  of  special  interest  as  preliminary  to  the  thrift  campaign.) 

Feb.   12.     Geography  of  the  War  Zone J.  L.  Rich 

Feb.   19.     War  Prices  and  Profiteering Simon  Litman 

Feb.  20.     What  the  War  News  Means Mr.  S.  J.  Duncan-Ciark 

Mar.    5.     The  American  Farmer  and  the  Allied  Menu Eugene  Davenport 

Feb.  25.     The  World's  Food H.  B.  Lewis 

Mar.    6.     Transportation  Problems J.  M.  Snodgrass 

Mar.  13.     Milk  Production Eugene  Davenport 

Mar.  19.     Food  Administration  and  Conservation Isabel  Bevier 

Apr.     3.     War  Economies  in  Food Viola  J.  Anderson 

Apr.     9.     The  World's  Bread  Supply C.  G.  Hopkins 

Apr.   16.     Wise  Selection  of  Food  for  the  Individual Ruth  Wheeler 

Apr.  24.     Rations  in  This  and  Other  Lands Lucile  Wheeler 

Apr.  30.     The  Meat  Question H.  W.  Mumford 

Feb.   15.     Historical  Features  of  the  War L.  M.  Larson 

Feb.  26.     Aims  and  Hopes  of  the  German  Government Ernest  Bernbaum 

Mar.    1.     Newspapers  in  War  Service K.  F.  Harrington 

Mar.    2.     Psychical  and  Social  Aspects  ot  the  War C.  A.  Ruckmich,  E.  C.  Hayes 

Mar.    4.     The  Coal  Problem S.  W.  Parr 

Mar.    8.     Arming  Our  Forces Capt.  H.  D.  Oberdorfer 

Mar.  12.     The  Alsace-Lorraine  Question Kenneth  McKenzie 

Mar.  20.     The  Geography  of  the  Front J.  L.  Rich 

Mar.  26.     The  World's  Debt  to  England L.  M.  Larson 

Mar.  27.     War  Words  from  Washington Eugene  Davenport 

Lectures  by  Visitors. — Lectures  by  visitors  were:  "interpreting 
the  War  News",  by  Mr.  S.  J.  Duncan-Clark,  Febrviary  20;  "Italy's 
Part  in  the  War",  by  Professor  Charles  Upson  Clark,  February  28;  On 
Some  War  Experiences,  by  Lieutenant  Hector  MacQuarrie  of  the  British 
army;  and  the  fourth,  "Children  of  the  Frontier",  by  Mrs.  Joseph  Lin- 
don  Smith,  May  18.  Mrs.  Smith  asked  that  two  children  be  adopted 
by  this  community.  As  a  matter  oi  fact  nineteen  adoptions  were 
made;  fourteen  by  members  of  the  Lhiiversity  community,  four  by 
groups  of  members  of  the  University  Club,  and  one  from  the  proceeds 
of  the  Faculty  Baseball  Game.  Each  adoption  represents  a  subscrip- 
tion of  372,  the  nineteen  adoptions  making  a  total  of  $1,368. 

Vassar  Plattsburg  Scliolarships. — Another  activity  of  the  committee 
was  the  war-charity  entertainment,  "How  France  Cares  for  the  Wounded 
Soldiers",  of  the  National  Surgical  Dressings  Committee,  given  on  April 
25.  The  net  proceeds  were  $252.98,  one  half  ot  which  ($126.49)  was 
placed  at  the  disposal  of  the  War  Committee,  and  was  used  to  give  a 
scholarship  to  one  Illinois  graduate  to  the  Vassar  Plattsburg.  Two 
more  $95  scholarships  to  the  Vassar  Plattsburg  were  donated  through 
the  Committee,  one  by  the  Association  of  Collegiate  Aluminae,  the  other 
by  the  Student  Woman's  War  Relief  Committee. 

Masques  and  Pageants. — Several  masques  and  pageants  were 
written  and  produced  by  William  Chauncy  Langdon.  The  first  was 
"The  Sv/ord  of  America",  a  masque  representing  the  entrance  of  America 
into  the  war,  given  Thanksgiving  night.  The  "Titans  of  Freedom", 
which  was  presented  at  the  Auditorium  on  Memorial  Day,  depicted  the 
meeting  of  Washington  and  Lincoln  to  compare  notes  about  the  present 
war. 

Lincoln's  birthday  was  celebrated  by  a  convocation  at  which  the 
principal  address  was  made  by  Professor  Fernand  Baldensperger,  cap- 
tain in  the  French  army. 

3 


COMMITTEE  ON  EXTENSION  LECTURES  IN  THE  STATE 

Much  of  the  work  of  this  committee  was  carried  on  in  connection 
with  the  regular  University  work  of  the  members  of  the  committee. 
Mr.  R.  E.  Hieronymous,  Community  x'-ldviser  in  the  State,  adapted  his 
work  to  war  conditions.  The  program,  for  the  Third  Annual  Better 
Community  Conference,  held  here  April  4-7,  emphasized  war  subjects. 

Lectures  at  Camp  Grant. — The  following  lectures  v/ere  given  at 
Camp  Grant,  each  lecturer  st.iying  two  weeks  and  giving  each  of  his 
lectures  ten  times: 

Dr.  C.  M.  Thompson,  "The  Geographical  Background  of  the  War", 
"American  Democracy";  Dr.  J.  E.  Miller,  "I'he  British  Empire  and 
What  It  Stands  For",  "How  the  War  Came  A.bout  and  How  it  De- 
veloped"; Prof.  J.  W.  Garner,  "Germany  and  Her  Ambitions",  "The 
French  Republic  and  What  It  Stands  For". 

Dr.  Carl  Rahn  gave  a  series  of  ten  lectures  before  the  Intelligence 
Section  of  the  344th  Infantry  at  Camp  Grant. 

Entertmirment. — From  the  beginning  of  February,  the  comm.ittee 
worked  in  cooperation  with  Mr.  K.  P.  Gordon,  General  Y.  M.  C.  A.  Secre- 
tary at  Chanute  Field,  in  supplying  weekly  entertainment  for  the  boys 
in  training  there.  For  seventeen  weeks,  arrangements  were  made  for 
at  least  one  musical  or  dram^atic  entertainment  each  week. 

Sob-Comiriittee  osi  Farmers'  Institutes. — The  work  in  Flome  Eco- 
nomics under  the  emergency  food  bill  was  conducted  through  the  exten- 
sion departments  of  the  agricultural  colleges.  Practically  all  of  the  ex- 
tension work  of  the  Household  Science  Department  was  adapted  to 
war  needs. 

Four  conferences,  of  a  week's  duration  each,  were  held  for  training 
extension  workers.  At  the  High  School  Conference  the  Hoover  Les- 
sons and  Graphic  Exhibits  were  given  to  the  high  school  teachers  of 
Home  Economics  as  a  basis  of  lessons  on  conservation  to  be  presented  in 
their  schools  and  neighborhoods. 

During  the  year  fifty-three  shows  bearing  on  food  conservation  were 
held  in  different  parts  of  tlie  state.  In  six  centers,  leaders  for  canning 
kitchens  v/ere  trained  by  mem.bers  of  the  University  staff. 

Following  is  a  summary  of  the  activities  of  this  department: 

Training  classes  for  volunteers 918 

Demonstrations  for  study  clubs 903 

Public  lectures 1,136 

Visits  to   homes 2,020 

Bulletins  distributed 64,421 

Press  articles  written 825 

Public  Schools  and  CH:her  Educational  Bodies. — Professor  FI.  A. 
Hollister,  Fligh  School  Visitor,  issued  a  bulletin  on  "The  War-Time 
Call  of  Our  Schools",  which  was  sent  to  about  1,000  newspapers  and 
to  about  400  high  school  principals.  Fie  also  conducted  a  campaign 
of  patriotic  education  in  the  schools  of  six  counties,  sending  literature 
and  providing  addresses. 

4 


COMMITTEE  ON  FUNDS  COLLECTION 

Beginning  January  1,  this  committee  gave  authority  to  all  indivi- 
duals or  organizations  desiring  to  canvass  in  the  University  for  funds  to 
be  used  for  purposes  connected  with  the  war. 

Woman's  War  Relief  Committee. — Of  student  organizations  apply- 
ing for  such  authority,  the  most  active  and  successful  was  the  Wcinan's 
War  Relief  Committee.     Some  items  of  its  work  follow: 

Donations  made  during  the  year: 

To  Y.  M.  C.  A.  War  Fund $600.00 

Armenian  Relief 60.00 

Second  Red  Cross  War  Fund 600.00 

Woman's  League  Auxiliary  to  Red  Cross 397.00 

mini  Chocolate  and  Tobacco  Fund 86.73 

Smileage  Books 10.00 

Fatherless  Children  of  France 182.50 

Red  Cross  Nurse  at  Vassar  School 95.00 

?2,031.23 
Principal  sources  oi  revenue: 

Voluntary  tax  of  women  students  at  3  cents  per  week $432.03 

Woman's' Mixer 88.CO 

Card  Party 138.65 

Bakery  Sale 158.95 

Peanut  Sale  at  Football  Game 394.10 

Moving  Pictures 18.77 

Christmas  Box  Fund.... 47.80 

Popcorn  Balls  at  Carnival 31.23 

Food  Sales  at  Dances 141.00 

MardiGras 988.55 

Otiier  Orgaireizations. — April  24,  a  Food  Show  was  given  in  the 
Household  Science  building  by  members  of  Omicron  Nu.  1  he  sum  of 
?134.22  netted,  was  donated  to  the  Wgnian's  League  Auxiliary  to  the 
Fved  Cross. 

The  sum  of  ?118.43  which  was  cleared  by  the  committee  in  control 
of  the  Military  Ball,  on  February  22,  was  applied  to  the  Second  Red 
Cross  War  Fund. 

The  Illinois  Chocolate  and  Tobacco  Fusd. — Illinois  Chocolate  and 
Tobacco  Fund  of  the  University  of  Illinois,  for  soldiers,  was  originated 
by  the  Illini  and  transferred  to  the  War  Committee.  By  March  when 
the  Government  forbade  further  transmission  of  packages,  the  results 
of  the  work  were  as  follows: 

Receipts $321.94 

Expenditures  (Cigarettes,  Tobacco,  etc.) 58.37 

On  June  6  the  balance  of  $263.57  v/as  disposed  of  as  follows: 

"To  Second  Red  Cross  War  Fund $182.35      $263.57 

Wom^an's  War  Relief  Comm.ittee 78.27 

Expenses  of  Red  Cross  Campaign 2.00 

$262.62     $262.62 
On  hand \ $       .95 

The  Sale  of  Smileage  Books. — Since  the  sale  of  these  books  came 
at  examination  time,  only  a  limited  canvass  was  made  among  the  fac- 
ulty; but  books  were  placed  on  sale  in  the  various  University  libraries. 
The  sum  of  $238.00  was  realized. 

5 


The  Second  Red  Cross  War  Fund  Collection. — The  canvass  was 
begun  May  21  and  practically  completed  on  the  24th.  The  quota  as- 
signed the  University  was  $4,000;  whereas  the  total  amount  subscribed 
by  faculty  and  students,  including  the  School  of  Military  Aeronautics, 
was  $10,581.23. 

COMMITTEE  ON  UNIVERSITY  PROGRAM 

The  Committee  on  University  Program  arranged  the  room  schedule 
for  all  classes,  including  those  of  the  School  of  Mihtary  Aeronautics,  for 
the  second  semester,  and  introduced  several  new  courses,  among  them 
Military  Science  (Military  10),  "Food  and  the  War"  (Military  30), 
Red  Cross  course  (Military  20),  and  the  History  of  the  War  (Hist.  41). 

Several  war  courses  were  introduced  into  the  summer  session. 
These  were: — in  economics,  War  Finance  from  the  Revolution  to  the 
Present,  The  Study  of  International  Trade,  and  Industrial  Resources  of 
the  Nations  at  War;  in  history,  a  seminar  course  on  war  problems;  in 
sociology,  a  course  on  emergency  relief;  in  psychology,  a  survey  of 
psychological  investigations  made  with  reference  to  military  conditions; 
in  electrical  engineering,  a  course  in  radio  communication. 

COMMITTEE  ON  THE  UNIVERSITY  SERVICE  FLAG 

The  University  Service  Flag,  the  University's  recognition  of  its 
men  in  service,  was  dedicated  February  18,  in  front  of  the  University 
Library.  The  flag  is  twenty  by  thirty  feet.  In  the  center  is  the  num- 
ber representing  the  Illinois  men  in  service.  The  figures  are  white  on  a 
blue  ground;  they  snap  on  and  can  thus  be  changed  from  time  to  time 
as  the  number  of  men  represented  increases,  x^t  the  time  of  the  dedi- 
ication  the  number  on  the  flag  was  2,680.  The  number  now,  August 
1,  is  3,894. 

COMMITTEE  ON  WAR  SERVICE  RECORDS 

The  following  statement  summarizes  the  participation  of  the  Uni- 
versity students,  graduates,  and  faculty,  in  the  military  and  naval  serv- 
ice to  June  5: 

Army 3,599    90.1% 

Navy 350      8.8% 

Marines 43      1.1% 

U.  of  I.  Men  reported  Abroad 632    15.8% 

U.  of  I.  Men  in  Allied  Armies 25 

Volunteers 3,568    89.3% 

Drafted 424    10.7% 

Commissioned  Officers: 

Generals 2 

Lieutenant  Colonels 4 

Colonels 4                      • 

Majors 43                              : 

Captains 191 

1st  Lieutenants 440 

2nd  Lieutenants 534 

Chaplains 4                          . 

Naval  Officers 36 

Total 1,258   31.5% 

Non-com.  Officers  and  Enlisted  Men 2,734   68.5%o 

6 


CLASSIFICATION 

Army       Ambulance  Corps 117         Machine  Gun  Corps 39 

Aviation  Corps 522         Medical  Corps 173 

Cavalry 18         Musicians 15 

Coast  Artillery 160         Officers'  Schools 207 

Engineering  Corps 296         Ordnance  Corps 175 

Field  Artillery 364         Quartermaster  Corps 173 

Gas  Defense  Service 24         Signal  Corps 107 

Infantry 632         Branch  Unknown 477 

Total 3,599 

Navy       Radio  Corps 48 

Other  Branches 270 

Officers'  Schools 32 

Total 350 

Marines  43  43 

Grand  Total 3,992 


COMMITTEE  ON  UNIVERSITY  WAR  EMPLOYMENT 

The  Committee  on  War  Employment  was  appointed  December  18. 
Assistance  was  given  to  485  individuals  in  connection  with  war  work, 
and  259  men  and  women  were  recommended  for  positions.  Assistance 
in  securing  staff  personnel  was  given  the  following  governmental  agen- 
cies, industrial  concerns  and  war  committees: 

U.  S.  Ambulance  Service,  U.  S.  Army  Engineers,  U.  S.  Coast  Artil- 
lery, U.  S.  Naval  Engineering  and  Public  Works  Dept.,  U.  S.  Naval 
Flying  Corps,  U.  S.  Marine  Corps,  U.  S.  Signal  Corps,  U.  S.  Public  Serv- 
ice Reserve,  U.  S.'  Civil  Service  Commission,  Ordnance  Department, 
Mechanical  Research  and  Investigation  Divisions  of  the  Bureau  ot 
Mines  and  the  Bureau  of  Standards,  Division  of  the  Medical  Corps, 
Engineering  Branch  of  the  Aviation  Section,  Army  Y.  M.  C.  A.,  Divi- 
sion of  Immigrant  Education,  Immigration  League,  Newport  News 
Shipbuilding  and  Dry  Dock  Co.,  Hooker  Electrochemical  Company, 
Art  Metal  Construction  Company,  Rippley  Boat  Company,  Midvale 
Steel  and  Ordnance  Company,  Union  Carbide  Company,  U.  S.  Motor 
Corporation. 


COMMITTEE  ON  UNITED  STATES  SAVINGS  CERTIFICATES 

AND  LOANS 

War  Savings  Stamps  depots,  where  stamps  could  be  purchased  at 
any  time,  were  established  on  the  campus  and  in  the  University  busi- 
ness district  at  several  places.  In  the  ten  days'  campaign  (February 
13-22}  the  following  amount  was  pledged  to  canvassers: 

Faculty $16,099.75 

Students 7,226.75 

Total $23,326.50 

About  50  per  cent  of  this  amount  was  paid  in  cash;  the  remainder 
was  pledged  to  be  paid  during  1918.  In  addition  to  the  amount 
pledged  to  canvassers,  sales  to  the  amount  of  about  $1,500  were  made 
at  the  various  depots  during  the  campaign. 

7 


After  the  campaign,  interest  in  the  stamps  and  certificates  was  kept 
alive.  During  the  first  fifteen  days  of  March  the  total  sales  amounted 
to  ?2,200,  or  an  average  of  ?il40  a  day. 

Third  Libierty  Loan  Campaign. — The  Campaign  v/as  inaugurated 
by  the  University  convocation  commemorating  the  entrance  of  this 
country  into  the  war.  The  total  subscriptions  were  more  than  double 
the  quota  set  for  the  University.     The  following  items  are  of  interest: 

Faculty  (Urbana-Champaign) 5117,500 

Faculty  members  on  leave  of  absence 1,900 

Students  in  Urbana-Champaign 24,000 

Chicago  Departments 65,150 

Instructional  Corps  and  Officers,  S.  M.  A 6,100 

Cadets 4,700 

Enough  other  subscriptions  were  made  to  bring  the  total  for  the 
University  above  ?220,000. 


COMMITTEE  ON  CONSERVATION  AND  ECONOMY 

Four  sub-committees  were  appointed,  each  of  which  had  charge  of 
one  phase  of  conservation,  as  follows: 

Finances  of  Organizations. — The  Committee  on  Finances  of  Organ- 
izations investigated  the  system  of  financial  organization  in  fraternities 
with  a  view  to  economy  from  better  business  methods.  A  conference  of 
the  financial  officers  of  all  fraternal  organizations  was  called  and  the 
outlook  for  improvemient  in  financial  organization  was  discussed. 

Coal. — Professor  x^rthur  C.  Willard,  the  chairman  of  this  com- 
mittee, prepared  a  poster  explaining  the  large  waste  of  coal  in  over- 
heated houses.  Several  thousand  of  these  posters  were  printed  and  dis- 
tributed. 

A  canvass  was  made  of  student  organizations  to  obtain  statistics  of 
coal  consumption.  The  figures  obtained  are  as  follows,  results  being 
based  on  34  organizations: 

Average  tons  coal  per  person  for  season  2.86.  Maximum  4.70; 
minimuni  1.34. 

Average  cost  of  coal  per  person  for  season  $14.70.  Maximum 
$26.20;  minimum  $7.50. 

Average  cost  of  electricity  per  person  per  month  $0,661.  Maxi- 
mum $1.18;  minimum  $0.39. 


Food. — Ration  cards  like  the  following  were  distributed  by  the 
Food  Committee: 

YOUR  RATION  THIS  RATION    ALLOWS  YOU 

PER  DAY 

Can  you  make  this  ;'our  honor  ration 
until  the  Food  Administration  asks  you  Meat — 4  ounces  (as  purchased  with  a 

to  change  it?  reasonable  amount  of  bone)  five  times  a 

Meat 1)4  pounds  per  week  week. 

Fat 1  pound  per  week  Fat — 2   2-7   ounces   or  4   level   table- 
Sugar yl  pound  per  week             spoons — total    tor   fried    foods,   pastries 

Wheat as  little  as  possible  salads,  butter. 

Sugar — 1  5-7  ounces  or  4  level  table- 
Will  you  try  it  and  so  do  as  well  as  spoons — total  for  beverages,  cereal,  des- 
England  and  France?                                                serts,  candy,  ices,  and  fruit. 

DON'T  BE  A  FOOD  SLACKER  In    place   of  wheat,    have    you    eaten 

oatm.eal,  cornmeal,  rice,  potatoes?   These 

Check  Yourself  substitutes,  also  milk,  eggs,  cheese,  nuts, 

fish,   fruit,   and   vegetables,   are   not   ra- 

For  help  to  do  it  see  other  side.  tioncd. 

These  cards  were  placed  on  the  tables  oi  iraternities,  sororities,  unit 
houses  and  boarding  clubs. 

On  May  1,  student  leaders  inaugurated  a  campaign  against  the  use 
of  confections.  Several  hundred  women  students  agreed  to  eat  no 
candy  containing  sugar  until  the  food  crisis  is  past. 

Entertammeets. — The  sub-committee  on  entertainments  studied 
the  expenditures  for  social  activities  in  fraternities,  sororities  and  other 
house  units.  A  report  was  made  showing  the  saving  of  about  twenty- 
five  organizations  for  the  school  year  1917-1918  over  the  previous  year. 
The  aggregate  was  about  $10,000. 

COMMITTEE  ON  LEGAL  ADVICE  TO  DRAFTED  MEN 

The  heaviest  work  of  the  committee  came  the  latter  part  of  Dec- 
ember and  the  beginning  of  January.  The  greater  part  of  the  v/ork 
oi  the  first  few  weeks  was  giving  advice  to  members  of  the  faculty,  since 
their  cases  were  usually  more  complicated  than  those  of  the  students. 

COMMITTEE  ON  THE  AMERICAN  UNIVERSITY  UNION 

In  March  the  American  University  Union  in  Europe  asked  the  Uni- 
versity of  Illinois  to  contribute  $1,000  toward  the  support  of  the  Paris 
Branch  Union,  the  purpose  of  which  is  to  "meet  the  needs  of  American 
university  and  college  m^en  and  their  friends  who  are  in  Europe  for 
military  or  other  service  in  the  cause  of  the  Allies".  The  Trustees  re- 
quested the  President  to  ask  the  alumni  to  contribvite  this  sum.  The 
Chairman  of  the  ¥/ar  Committee  undertook  the  work  of  interesting 
the  alumni  in  raising  the  money.  At  his  suggestion  the  Washington 
Alumni  took  charge.  On  Alumni  Day  at  Commencement  time  the  vis- 
iting alumni  subscribed  $1,056.50.  In  addition,  Mr.  S.  T.  Henry  report- 
ed on  June  20,  subscrip  tions  by  the  Washington  Alumni  amounting 
to  $300  and  a  pledge  of  $150  from  the  i\lumni  of  New  York,  making 
a  total  of  $450,  which  if  added  to  the  previous  amount  makes  a  grand 
totaliof  $1,506.50. 

9 


COMMITTEE  ON  THE  LITERATURE  OF  THE  WAR 

In  June,  the  library  sent  535  books  to  the  Chanute  Flying  Field 
Y.  M.  C.  A.  At  present  the  committee  is  preparing  500  volumes  for 
shipment  on  transports  carrying  United  States  troops  to  France. 

Mr.  George  A.  Deveneau,  of  the  Agricultural  Library,  has  as 
"Library  Publicity  Director"  of  the  U.  S.  Food  Administration  for  this 
state  been  active  in  getting  public  libraries  all  over  the  state  to  supply 
themselves  with,  and  to  advertise  and  display,  books  and  pamphlets 
on  food  questions. 

THE  WOMAN'S  LEAGUE  AUXILIARY  TO  THE  RED  CROSS 

The  Woman's  League  Auxiliary  began  its  work  in  October  1917, 
with  no  official  title,  the  work  being  done  for  the  Champaign  chapter 
of  the  Red  Cross.  A  work  room  was  opened  for  three  hours  each  day. 
The  first  semester  two  hundred  signed  up  to  put  in  a  definite  number  of 
hours  each  week.  Most  of  the  work  done  was  on  refugee  garments. 
There  was  one  surgical  dressings  class.  The  following  articles  -were 
made:  3,000  gauze  and  muslin  dressings,  500  refugee  garments,  4 
dozen  knitted  articles,  100  scrap  books  for  convalescent  soldiers. 

In  the  second  semester  350  girls  enrolled  for  regular  work  and  an 
average  of  25  unenrolled  girls  came  to  work  each  week.  Classes  in 
surgical  dressings  were  held  every  week  day  and  classes  in  sewing  were 
held  four  times  a  week.  The  following  work  was  done:  12,000  dress- 
ings, 12  dozen  dressings  for  Dr.  Beard,  28  complete  infant  layettes, 
refugee  garments. 

OTHER  UNIVERSITY  WAR  ACTIVITIES 
(Not  under  Direction  of  War  Committee) 

The  Y.  M.  C.  A.  Campaign. — November  11-19,  1917,  a  campaign 
was  conducted  for  funds  for  the  Y.  M.  C.  A.  W'ar  Work,  The  total 
amount  subscribed  was  ?;28,906.88. 

Tlie  Second  Liberty  Loan  Campaign. — This  occurred  before  the 
organization  of  the  War  Committee.  The  best  available  information 
shows  that  about  $50,000  was  subscribed  by  University  people  living 
in  Urbana.  No  separate  account  was  kept  ot  the  subscriptions  of 
University  people  living  in  Champaign. 

Activities  of  the  Engineering  Experiment  Station: — To  assist  con- 
sumers in  their  efl^orts  to  conserve  fuel  and  operators  to  produce  greater 
quantities  the  Engineering  Experiment  Station  issued  a  series  of  pub- 
lications: 

Bulletin  97 — Effects  of  Storage  upon  the  Properties  of  Coal. 

Bulletin  100 — Percentage  of  Extraction  of  Bituminous  Coal  with  Special  Reference 
to^Illinois  Conditions. 

Bulletin  102 — A  Study  of  the  Heat  Transmission  of  Building  Materials. 
Circular  4 — The  Economical  Purchase  and  Use  of  Coal  for  Heating  Homes. 
Circular  5 — The  Utilization  of  Pyrite  Occurring  in  Illinois  Coal. 
Circular  6 — The  Storage  of  Bituminous  Coal. 

Circular  7 — Fuel  Economy  in  the  Operation  of  Hand  Fired  Power  Plants. 
Circular  8 — The  Economical  Use  of  Coal  in  Railway  Locomotives. 

10 


Other  publications  of  the  station  issued  during  the  year  are  proving 
helpful  in  connection  with  war  production  and  conservation  problems. 
One  such  is  Bulletin  108 — Analysis  of  Statically  Indeterminate  Struc- 
tures by  the  Slope  Deflection  Method.  The  results  developed  are  be- 
ing used  by  the  Emergency  Fleet  Corporation  in  the  design  of  concrete 
ships. 

Tests  to  determine  the  behavior  of  various  grades  of  steel  under 
very  rapid  loadings  were  made  for  the  Bureau  of  Construction  and 
Repair  of  the  U.  S.  Navy.  A  new  type  of  testing  machine  was  devised 
and  built  for  these  tests. 

The  station  has  been  helpful  in  the  solution  of  materials  testing 
problems  which  have  arisen  at  Chanute  Field  and  in  the  design  of  test- 
ing apparatus  for  use  there. 

Research  Problerns: — Details  cannot  be  given  concerning  the  re- 
search war  problems  conducted  by  the  University.  It  is  proper,  how- 
ever, to  give  a  summarized  statement: 

On  agriculture  and  food,  nine  problems  have  been  under  investiga- 
tion; in  chemistry,  nine  inquiries  have  been  undertaken;  in  the  various 
departments  of  engineering,  sixteen  investigations  have  been  conducted 
in  problems  relating  to  the  war,  all  but  three  or  four  at  the  direct  re- 
quest of  some  of  the  government  departments;  in  physics,  tour  impor- 
tant inquiries  have  been  conducted;  in  psychology,  two  war  problems 
have  been  investigated. 

In  addition  to  the  above,  other  inquiries  have  been  undertaken  in- 
dependently, having  relation  to  food  in  the  war,  the  preparation  of 
food,  wheat  substitutes  in  cooking,  coal  conservation,  proper  manage- 
ment of  domestic  heating  apparatus,  and  many  others. 

The  department  of  Zoology  has  participated  in  the  campaign  to 
extend  the  use  of  fish  as  food,  and  has  also  been  in  consultation  with  the 
government  departments  on  many  other  topics. 

Various  members  of  the  faculty  have  been  granted  leaves  of  absence 
for  various  periods  to  assist  in  the  work  of  the  Committee  on  Public  In- 
formation, the  Historical  Research  Board,  and  ether  work  related  to 
the  war. 

School  of  Military  Aeronautics.— A  United  States  Army  School  of 
MiUtary  Aeronautics  is  conducted  at  the  University. 

The  University  authorities  initiated  the  proceedings  v,-hich  led  to 
the  establishment  of  a  flying  field  at  Rantoul. 

Illinois  Food  Production  Program.— The  absence  of  an  intelligently 
planned  program  of  food  production  influenced  the  authorities  of  the 
College  of  Agriculture  to  work  out  a  plan  for  Illinois.  This  plan  was 
submitted  to  the  Corn  Growers'  and  Stock  Men's  Convention,  held  in 
February,  and  also  to  the  State  Council  of  Defense  War  Conference, 
and  was  recommended  by  both.     This  plan  urged  on  farmers  of  Illinois: 

1,  An  increased  production  o{  wheat;  2,  an  increase  in  pork  pro- 
duction; 3,  a  diminution  of  high  finished  cattle  and  an  increase  of  short 
fed  cattle;  4,  the  saving  of  lambs;  5,  caution  in  the  reduction  of  dairy 
herds;  6,  as  large  a  corn  crop  as  possible;  7,  suggestions  for  the  promotion 
of  poultry  products;  8,  suggestions  for  relieving  the  labor  shortage;  9, 
advice  concerning  necessary  farm  machinery,  its  increase  and  use. 

11 


COMPOSED  AND    PRINTED    BY 

THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS  PRESS 


UNIVERSITY     OF      ILLINOIS      BULLETIN 


VOL.  XV 


Issued  Weekly 
AUGUST  12,  1918 


No.  50 


[Entered  as  second-class  matter   December   11,   1912,   at  the   post  office  at  Urbana,   Illinois 
under    the    Act    of    August    24,    1912] 


The  College  Man  and  the  War 

[Commencement  Address,  June  14,  1918] 


BY 


Edmund  Janes  James 

President  of  the  University 


PUBLISHED  BY  THE  WAR  COMMITTEE 

OF  THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS 

URBANA 


The  College  Man  and  the  War 

By  Edmund  Janes  James 
President  of  the  University 


M 


EMBERS  of  the  Class  of  1918: 

I  take  keen  pleasure  in  welcoming 
you  into  the  great  fellowship  of 
college  men  and  women.  It  is  a  fraternity 
which  you  may  well  be  proud  to  join. 
It  is  broadly  extended  not  only  through 
our  land,  but  through  all  lands.  The  bond 
holding  us  together  is  a  very  subtle — not 
easily  explainable — but  nevertheless  a  very 
real  and  compelling  bond.  In  all  the  years 
to  come,  no  matter  where  you  may  be, 
under  whatever  circumstances  you  may 
live,  if  you  run  across  a  fellow  alumnus 
of  your  Alma  Mater  on  sea  or  land,  in 
valley  or  on  mountain^  in  desert  or  jun- 
gle, though  you  may  never  have  known 
or  even  seen  him  or  been  in  college  with 
him,  though  you  may  be  half  as  old  or 
twice  as  old,  yet  when  you  know  that  you 
and  he  were  at  the  University  of  Illi- 
nois,— I  will  not  say  together,  for  his 
class  may  have  been  1870  and  yours  igi8, 
his  subject  may  have  been  Greek  and 
yours  Mathematics, — yet  in  spite  of  it  all, 
you  will  both  experience  a  strange  warm- 
ing of  the  heart  as  you  grasp  each  oth- 
er's hands,  and  the  fountains  of  emotion 
will  flow  again — no  matter  how  old  you 
are — as  you  talk  and  think  of  old  Illinois. 
This  feeling  of  college  fraternity  is  not 
limited  to  the  students  of  one  institution. 
Next  to  our  own,  perhaps,  we  are  stirred 
to  emotion  by  meeting '  fellow  students 
from  other  colleges  with  whom  we  have 
contended  in  oration  or  debate  or  on  the 
football  field  or  the  river.  But  it  is  not 
even  limited  to  this.  When  an  Illinois 
man  meets  a  Michigan  man  or  a  Harvard 
man  or  a  California  man,  be  it  in  the 
trenches  on  the  blood-stained  fields  of 
northern  France  or  in  the  hilly  stretches 
of  Macedonia  or  the  desert  wastes  of 
Mesopotamia,  think  you  not  that  his  pulse 
will  beat  more  quickly  and  his  heart  be 
strangely  stirred  because  he  has  run  across 
a  fellow  fraternity  man?  It  doesn't  even 
stop   here.     When   you    shall    meet,   in   the 


years  to  come,  men  who  have  studied  at 
Oxford  or  Cambridge  or  Paris  or  Padua 
or  Rome  or  Tokio,  you  will  feel  this  same 
strange  companionship  in  the  freemasonry 
of  college  men  and  women.  It  is  one  of 
the  things  best  worth  while  as  a  result 
of   four  years  of  college  life  and  work. 

What  is  the  secret  of  this  bond?  It  is 
difficult  to  ascertain  and  analyze.  But  I 
take  it  we  shall  find  the  chief  reason  in 
the  essential  oneness  of  all  college  work 
and  efifort.  We  were  of  much  the  same 
age  when  in  college.  We  were  all  trying 
to  find  ourselves  in  this  universe  of  mys- 
tery. We  walked  along  the  same  high 
paths,  and  peered  out  into  the  mysterious 
depths  in  front,  behind,  on  either  side^  to 
see  what  it  all  meant.  We  were  trying 
to  prepare  ourselves  to  run  a  worthy 
race,  to  do  our  share  in  the  work  of  the 
world,  to  become  a  real  part  in  that  in- 
finite process  of  life  in  which  v/e  find 
ourselves.  We  were  raising  the  same 
questions,  finding  the  same  answers,  leav- 
ing unsettled  the  same  mysteries.  We 
were  reading  and  studying  together  the 
records  of  the  thoughts  and  feelings  of 
the  great  ones  of  earth,  of  our  own  coun- 
try and  of  other  countries,  of  our  own 
age  and  other  ages.  And  so  we  became 
fellow  citizens,  intellectual  and  moral  and 
spiritual,  in  the  same  great  republic  of 
letters  and  thought  and  aspiration — a  citi- 
zenship which  we  far  m.ore  often  felt  than 
talked  about  in  our  personal  intercourse. 

This  fellowship,  my  young  friends,  you 
will  feel  more  and  more  to  be  one  of  the 
most  valuable  results  of  college  life  and 
college  graduation.  And  if  some  fool 
asks  you  sneeringly  of  what  use  your  col- 
lege education  has  been  to  you — you  need 
not  think  of  anything  else;  you  need  not 
stop  to  estimate  how  much  higher  or 
lower  your  salary  or  greater  or  less  your 
wealth  or  reputation  because  of  the  op- 
portunities which  college  and  university 
have  brought  you.  In  this  beautiful  and  sat- 


i't 


isfying  companionship  of  the  college  men 
and  women  of  all  countries  and  all  times 
you  have  a  full  "value  received"  for  every- 
thing which  you  have  put  into  this  enter- 
prise of  getting  a  college  education — no 
matter  how  much  money  or  how  much 
brains  or  how  much  effort  you  have  in- 
vested in  it. 

But  there  are  other  and  even  greater 
things  than  this. 

I  congratulate  you  that  you  live  in  this 
time  and  that  you  are  going  out  into  a 
woild  vastly  full  of  wonderful  opportuni- 
ties, such  as  did  not  greet  us  of  a  pre- 
vious generation. 

In  the  first  place  you  come  into  this 
life  greatly  welcomed,  greeted  with  a  glad 
hand  tiy  men  and  forces  which  in  times 
past  have  been  accustomed  to  ignore  or 
slight  the  personality  and  qualities  of  the 
college  man  as  such. 

This  is  the  time  of  year  in  which  the 
wise  penny-a-liner  has  been  in  the  habit 
of  indulging  in  cheap  wit  and  covert  and 
open  sneers  at  the  college  graduate  and 
his  unfitness  for  the  practical  duties  of 
real  life ;  in  which  the  cartoonist  has 
loved  to  represent  the  combing  down  of 
the  college  graduate  by  practical  men  as 
he  crawls  disconsolately  from  office  to  of- 
fice seeking  a  chance  to  earn  his  daily 
bread. 

A  most  remarkable  change  has  come 
over  the  spirit  of  modern  industry  and 
everybody  from  Uncle  Sam  to  the  boss 
rag-picker  or  junkman  is  crying  out  to  the 
college — I  will  not  say  graduate — but  even 
undergraduate — "Come  over  into  Macedo- 
nia and  help  us." 

I  do  not  think  I  am  exaggerating  in  the 
slightest  degree  when  I  say  that  during  the 
last  year  T  could  have  placed  in  remunera- 
tive positions  ten  times  over  every  college 
student  in  the  University  of  Illinois  from 
freshman  to  senior,  whom  I  could  recom- 
mend as  being  reliable  and  industrious. 
And  the  same  thing  is  true  of  every  col- 
lege president  in  the  country.  I  have  re- 
ceived letters  from  many  great  corpora- 
tions of  many  different  kinds,   from  many 


great  railway  administrations,  from  every 
branch  of  the  Navy  and  Army,  urging  me 
to  recommend  to  them  members  of  our 
student  body. 

There  has  been  an  equally  imperative 
demand  for  the  services  of  our  faculty 
members  for  positions  with  which  college 
men  have  rarely  been  mentioned  in  pre- 
vious years. 

Why  this  sudden  and  extraordinary  de- 
mand for  college  men  as  such — irrespect- 
ive oftentimes  of  special  training  or  tech- 
nical preparation  for  specific  tasks? 

First  of  all^  of  course,  because  of  the 
economic  demand  for  physical  labor  ev- 
erywhere— even  for  the  physical  labor  of 
the  college  men — growing  out  of  the  ex- 
traordinary world  conditions  now  prevail- 
ing ;  but  still  more  from  the  sudden  revela- 
tion of  the  important  things  lying  at  the 
basis  of  a  great  and  complex  civilization 
which  the  flames  of  war  have  made  visi- 
ble. 

War,  however  justified,  however  inevi- 
table, is  awful;  carried  on  by  anybody, 
anywhere,  for  any  purpose,  it  is  terrible; 
and  no  war  in  history  has  brought  this 
fact  closer  to  the  consciousness  of  man- 
kind than  the  present  Great  War  to  the 
successful  conclusion  of  which  we  have 
all  dedicated  our  lives,  our  fortunes  and 
our  sacred  honor. 

But  war,  aside  from  the  great  and  im- 
mediate issues  involved,  has  also  its  com- 
pensations. And  it  brings,  sometimes,  cer- 
tain good  things  to  pass  with  such  rapidity 
and  completeness  as  to  surpass  the  achieve- 
ments of  peace. 

Scholars  and  patriots  and  far  seeing 
prophets  have  been  urging  for  generations 
that  our  governments  should  spend  more 
money  on  the  support  of  scientific  invest- 
igation in  all  its  different  lines.  This  ever- 
increasing  demand  has  been  met  by  the  av- 
erage man,  the  average  politician,  with 
smiles  and  smirks  and  talk  about  "academ- 
ic beggars  and  looters  of  the  public  treas- 
ury" and  by  small  driblets  of  private  gifts 
and   public   appropriations. 

And  then  the  Great  War  broke  out  and 


our  leaders  and  administrators  suddenly 
became  aware  of  our  infinite  ignorance  in 
matters  of  great  importance  and  in  their 
necessary  haste  have  thrown  away  within  a 
year  sums  of  money  as  merely  incidental  to 
military  preparation,  which,  if  spent  ac- 
cording to  an  orderly  plan  over  two  gen- 
erations would  have  made  us  scientifically 
the  best  prepared  of  all  the  nations  now 
fighting. 

Scientific  men  have  urged  upon  the 
American  people  the  necessity  of  increas- 
ing and  improving  our  chemical  and  phys- 
ical laboratories ;  of  building  and  endow- 
ing our  biological  institutes ;  of  establish- 
ing and  equipping  our  departments  of  pub- 
lic health ;  of  increasing  our  food  supply 
by  increasing  and  applying  our  knowledge 
of  scientific  agriculture. 

Their  cries  have  largely  fallen  upon  deaf 
ears — their  voices  have  been  of  those 
crying  in  the  wilderness — made  sick  by 
hope  deferred,  owing  to  the  shortsighted- 
ness and  lack  of  public  spirit  of  our 
wealthy  men  or  to  the  ignorance  or  sloth 
of  our   statesmen. 

And  then  the  war  comes.  This  is  a  cry 
we  can  all  understand.  We  need  materials, 
which,  if  we  had  searched  for  them,  we 
should  have  found  at  home.  We  need  sci- 
entific apparatus  which  we  might  ourselves 
have  produced  instead  of  drawing  it  from 
territory  now  enemy ;  we  need  optical 
glass  for  example  which  in  its  best  form 
is  still  only  obtainable,  in  enemy  labora- 
tories ;  we  need  guns  and  we  are  still  dis- 
puting over  the  kind  and  quality;  we  need 
flying  machines  and  we  are  nowhere 
equipped  v/ith  knowledge  or  skill  to  fur- 
nish them   in   sufficient  numbers. 

Nothing  but  a  great,  universal  and  press- 
ing war  could  have  brought  home  to  the 
American  people  what  a  service  science, 
properly  developed,  could  render  the  na- 
tion  in    times    of   peace. 

We  must  first  see  its  awful  power  in 
the  creation  of  means  of  destruction  before 
we  are  ready  to  contemplate  the  possibility 
of  its  great  service  in  the  interest  of  hu- 
manity  and   civilization. 


The  nation  has  called  for  chemists  by 
the  thousand  and  the  ten  thousand.  Where 
were  they  to  come  from?  Only  the  uni- 
versities could  furnish  them.  It  needed 
physicists.  Where  were  they  to  be  found? 
Only  in  the  Universities.  It  called  for 
psychologists.  Whence  were  they  to  come? 
Only  from  university  laboratories, — the 
establishment  of  which  Government  officials 
had  only  a  short  time  before  declared  was 
no  proper  charge  on  federal  funds,  granted 
for  the  purposes  of  higher  education ! 

And  so  university  men  are  thus  in  a 
certain  sense  coming  into  their  own,  be- 
cause the  glare  of  bursting  shells  reveals 
everywhere  the  scientific  foundation  of  the 
successful  waging  of  a  great  war. 

I  can  not  but  believe  that  this  lesson, 
taught  so  plainly  that  a  wayfaring  man 
though  a  fool  can  not  mistake  it,  will  sink 
deep  into  the  hearts  and  minds  of  the 
American  people  and  that  when  this  war  is 
over  and  our  victorious  boys  come  march- 
ing home  again  with  the  Kaiser's  scalp 
dangling  at  the  army's  belt,  our  wealthy 
citizens  and  our  legislators  and  statesmen 
will  vie  with  each  other  in  establishing  and 
endowing  by  public  and  private  money  the 
greatest  scientific  foundations  the  world 
has  ever  seen  ;  and  you  and  the  like  of  you 
will  be  the  men  and  the  women  to  make 
these  foundations  effective — for  after  all  no 
amount  of  brick  and  mortar,  no  number  of 
books,  no  amount  of  apparatus  can  ac- 
complish anything  unless  we  can  produce 
in  this  institution  and  the  like  of  it  the 
brains  and  character  and  training  necessary 
to  push  forward  the  bounds  of  our  knowl- 
edge and  control  over  nature. 

We  all  understand  with  ease  why  the 
Government  has  called  upon  the  Univer- 
sities and  technical  schools  for  men  with 
special  training  like  chemists^  engineers, 
architects,  etc.  for  special  work.  But  why 
has  it  called  for  college  men,  simply  as  col- 
lege men,  without  reference  to  special 
training  for  specific  work  — ■  accepting 
youngsters  who  have  studied  Latin,  Greek, 
Entomology,  or  Archaeology  and  set  them 
to    work    upon    tasks    which    have   no    re- 


lation  to  the  lines  of  study  followed  in 
college.  This,  it  seems  to  me,  is  the  most 
significant  for  our  future  civilization  of 
all  the  acts  of  the  Government. 

Here  we  have  a  recognition  on  the  part 
of  the  Federal  Government  that  men  who 
have  done  three  or  four  years  successful 
work  in  college  have  acquired  an  alertness, 
adaptability,  an  outlook,  a  fitness  for  un- 
familiar tasks,  a  courage  in  the  face  of  un- 
expected difficulties  which  distinguish  them 
in  a  marked  degree  as  a  class  from  the 
men  who  have  not  had  this  training  and 
makes  it  distinctly  worth  while,  therefore, 
to  gamble  upon  putting  them  in  charge  of 
new  enterprises  rather  than  their  brothers 
who  have  not  had  this  training. 

Of  course,  you  can't  make  hickory  out  of 
buckeye  or  a  silk  purse  out  of  a  sow's  ear 
— and  no  amount  of  college  training  will 
supply  brains  or  character  and  both  are 
needed  to  make  the  successful  man  any- 
where. You  will  remember  that  Cicero  in 
that  interesting  oration  on  the  Poet  Arch- 
ias  says  that  "men  have  always  disputed 
whether  the  training  of  the  schools  or  nat- 
ural ability  were  the  more  important  ele- 
ment in  the  highest  success  of  men,  but 
they  are  all  agreed  that  when  to  great  nat- 
ural abilities  are  added  the  qualities  which 
training  can  produce,  something  rare  and 
marvelous  is  likely  to  appear." 

So  here,  the  Government,  and  large  and 
small  industry  in  its  wake,  acknowledges 
the  immense  advantage  of  school  training 
over  the  haphazard  training  of  practical 
business,  and  so  called  practical  work  on 
the  farm,  in  the  bank,  in  the  shops,  in 
such  a  way  that  it  will  impress  the  imag- 
ination of  even  the  eighth  grade  boy  or 
girl  in  our  public  schools. 

After  the  war,  in  my  opinion,  the  Amer- 
ican people  will  recognize  as  never  before 
the  advantages  of  systematic  school  train- 
ing long  continued  as  an  element  in  prep- 
aration for  life.  This  will  make  a  new 
world — the  world  in  which  you  will  have 
to  live — which  will  make  it  easier  for  you 
to  live — and,  above  all,  will  make  it  pos- 
sible for  you  to  do  greater  things  than  we 


have  done.     And  so  I  congratulate  you  on 
this   outlook  and   these  prospects. 

You  are  going  to  face  enormous  burdens 
in  your  work — far  heavier  than  any  we 
have  had  to  carry  in  our  generation.  You 
will  answer  the  call  I  am  sure. 

I  congratulate  you  again  my  young  friends 
in  your  coming  into  your  majority,  in  your 
beginning  your  active,  independent  life  in 
a  world  which  will  be  vastly  different  and 
in  my  opinion  vastly  better  than  that  in 
which  we  have  been  living. 

You  come  in  during  the  greatest  war  in 
the  history  of  the  human  race.  It  may  be 
you  come  in  at  the  real  beginning  of  the 
war  in  order  of  time  or  about  the  middle 
of  it  or  as,  I  believe,  toward  the  close — 
and  toward  a  victorious  close  for  us.  Be 
that  as  it  may,  you  are  still  young  and 
will  see  the  benefits  it  will  work  out  and  ' 
you  will  profit  by  them. 

Other  wars  have  been  waged  in  the  name 
of  freedom  and  humanity.  They  have 
often  resulted  in  a  freedom  for  one  nation 
which  enabled  it  to  lord  it  over  other  na- 
tions or  enabled  its  privileged  classes  to 
reign  more  absolutely  over  the  lower 
classes  of  the  same  nation.  Other  wars 
have  united  many  nations  in  pursuit  of  the 
same  end,  viz :  the  overthrow  of  a  power 
seeking  to  establish  universal  dominion ; 
and  the  overthrow  of  such  a  power  has 
been  followed  by  a  kind  of  national  free- 
dom which  was  entirely  consistent  with 
the  growth  and  maintenance  of  autocratic 
forms   of   government. 

The  history  of  the  French  Revolution 
furnishes  a  striking  illustration  of  this 
form   of   development. 

The  republican  armies  of  France  went 
forth,  more  than  a  century  ago,  to  the  con- 
quest of  the  world  with  the  sentiments  of 
liberty,  equality  and  fraternity  upon  their 
standards.  They  were  greeted  with  en- 
thusiastic cooperation  in  some  places,  and 
with  only  half-hearted  resistance  in  others. 
And  victory  perched  upon  their  banners 
along  the  entire  boundaries  of  the  republic. 

But  the  times  were  not  ripe  for  the  full 
realization  of  this  magnificent  dream.     And 


Napoleonism  succeeded  republicanism  and 
the  idea  of  universal  dominion  overcame 
the  notion  of  equal  rights  among  nations 
and  men. 

The  uprising  of  the  nations  against  Na- 
poleon was  in  the  name  of  freedom  and 
liberty.  The  battle  of  Waterloo  brought 
jiational  freedom  from  Napoleonic  dicta- 
tion but  did  not  bring  political,  religious 
or  industrial  liberty  to  the  masses  of  the 
people  in  Germany,  Russia  or  Austria. 

On  the  contrary,  the  dynasties  on  the 
thrones  of  these  nations  succeeded  at  the 
Congress  of  Vienna  and  in  the  years  im- 
mediately following  in  organizing  a  com- 
bination of  autocratic  and  despotic  power 
to  crush  out  every  possible  semblance  of 
political  liberty  for  the  masses  of  the 
people  in  those  and  other  nations.  And 
the  Holy  Alliance,  born  of  most  unholy 
parentage  and  guilty  of  the  most  unholy 
acts,  was  to  turn  back  the  wheels  of  pro- 
gress and  bring  to  naught  as  far  as  pos- 
sible the  designs  and  purposes  of  the  Great 
Revolution. 

And  in  large  part,  it  succeeded  for 
nearly  half  a  century — this  we  should  not 
forget  at  this  juncture — in  repressing  all 
movements  of  progress  toward  the  real- 
ization of  these  great  ideals. 

Now  we  can  not  conceal  the  fact  that 
there  is  a  certain  fear  on  the  part  of  many 
that  some  such  result  may  come  out  of 
this   conflict. 

I  do  not  share  this  fear.  The  world  con- 
ditions today  are  vastly  different  from 
those  of  a  century  ago.  Then  the  major- 
ity of  nations  had  in  form  and  fact  gov- 
ernments autocratic  or  aristocratic ;  today 
they  are  democratic  or  rapidly  becoming 
so.  Then  the  world  fear  was  of  democ- 
racy. Today,  it  is  of  autocracy.  Then  the 
real  superiority  in  arms  and  men  was  on 
the  side  of  the  autocratic  nations — today 
it  is   on   the  side   of   democratic  nations. 

The  representatives  of  the  nations  at 
Vienna  were  men  of  the  stripe  of  Tally- 
rand  and  Metternich  and  the  like  of  them. 
Today  at   such   a   conference  they  will  be 


Woodrow  Wilson^  Lloyd  George  and  Clem- 
enceau  and  the  like  of  them. 

But  the  guaranties  of  a  different  out- 
come are  after  all  vastly  greater  and  more 
certain  than  the  personality  of  individual 
men  even  though  they  be  as  great  as  these 
three. 

Slowly  and  irresistibly  the  issues  have 
framed  themselves  in  this  fierce  conflict 
so  that  the  nations  one  after  another  have 
lined  up  and  pledged  their  lives,  their 
fortunes  and  their  sacred  honor  to  the 
maintenance  of  free  government  and  fair 
treatment  among  all  nations  and  all  men. 
Nothing  like  it  has  ever  happened  before 
in   human   history. 

The  vast  majority  of  nations  are  now 
marching  together  shoulder  to  shoulder 
committed  to  the  defense  and  full  realiza- 
tion of  the  principles  of  our  Declaration  of 
Independence :  that  all  men  are  born  equal 
and  are  entitled  to  certain  inalienable 
rights  among  which  are  life,  liberty  and 
the  pursuit  of  happiness,  carrying  high 
aloft  on  their  banners  the  slogan  of  lib- 
erty,   equality    and    fraternity   to   all   men ! 

And  victory  sooner  or  later  is  sure  to 
these  legions  with  this  legend. 

The  Germans  may  possibly  take  Paris ; 
they  may  possibly  take  the  Channel  ports ; 
they  may  possibly  invent  a  gun  which  will 
lay  London  in  ashes — nothing  of  this  sort 
seems  to  them  impossible.  But  it  will  all 
be  in  vain !  The  stars  in  their  courses  are 
fighting  for  us  even  though  now  they  be 
dimmed  by  clouds  and  mist. 

The  greater  the  German  victories,  the 
surer,  the  more  complete,  the  more  irre- 
trievable their   ultimate   defeat. 

The  farther  into  France  they  march,  the 
longer  for  them  the  way  home — though 
they  may  cover  it  in  the  return  far  more 
rapidly  than   in   the   onset. 

The  victory  of  our  program  over  that  of 
the  Central  Powers  is  as  sure  and  certain 
as  that  there  is  a  sun  in  the  sky  or  a  God 
in   heaven. 

Now  what  is  this  program  whose  realiza- 
tion will  make  for  us,  that  is,  for 
you  and  your  children  and  your  children's 


children,  a  new  heaven  and  a  new  earth 
here  on  this  globe  and  during  j^our  lives? 

First  of  all  we,  that  is  the  Allies,  are  com- 
mitted to  the  creation  of  a  real  internation- 
al law,  not  a  mere  collection  of  precedents, 
illuminated  or  darkened  by  the  comments 
of  professors  of  international  law  in  Ger- 
man or  Russian  or  French  or  American 
or  English  Universities — but  a  real  code  of 
enforcible  precepts  based  upon  ethical  prin- 
ciples. 

A  code  in  which  the  "might  of  right  in- 
stead of  the  right  of  might"  shall  be  so 
integrally  incorporated  that  no  doubt  shall 
exist  as  to  the  principle  on  which  it  is 
based.  We  are  all  now  committed  to  the 
support  of  putting  the  idea  of  law — as 
meaning  something  more  than  a  disputed 
custom  into  international  relations ;  to  vin- 
dicate for  righteous  law  the  claim  to  be  the 
only  real  foundation  stone  of  all  national 
and  international  action ;  to  substitute  the 
reign  of  law  dominated  by  ethical  consid- 
erations for  the  reign  of  might  and  force 
based  on  national  selfishness — to  put  in 
the  place  of  the  idea  of  the  supreme  self- 
determining,  uncontrolled,  unmoral,  uneth- 
ical, or  if  you  please,  supermoral  and  sup- 
erethical  nation,  the  notion  of  a  moral  be- 
ing subject  to  the  reign  of  moral  law, 
regardful  of  the  rights  of  other  nations  and 
of  individual  human  beings,  sensitive  to 
the  ever-purifying  and  ever-rising  stand- 
ards of  justice  and  mercy  and  fairness  in 
the  conduct  of  international  affairs. 

As  a  nation,  subject  like  other  weak 
human  organizations  to  occasional  lapses, 
we  Americans  have  stood  for  these  things 
— we  have  held  high  these  standards  in  our 
courts,  in  our  administrative  departments, 
in  our  legislatures,  and  now,  thank  God, 
the  whole  strength  of  the  Republic,  the  en- 
tire fortunes  of  its  citizens,  its  sacred  hon- 
or and  mighty  traditions  are  lining  up  on 
the  bloodstained  fields  of  France  in  furth- 
erance of  these  ideas. 

Nay  more!  The  President  of  the  Unit- 
ed States  has  voiced  these  sentiments  in 
lofty  and  inspiring  language.  He  has  read 
the     deepest      thought     of      the     American 


people  and  formulated  it  in  a  way  to  lead 
each  of  them  to  say  "that  is  exactly  what 
I  think,"  and  with  that,  the  nation  has  be- 
come unified  and  strengthened  and  ex- 
alted. 

With  this  formulation  of  our  views  and 
sentiments  we  entered  this  great  conflict 
and  immediately  our  Allies  accepted  our 
statement  of  this  issue  and  thus  it  has 
become  the  rallying  cry  of  the  oppressed 
nations  throughout  the  world  and  all  these 
great  powers,  England,  France,  Italy,  Jap- 
an, China,  and  the  numerous  smaller  na- 
tions, have  solemnly  undertaken  to  observe 
these  principles. 

It  will  be  a  new  world  when  they  shall 
have  been  formally  adopted  and  put  into 
practice  as  they  will  be  at  the  end  of  the 
Great  War. 

In  the  second  place,  this  war  in  its  out-     ■ 
come  will,  in  my  opinion,  give  an  immense     , 
impetus   to   the   movement   for   democratic     • 
government   among  the    sons   of   men.     It     j 
will  raise  it  and  exalt  it  as  the  only  pos- 
sible  form   of  the  highest  type  of  human     ' 
political  organization.     It  will  hold  it  high     ' 
advanced    as    the    ideal    toward   which    we 
should    strive    with    all     our     might     and 
strength    and    soul.        All    monarchical    or 
aristocratic  remnants  of  previous  stages  of 
evolution   are   destined,    in   my  opinion,   to     , 
disappear — nay    must    disappear,   and    this 
war  will  go  a  long  way  to  clean  them  up. 
If  monarchy  must  be  restored  to  save  Rus- 
sian  society   or   China   from  dissolution,   it 
will  frankly  be  recognized  as  only  a  temp- 
orary measure  to  be  gotten  rid  of  as  soon 
as  Russia  and  China  have  reached  such  a 
development    as    will    enable   them   to    dis- 
pense with   these  crutches. 

Now  I  believe  that  this  immense  im- 
petus to  free  government  is  going  to  pro- 
duce wonderful  results  of  many  different 
kinds  here  in  our  own  society  which  will 
make  it  infinitely  easier  for  the  man  de- 
pendent on  his  own  exertion  to  get  on  in 
the   world   than   it   now    is. 

We  have  been  conceiving  the  liberty 
spoken  of  in  the  Declaration  of  Independ- 
ence in  terms  of  political  liberty,  in  terms 


of  freedom  from  legal  interference.  We 
are  coming  to  see  that  that  is  only  a  small 
part  of  liberty.  Liberty  is  something  pos- 
itive, and  not  negative.  Economic  liberty, 
intellectual  liberty,  spiritual  liberty  are  as 
real  necessities  of  a  life  spent  in  pursuit  of 
happiness  as  political  liberty  itself. 

A  society  in  which  every  man  is  free  to 
race  ahead  as  rapidly  as  he  can  without 
reference  to  his  neighbors,  except  to  get 
ahead  of  them,  is  necessarily  a  society  in 
which  the  vigorous,  able,  keen,  alert,  strong 
may  ultimately  reduce  their  brethren  less 
favorably  endowed  with  brains,  nerves, 
and  muscles  to  the  position  of  a  thor- 
oughly exploited  class — and  such  a  society 
can  not  be  called  a  democratic  society  in 
any  true  sense  even  though  political  lib- 
erty be  fully  established  and  protected. 

Now^  this  war,  in  my  opinion,  is  going 
to  change  the  face  of  human  society  in 
many  important  respects,  through  the 
agencies  it  will  create  or  energize  to  pro- 
tect and  foster  the  rights  of  the  great 
mass  of  the  people.  And  as  you  will  be 
the  people  or  a  part  of  them  you  will 
profit   by  all  such   development. 

As  a  concrete  illustration  of  what  this 
may  mean,  take  the  attitude  of  the  Eng- 
lish Labor  Party  toward  this  war.  "We 
are  willing,"  their  leaders  declared,  "to 
mobilize  labor  to  the  limit  in  prosecution 
of  this  just  undertaking.  But  you  should 
not  ask  us  to  sacrifice  more,  relatively 
speaking,  than  other  classes.  And  you 
must  therefore  guarantee  to  us  that  we 
shall  be  left  at  the  end  of  the  war  in  the 
same  position  of  relative  advantage  in 
fixing  wages,  hours,  and  the  terms  of  em- 
ployment as  we  occupy  now." 

No  such  demand  was  ever  made  before 
in  any  war.  The  Government  made  this 
promise.  The  fact  that  it  can  never  really 
carry  out  this  promise  fully  and  explicitly 
is  not  of  nearly  as  much  significance  as 
the  fact  that  it  really  made  the  promise 
in  good  faith ;  nor  as  the  fact  that  giving 
such  a  promise  indicates  a  new  attitude 
on  the  part  of  the  British  Government 
toward  the  demands  of  organized  and  un- 


organized labor.  The  action  of  our  own 
Federal  Government  in  all  such  matters 
from  the  passage  of  the  Adamson  Law 
to  the  present  is  equally  striking  and  sig- 
nificant. 

It  will  be  a  new  world  in  which  you 
will  live  and  move  and  have  your  being. 
Your  burdens  will  be  heavy,  your  tasks 
enormous,  but  your  opportunities  wonder- 
ful. 

And  it  is  on  these  opportunities  I  would 
congratulate  you.  You  are  privileged  to 
live  and  work  in  one  of  the  greatest  eras 
of  human  history  and  to  become  a  part 
of  this  country's  life  and  of  this  era's 
movement. 

I  know  not  how  other  men  think  about 
it,  but  as  for  myself  I  thank  God  I  was 
born  in  the  United  States  of  America. 
None  yield  more  honor  than  I  to  those 
small  nations  like  Athens  and  Switzerland 
and  Holland  and  Belgium  which  have 
written  their  names  high  in  the  list  of 
those  which  have  deserved  well  of  man- 
kind. But  I  rejoice  in  our. boundless  prai- 
ries, in  our  mighty  rivers,  our  lofty  moun- 
tains, our  endless  stretch  of  sea  coast.  I 
draw  a  fuller  breath  in  contemplation  of 
this  mighty  realm  of  which  I  am  a  part. 
I  am  exalted  in  spirit  as  I  move  over 
these  never-ending  railway  lines  and  see 
these  infinite  harvests — and  dream  of  what 
this  people  will  be  and  do  when  it  finally 
awakes  to  its  opportunities  and  to  its  ob- 
ligations  to  mankind. 

My  heart  thrills  with  pride  as  I  reflect 
that  I  am  a  citizen  of  the  country  which 
produced  Washington  and  Lincoln  and 
which,  having  produced  them,  knew  how 
to  honor  and  magnify  their  names.  I  glory 
in  the  recollection  that  it  was  my  country 
which  produced  a  Grant  and  a  Sherman, 
a  Lee  and  a  Stonewall  Jackson.  I  rejoice 
in  that  long  list  of  victories,  military, 
moral,  and  spiritual^  by  which  my  ances- 
tors helped  to  settle  and  conquer  and  civ- 
ilize the  wilderness. 

No  victories  at  golf  or  billiards  or  lawn 
tennis,  or  even  football  or  baseball — no 
pleasure   in   fine   horses  or   automobiles   or 


of  any  or  all  the  ordinary  pleasures  of 
life — ever  satisfied  me  as  these  impalpa- 
ble, imponderable  delights  of  American 
citizenship  have  done. 

They  are  going  to  be  enormously  in- 
creased for  you  and  yours  as  a  result  of 
this  Great  War  and  its  consequences.  The 
names  of  many  heroes  will  come  forth 
from  the  mighty  womb  of  time  to  multi- 
ply and  strengthen  our  manifold  causes 
for  joy  and  pride  in  our  country  and  its 
work.  All  this  will  be  uplifting  and  help- 
ful to  you — a  source  of  infinite  strength 
and  power  in  the  mighty  tasks  you  have 
to  help  solve. 

I  congratulate  you  once  again  and  finally 
upon  the  chance  you  have  to  get  into  and 
become  an  integral  part  of  this  Great  War 
and  thus  to  share  personally  and  imme- 
diately in  its  glorious  results ;  be  entitled 
to  feel  that  you  have  been  a  living,  work- 
ing, contributing  cell  in  this  life  process 
of  the  ages.  It  will  exalt  you,  lift  you 
out  of  yourselves  and  into  higher  regions 
of  life  and  light. 

No  one  will  suspect  me  of  underesti- 
mating the  value  of  science  and  scientific 
investigation  to  our  society;  nor  of  set- 
ting a  low  value  on  the  University  of  Illi- 
nois and  its  services  to  the  State  and  coun- 
try. But  all  this,  to  my  mind,  is  of  sec- 
ondary importance — nay  of  far  lower  im- 
portance than  that  compared  with  the  win- 
ning of  this  war.  If  we  have  been  breed- 
ing and  feeding  and  training  a  generation 
of  men  and  women  who  will  permit  the 
Central  Powers  of  Europe  to  dictate  such 
a  peace  as  they  have  hoped  to  win — vain. 
Vain  has  been  our  work — and  empty  the 
achievement  of  building  an  American  na- 
tion— for  such  a  nation  would  be  un- 
worthy of  Washington  and  Lincoln, 
would  be  unworthy  of  the  men  who  died 
that  this  country  might  be  created,  or  the 
men  of  that  far  greater  army,  who  died 
that  it  might  be  saved.  Ah !  young  men 
and  women,  if  you  fail  to  put  forth  your 
best  efforts  to  help  win  this  war,  you  will 
regret  it  as  long  as  you  live.  You  will  be 
ashamed    to    tell    your    children    and    your 


grandchildren  that  you  stood  aside  and 
let  this  great  movement  of  progress 
sweep  on,  and  looked  upon  this  drive  for 
human  freedom  with  apathy,  indifference, 
or  actual  hostility. 

Perhaps  you  do  not  realize  fully  what 
it  all  means. 

Just  remember  two  or  three  things  and 
let  them  sink  into  your  souls.  I  shall  not 
undertake  to  describe  the  remote  causes 
of  the  v\?ar ;  I  can  not  even  undertake  to 
give  a  brief  history  of  its  rise  and  prog- 
ress. Like  other  great  wars  the  history 
can  not  be  written  for  a  century  to  come. 
But  a  few  things  are  now  clear  and  can 
be  known  of  all  men : 

1.  Germany  began  this  war,  and  that 
in  two  senses.  It  refused  to  prevent  it  as 
it  might  have  done ;  and  it  actually  first 
invaded  a   foreign  country. 

2.  It  invaded  a  small,  defenseless,  peace- 
able country  whose  neutrality  it  had  guar- 
anteed to  protect. 

When  this  country  resisted,  it  attempted 
to  break  its  resistance  by  a  policy  of  ter- 
rorism. War  is  horrible  enough  at  best, 
but  directed  not  at  armed  forces  but  at 
helpless  civilians  in  order  to  frighten  them 
into  inaction  or  to  serve  as  an  example 
to  other  peoples — it  is  unspeakable. 

Germany  not  only  conquered  Belgium 
but  it  has  laid  heavy  tribute  upon  it  for 
attempting  to  defend  itself,  compelling  it, 
moreover,  by  forced  contributions  of  labor 
and  money  and  material  to  impoverish  it- 
self in  order  to  help  Germany  defeat 
France  and  England. 

3.  Germany  has  done  the  same  thing 
in  all  countries  she  has  overrun. 

4.  She  proposes  to  make  the  peoples 
she  conquers  pay  the  cost  of  their  being 
conquered.  Stop  to  think  what  that 
means. 

5.  She  proposes  to  conquer  France  and 
England  and  then  she  will  take  the  United 
States.  Are  you  willing  that  this  should 
be  done?  If  not,  then  into  the  conflict 
with  body  and  soul ! 

6.  Germany  has  proposed  to  take  the 
coal  and  iron  mines  of  Belgium  and  north- 


8 


ern  France  and  annex  them  to  the  Ger- 
man Empire.  Not  content  with  this,  she 
has  proposed  to  drive  out  the  entire  Bel- 
gian and  French  population  from  these 
territories  and  let  what  is  left  of  Belgium 
and  France  pay  these  poor  devils  for  the 
land  and  houses  Germany  has  taken.  Has 
there  ever  been  a  more  cruel  or  cold- 
blooded proposition  than  this  in  the  his- 
tory  of   Christian   nations? 

7.  The  doctrine  has  been  enunciated 
by  her  philosophers  that  Germany  has  a 
moral  right  to  take  any  territory  which  in 
Germany's  opinion  is  necessary  for  her 
welfare  or  convenience.  Can  you  make 
any  answer  to  such  monstrous  proposi- 
tions except  "Back  to  your  own  bounda- 
ries." 

If  we  had  failed  to  help  France  and 
England  in  their  extremity  against  this 
menace  to  all  they  hold  dear,  it  would  be 
a  righteous  judgment  of  God  upon  us, 
that  Germany  should  finally  do  to  us 
what  she  is  trying  to  do  to  France  and 
England. 

I  know  nothing  personally  about  the 
atrocities  attributed  to  the  Germans  in 
Belgium,  and  France  and  Roumania — eye 
witnesses  have  however  reported  dreadful 
things — but  I  know  something  of  atroci- 
ties which  occur  in  this  country  at  times  in 
spite  of  our  laws  and  our  police,  and  I  can 
imagine  what  may  happen  in  other  coun- 
tries when  because  of  war,  laws  and  police 
are  set  aside ;  and  the  soldiers  are  ordered 
to  make  an  example  of  a  man,  a  woman,  a 
child,  a  town,  a  province  or  a  whole  na- 
tion. God  forgive  us  if  wd  permit  any 
nation  with  this  military  and  moral  code 
to  overrun  the  civilized  world — or  rather 
may  he  not  forgive  us,  but  punish  us  as 
we  deserve ! 

One  other  thing,  young  friends,  not  only 
is  the  winning  of  this  war  necessary  to 
protect  civilization  in  Europe,  and  to  pro- 
tect our  own  homes,  our  altars,  and  our 
fires  from  devastation  and  destruction ; 
but  the  definite  winning  of  this  war  at  this 
time  will  put  forward  civilization  a  great 
way.        This     is    a     critical     time    in    hu- 


man history.  If  the  Central  Powers  win, 
the  ball  of  human  civilization  will  roll 
down  the  hill  of  time,  and  we  must  again 
take  up  the  Sisyphaean  task  of  pushing  it 
up   again   toward   the  top. 

If  we  win,  we  shall  secure  the  blessings 
of  civilization  thus  far  attained  and  add 
enormously  to  the  certainty  of  steady  and 
rapid   upward   progress. 

Surely,  it  is  worth  all  you  have  in  time 
and  strength  and  nerve  to  help  win  this 
great  war.  If  you  are  of  the  proper  age 
and  strength  and  freedom,  seek  the  trench 
unless  the  Government  wishes  you  else- 
where, and  calls  you  for  other  work.  If 
you  can't  do  this,  do  something  else,  but 
everywhere  and  all  the  time,  work  at  this 
one  supreme  problem  of  winning  the  war. 

I  never  wished  to  be  older  for  but  the 
one  reason  that  I  might  have  carried  a 
-musket  in  our  Great  Civil  War ;  and  I 
have  never  wished  to  be  younger  for  but 
one  reason,  that  I  might  now  be  serving, 
a  machine  gun  in  the  blood-stained  fields 
of  France.  ^ly  elder  son  has  gone  into 
the  navy ;  my  younger  son  is  about  to 
enter  the  army  service ;  my  son-in-law  is 
already  in,  and  with  him,  the  entire  physi- 
cal strength  of  my  family  is  in  the  ser- 
vice, and  I  am  doing  what  I  can  to  re- 
cruit  it. 

Oh,  my  young  brothers,  I  envy  you  your 
chance  to  get  personally  into  this  great 
world  conflict  on  the  side  of  right  and 
justice  and  mercy.  If  I  had  been  a  little 
older,  I  might  have  fought  at  Vicksburg 
or  Gettysburg ;  or  a  little  younger  at  Vimy 
Ridge  or  the  INIarne.  And  if  I  had  fallen 
in  the  Civil  War,  I  should  have  joined 
that  great  and  glorious  throng  who  have 
made  it  such  a  privilege  for  us  to  be 
American  citizens ;  and  if  I  had  fallen  at 
the  Marne  or  Vimy  Ridge,  I  should  have 
entered  that  noble  army  wdio  died  that 
their  brothers  across  the   sea  might  live. 

I  wish  you  all  the  greatest  good  luck ! 
the  highest  earthly  good  fortune  and 
prosperity,  consistent  with  the  highest 
moral  and  spiritual  development  of  your- 
selves.     I    can   wish   you   no   greater    good 


than  that  somewhere  in  this  great  strug- 
gle you  find  a  place  to  serve  this  univer- 
sity, this  Commonwealth,  this  nation,  the 
whole  world  by  your  lofty  patriotism  and 
devotion  to  all  that  is  true  and  beautiful 
and    good. 

Some  of  you  will  go  to  Flanders.  I 
pray  God  you  may  return  with  the  laurel 
wreath  for  faithful  and  distinguished  ser- 
vice long  to  bless  your  family  and  your 
country.  Some  of  you  will  doubtless  fall 
there,  and  lie  among  the  poppies  of  the 
Flanders  fields.  You  will  have  taken  up 
the  torch  dropped  by  your  predecessors 
and  helped  carry  it  on  to  victory.  Our 
love,  our  admiration,  our  honor,  our  grat- 
itude and  that  of  all  posterity  will  follow 
you  as  you  make  this  great  sacrifice ! 

John  McRae  has  called  to  you  in  these 
beautiful  lines  from  those  who  lie  in  Flan- 
ders fields  where  he  now  lies  himself: 

In  Flanders  fields   the  poppies  blow 
Between    the    crosses,    row    on    row, 
That  mark  our  place,   and   in   the   sky. 


The    larks,   still   bravely   singing,   fly, 
Scarce    heard    amid   the   guns   below. 
We    are   the   dead ;    short   days    ago        |^ 
We  lived,  felt  dawn,  saw  sunset  glow,  m 
Loved  and  were  loved,  and  now  we  lie 
In   Flanders   fields. 

Take  up  our  quarrel  with  the  foe  ! 
To  you   from  failing  hands  we  throw 

The  torch  ;  be  yours  to  hold  it  high  ! 

If   ye   break    faith   with   us    who   die 
We  shall  not  sleep,  though  poppies  gri   ' 
In    Flanders    fields. 

Not  like  those  Roman  Gladiators  who 
they  entered  the  arena  turned  and  chani 
to   the  Emperor : 

Morituri    te    salutanius! 

We  who  are  about  to  die  salute  thet 

but  with  the  glad   cry, 

"We  who  are  about  to  live  salute  thee ! ! 

you  rush  forward  into  this  conflict,  anc 
if  to  lie  in  Flanders  fields  among  the  pop- 
pies— then  still  to  have  life  and  to  have 
it  more   abundantly. 


10 


UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS  BULLETIN 

Issued  Weekly  .      ■      . 


ol.  XVI 


DECEMBER  16,  1918 


No.  16 


ntered  as  second-class  matter  December  11,  1912,  at  the  post  office  at  Urbana,  Illinois,  under  the  Act  ot 
AuRust  24,  1912.  Acceptance  for  Mailing  at  the  special  rate  of  postage  provided  for  in  section  1103, 
Act  of  Oct.  3,  1917,  authorized  July  31,  1918.] 


Italy  and  the  Peace  Conference 


^  I 


BY 


PAUL  V.    B.  JONES 

Associate  in  Historv 


Price  10  cents 


PUBLISHED  BY  THE  WAR  COMMITTEE 

OF  THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS 

URBANA 


ITALY  AND  THE  PEACE  CONFERENCE    .  r 

Now  that  peace  terms  are. under  discussion,  some  of  the  profoundly 
difficult  problems  which  must  be  handled  by  the  representatives  of  the 
nations  assembled  at  Versailles  are  becoming  plainly  outlined.  Among 
these  problems,  none  are  more  knotty  and  fraught  with  serious  danger 
than  those  involving  an  equitable  adjudication  of  certain  of  Italy's 
war  claims.  Because  to  date  Italy  insists  upon  the  fulfillment  of  these 
claims  to  the  very  letter — upon  her  utter  pound  of  flesh,  that  country 
is  assailed  from  all  quarters,  as  she  was  denounced  in  1915,  branded 
again  for  the  narrowest  selfishness,  and  roundly  rebuked  for  an  imperial- 
ism which  cannot  be  squared  with  the  democratic  ideals  for  which  the 
world  has  been  told  it  was  fighting.  The  country's  spokesmen,  on 
the  other  hand,  competent  and  otherwise,  seek  to  refute  these  harsh 
aspersions  by  demonstrating  in  speeches  and  writings  the  justness  of 
her  objectives,  while  the  arch-opponents  of  her  peace  programme — 
South  Slavs,  Albanians,  and  Greeks,  vigorously  use  like  measures  to 
anathematize  them.  Meanwhile  the  report  comes  that  Italy's  armies 
are  not  to  be  demobilized,  together  with  curt  assertions  from  certain 
Slavic  quarters  proclaiming  a  fearful  readiness  to  accept  again,  if  it 
must  be,  so  grim  a  solvent  as  war.  Such  indeed,  is  the  heat  already 
engendered  since  the  signing  of  the  armistice,  an  ominous  premonition 
of  stormy  controversy,  or  infinitely  worse,  ahead. 

What  then  are  these  war  claims,  and  what  threatens  to  prevent 
their  full  attainment?  Stated  briefly,  Italy,  in  this  developing  world 
crisis,  has  sought  consistently  to  make  her  national  existence  secure. 
That  has  been  her  great  purpose.  To  gain  it  meant  for  her  principally 
reaching  the  following  difficult  objectives —  first,  the  completion  of  her 
unification  through  the  incorporation  of  Italia  Irredenta  so  called,  that 
is,  the  Trentino,  certain  lands  about  the  lower  Isonzo  river  and  Trieste, 
and  second,  the  attainment  of  supremacy  in  the  Adriatic  sea.  This 
latter  ambition  is  in  truth  part  and  parcel  of  Italian  unification  also, 
in  so  far  as  it,  likewise,  involves  securing  Trieste;  further  than.that^ 
however,  its  consummation  means  the  establishment  of  Italian  dominion 
over  Dalmatia,  coast  and  islands,  and  the  attainment  by  Italy  of  a 
firm  hold  on  the  same  side  of  the  Adriatic  in  Albania.  The  vital  impor- 
tance of  these  objectives  for  Italy's  welfare  becomes  manifest  upon  a 
brief  analysis  of  them. 

3 


Italy,  since  1871,  has  looked  forward  to  the  completion  of  her  unifi- 
cation on  purely  sentimental  grounds;  certainly  it  would  be  highly 
gratifying  to  her  to  feel  that  all  the  regions  once  a  part  of  her  ancient 
country,  and  at  present  inhabited  by  a  majority  Italian  population, 
were  incorporated  forever  in  the  motherland.  Irredentism,  however, 
has  played  its  tremendously  important  role  in  modern  Italian  life  not 
on  sentimental,  but  on  eminently  practical  grounds;  these  coveted  bits 
of  territory  under  alien  control  have  left  Italy  with  threatened  frontiers 
in  the  north  and  north-east.  A  glance  at  a  map,  or  a  survey  of  Italian 
military  operations  in  the  war,  will  reveal  the  very  real  danger  which 
the  country  has  had  to  face  because  of  Italia  Irredenta.  The  Trentino 
is  a  powerful  jut  of  most  difficult  mountainous  country  thrust  into 
northern  Italy, -almost  inaccessible  to  attack  from  the  south,  as  Italy's 
campaigns  in  that  theatre  demonstrated,  while,  on  the  other  hand,  the 
rich  Lombard  plain,  the  heart  of  Italy,  lies  practically  at  the  mercy  of 
its  possessors.  Nor  is  the  situation  much  better  in  the  Julian  Alps 
region,  to  the  north-east,  where  again  there  is  no  satisfactory  frontier. 
This  unfortunate  state  of  affairs  dates  from  1871.  Italy's  unification 
was  accomplished  tumultuously  and  piecemeal  between  1859  and  1871, 
contingent  for  the  most  part  upon  intermittent  foreign  support — a 
process  affording  no  time  for  the  careful  delimitation  of  frontiers. 

And  what  of  the  Adriatic?  Italians  have  long  been  of  the  opinion 
that  the  country  controlling  Dalmatia,  ipso  facto,  held  their  country 
likewise  in  its  grasp.  The  Adriatic  is  a  great  arm  of  the  Mediterranean, 
approximately  five  hundred  miles  long,  with  a  mean  breadth  of  one 
hundred  and  ten  miles,  narrowing  down  however,  at  its  southern  ex- 
tremity, across  the  Straits  of  Otranto,  to  a  stretch  of  water  some  forty- 
five  miles  in  width.  The  excellent  Albanian  harbor,  Valona,  one  of 
the  best  in  Western  Europe,  the  Gibraltar  of  the  Adriatic  as  it  has  been 
called,  perfectly  commands  these  straits.  This  sea  washes  an  Italian 
shore,  low-lying,  shallow,  exposed  to  the  vast  sweep  of  the  north  wind, 
and  practically  harborless.  Venice  and  Brindisi  lie  almost  at  its 
respective  extremities;  neither  is  a  first  class  haven,  while  Venice,  further- 
more, has  its  usefulness  as  a  port  constantly  impaired  because  the  four 
rivers,  Isonzo,  Piave,  Adige,  and  Po,  draining  great  reaches  of  the  Alps 
and  Apennines,  steadily  bring  down  into  the  head  waters  of  the  Adriatic 
great  quantities  of  silt.  The  Dalmatian  coast,  on  the  other  hand,  is 
high,  irregular,  protected  by  a  long  fringe  of  islands,  and  affords  an 
excellent  harbor  for  everv  mile  of  shore. 


As  modern  states  have  been  organized,  physical  features  hke  these 
must  command  urgent  attention  on  the  part  of  countries  constrained  to 
put  up  with  them,  and  Italy  is  no  exception  to  this  rule.  Under  the 
best  of  circumstances  worry  on  her  part  over  her  general  insecurity  is 
readily  comprehensible.  Moreover,  how  her  fears  on  this  score  have 
grown  into  a  terrible  incubus  may  likewise  be  understood,  at  least, 
when  it  is  recollected  that  until  yesterday,  practically,  Italy's' hereditary 
enemy  commanded  these  keys  to  her  house.  Austria  and  Italy  indeed 
have  never,  in  modern  times,  been  friends,  and  this  despite  the  Triple 
Alliance  which  Italy  felt  herself  compelled  to  join  in  1882  because  of 
political  exigencies  beyond  the  scope  of  this  discussion. 

Nor  is  this  all:  Italy  has  feared  Austria  not  only  because  of  the  latter's 
position  squarely  across  her  most  vulnerable  parts,  but  also  for  the 
additional  reason  that  since  1875  she  has  seen  in  Austria  a  country  with 
a  powerful  ambition  to  entrench  herself  still  more  firmly  in  the  Balkans, 
thus  jeopardizing  the  more  Italy's  security.  In  1887  the  Italian  states- 
man, Crispi,  said  to  Bismarck: 

"We  Italians  must  be  interested  in  the  near  Eastern 
question.     If  the  great  powers,  under  agreement,  would 
formally  renounce  all  conquest  in  the  Balkans,  and  declare 
that  any  territory  taken  from  Turkey  should  be  left  auton- 
omous, we   would    enter   no  objection    to  those  arrange- 
ments It  is  stated,  however,  that  Russia,  to  attach  Austria 
to  herself,  offers  her  Bosnia  and  Herzegovina.     Italy  can 
never  permit  Austria  to  occup;^  those  territories.     In  1866 
Italy  was  left  without  a  frontier  in  the  eastern  Alps;  if  now 
Austria  secures  these  provinces,  which  would  further  forti- 
fy her  on  the  Adriatic,  our  country  will  then  find  itself  more 
than  ever  exposed  to  an  invasion.     It  will  be  in  a  trap." 
Yet  the  Congress  of  Berlin,  arbitrarily  "arranging"  southeastern  Europe 
after  the  Russo-Turkish  war  of  1877-1878,  allowed  x^ustria  to  "occupy" 
Bosnia  and  Herzegovina — a  hard  blow  for  Italy;  nor  could  the  latter 
country  accept  with  any  more  assurance  Austria's  annexation  of  these 
Balkan  lands  in  1908. 

Such  well  known  facts  in  .part  explain  Italy's  intense  anxiety  when 
Austria  sent  her  famous  ultimatum  to  Serbia,  unloosing  the  World  War. 
Likewise  they  explain  Italy's  conditional  neutrality  upon  the  outbreak 
of  the  war;  her  seizure  of  Valona  in  Albania,  in  December,  1914;  her 
nine  months  of  bootless  negotiation  with  the  Central  Powers  through 


which  she  sought  to  guarantee  Italia  Irredenta  and  Adriatic  security 
forever;  and,  finally,  her  signature  to  the  now  notorious  Secret  Treaty 
of  London,  of  April,  1915,  and  declaration  of  war  against  her  former 
allies. 

The  country's  policy  has  been  consistently  one  of  national  defense. 
And  today,  though  ancient  dynasties  have  fallen,  and  amid  their  ruins 
tiny  states-  helpless  in  their  puny  infancy  have  been  born,  Italy's 
geographical  features  are  unaltered.  Shall  they  never  again  menace 
her  security — nay,  shall  they  leave  her  in  peace  for  the  next  twenty-five 
years?  What  historian  dare  hazard  such  an  assurance!  Therefore  it 
IS  that  to-day  Italy  still  claims  the  fulfillment  of  these  provisions  of 
her  bond. 

Where  lies  the  difficulty  in  a  peace  settlement  for  Italy  mainly  along 
these  lines  of  the  Secret  Treaty  of  London  ?  Just  here.  The  Great  War, 
with  its  outstanding  slogan  "making  the  world  safe  for  democracy,'^ 
has  been  won  for  the  Allies  and  America,  in  no  small  measure,  through 
the  reaction  of  this  magnificent  battle-cry  on  numerous  oppressed 
nationalities  groaning  under  the  hard  dominion  of  the  Central  Powers. 
P^or  the  most  part,  these  peoples,  with  racial  and  national  instincts 
keyed  high  by  repression,  have  hailed  this  bloody  struggle  against 
autocracy  as  a  veritable  crusade  for  liberty — a  holy  war  which  should 
make  them  free.  With  intense  enthusiasm  they  have  grasped  the  basic 
principles  of  democracy,  have  fought  and  died  with  astounding  heroism 
for  these  fundamentals;  now  the  war  is  over,  and  they  too  demand  the 
fruits  of  victory,  x^cross  the  Adriatic  from  Italy  are  several  groups  of 
these  peoples,  determined  to  be  free  and  independent,  and  it  is  the 
attainment  of  this  freedom  and  independence  which  must  clash  with 
the  fulfillment  of  Italy's  claims.  These  peoples  are  the  Jugo  (or  South) 
Slavs,  and  the  Albanians. 

The  South  Slavs,  that  is,  the  Serbians,  Croats,  Slovenes,  and  Monte- 
negrins, of  whom  the  Croats  and  Slovenes  have  been  under  the  juris- 
diction of  Austria-Hungary,  number  presumably  some  13,000,000  souls, 
and  constitute  a  heavy  majority  of  the  population  in  much  of  the  land 
essential  to  Italian  supremacy  in  the  Adriatic,  as  Istria  and  Dalmatia. 
While  to  date  there  have  been  many  evidences  of  antagonisms  between 
these  Slavic  groups — chiefly  due  to  cultural  and  religious  differences, 
their  political  position,  and  the  war  itself — on  the  other  hand,  signs  of 
a  strong  unanimity  of  feeling,  a  real  national  consciousness,  are  yet 
more  obvious.     All  speak  the  same  language,  with  slight  variations; 


their  racial  characteristics  are  the  same;  they  have  suffered  together, 
and  together  they  must  be  free. 

In  July  of  1917,  authorized  representatives  of  Serbs,  Croats,  and 
Slovenes  issued  an  official  statement  through  the  Serbian  Press  Bureau 

on  the  Island  of  Corfu  in  which  they  affirm  that  " the  desire 

of  our  people  is  to  free  itself  from  all  foreign  oppression  and  to  consti- 
tute itself  into  a  free,  national,  and  independent  state,  based  on  the 

principle  that  every  people  is  free  to  govern  itself "     The 

declaration  then  describes  the  "modern  and  democratic  principles"  on 
which  this  state  shall  be  founded.  Jugoslavia,  according  to  this  pro- 
gramme, shall  be  "a  constitutional,  democratic,  and  Parliamentary 
Monarchy,"  with  the  Serbian  dynasty  for  its  royal  house.  It  is  to 
include  "all  the  territory  where  our  nation  lives  in  compact  masses  and 
without  discontinuity,  and  where  it  could  not  be  mutilated  without 
injuring  the  vital  interests  of  the  community."  Equality  before  the 
law,  religious  toleration,  and  universal  suffrage  are  likewise  proclaimed. 

A  year  later,  Jugoslavs  in  America  had  a  great  celebration  at  Wash- 
ington, the  principal  feature  of  which  was  the  raising  of  a  Jugoslav  flag — 
an  emblem  on  which  were  interlaced  the  Arms  of  Serbia,  Croatia,  and 
Slovenia.  Prominent  natives  made  speeches  befitting  the  great  oc- 
casion; peculiarly  significant  among  the  addresses  was  the  stirring 
appeal  for  an  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  new  banner  urged  upon  all  Jugo- 
slavs present,  by  Don  Niko  Grskovitch,  President  of  the  Croatian 
League  of  America. 

In  September,  1918,  the  Jugoslavs  declared  their  independence. 
They  set  forth  in  the  remarkable  manifesto  embodying  this  act  that 
ethnically  they  are  one  nation,  and  that  they  base  their  national  rights 
and  claims  on  that  fact.  Accepting  entirely  the  principle  of  self  deter- 
mination, they  demand  for  themselves  "a  peace  which  shall  bring  us 
union,  independence,  and  liberty."  Since  this  important  step,  the 
state  of  Jugoslavia  has  been  rapidly  taking  shape.  Late  in  November 
the  National  Council  at  Agram  appointed  Prince  Alexander  of  Serbia 
as  Regent.  A  State  Council,  comprising  all  the  members  of  the  Agram 
Council,  fifty  delegates  from  Serbia,  and  five  from  Montenegro,  was 
summoned  to  meet  at  Sarajevo,  and  appointed  a  Jugoslav  cabinet,  x'^s 
soon  as  conditions  are  settled  enough,  elections  are  to  be  held  for  a  Con- 
stituent Assembly  which  is  to  sit  at  Sarajevo,  determine  the  form  of 
state  to  be  set  up,  and  adopt  a  constitution.  The  fundamental  irre- 
concilability between  all  this  development  and  the  Italian  programme 
for  Adriatic  supremacy  is  clear. 

.7  .   • 


Next,  what  of  Italy's  grip  on  Albania,  likewise  recognized  by  the 
Treaty  of  London?  An  Italian  "protectorate"  over  Albania  must 
thwart  the  national  aspirations  of  that  people.  Unfortunately  this 
most  interesting  but  primitive  folk  is  largely  inarticulate.  Turkey  has 
controlled  the  country  for  over  four  hundred  years,  so  that  there  has 
been  practically  no  opportunity  for  progress;  instruction  has  been  quite 
unknown.  Contrasted  therefore  with  the  cry  of  the  South  Slavs,  whose 
eager  passionate  yearnings  for  national  independence  have  found  wide 
response  and  sympathetic  approval  throughout  most  of  the  civilized 
world,  the  thin  small  voice  sounding  Albania's  longings  pipes  nearly 
unheeded.  Nay,  those  are  not  wanting  who  affirm  that  Albania  has 
no  voice,  no  longings;  and  these  interpreters  of  peace  conference  prob- 
lems outline  a  settlement  for  Albania  largely  based  on  Italy's  desire  for 
dominion  there,  taking  cognizance  too  of  the  claims  of  Greece  and  the 
Jugoslavs  on  parts  of  the  country.  What  of  the  Albanians  themselves? 
They  also  have  responded  strongly  to  President  Wilson's  pronuncia- 
mento  on  behalf  of  oppressed  nationalities.  Having  fought  and  died 
for  liberty  and  independence,  they  now  look  forward  tensely  to  that 
cherished  freedom  almost  within  their  grasp. 

Evidences  of  a  national  feeling  among  Albanians  are  not  wanting. 
When,  in  June  of  1917,  Italy  proclaimed  Albanian  independence  "under 
the  shield  and  protection  of  the  Italian  Kingdom,"  the  Albanian  paper,. 
Dielli  (the  Sun),  mouthpiece  of  the  National  organization  in  New  York 
City,  spoke  as  follows: 

"The  proclamations  by  Austria  and  Italy,  which  came 
one  after  the  other,  are  neither  welcome  nor  well  sounding. 
These  powers  are  disputing  between  them  the  right  of 
protection  over  Albania.  The  way  in  which  each  desires 
to  reorganize  and  dominate  Albania  cannot  meet  our 
approval.  We  acknowledge  with  boundless  pleasure  any 
friendly  protection,  but  we  cannot  even  for  a  moment 
agree  that  Albania  be  reduced  to  the  state  of  a  vassal 
country.  The  Albanians  are  fighting  for  the  real  inde- 
pendence of  Albania,  and  for  this  we  can  rely  for  assistance 
on  her  friends  only.  The  Albanians  desire  that  Albania 
should  be  for  the  Albanians.  They  do  not  wish  her  to  be 
the  tool  of  either  Austria  or  Italy.  Such  a  servile  Albania 
would  be  the  worst  element  in  the  Balkans,  a  fire-maker 
in  the  already  troublesome  peninsula." 

8 


The  Albanians  again  have  been  decidedly  conscious  of  those  arbi- 
trary adjustments,  like  that  put  into  effect  by  the  Ambassadorial  Con- 
ference at  London  in  1912,  which  have  placed  sections  of  their  country 
with  the  inhabitants  under  foreign  jurisdiction;  thus,  for  example, 
certain  leaders  of  the  country  have  requested  Italy  to  represent  them 
at  the  peace  conference  and  to  demand  for  them  Epirus  and  parts  of 
Serbia. 

Furthermore  the  Albanian  Federation  in  America,  with  headquarters 
in  Boston,  recently  issued  an  authoritative  statement  to  correct  dis- 
torted views  of  their  country  and  people.  It  surveys  with  evident 
pride  the  remarkable  ancient  and  modern  annals  of  this,  the  oldest 
people  in  western  Europe,  protests  against  their  unfair  treatment  at 
the  hands  of  their  neighbors  in  most  recent  times,  notes  that  the  Alba- 
nians have  made  common  cause  with  the  Allies,  that  many  of  the  seventy 
thousand  Albanians  in  America  are  in  service  in  the  American  armies, 
that,  all  told,  their  people  have  purchased  nearly  $1,000,000  worth  of 
Liberty  bonds,  thereby  attesting  the  loyalty  of  this  hard-working  element 
in  our  population  to  their  adopted  land;  and  concludes  with  the  note- 
worthy declaration  that  they  look  to  America  and  the  Allies  at  the  peace 
conference  for  the  restoration  of  their  country's  independence  within 
ethnical  boundaries. 

Such  are  obvious  witnesses  of  a  national  consciousness  on  the  part 
of  this  people.  The  evidences  may  be  few;  that  there  are  any  such, 
under  the  circumstances,  is  highly  significant.  And  finally,  the  little 
trustworthy  information  available  about  this  people  shows  them  to  be 
a  folk  with  intensely  strong  racial  characteristics.  Centuries  long  they 
have  maintained  themselves  in  their  mountain  fastnesses  against  suc- 
cessive waves  of  invasion,  ultimately  either  absorbing  or  driving  out 
their  would-be  conquerors.  With  a  like  tenacity,  successive  genera- 
tions of  Albanians  resident  in  Greece  and  Italy  through  hundreds  of 
years  adhere  staunchly  to  their  native  speech. 

Signal  virtues  are  theirs  also,  despite  their  tribal  organization  with 
its  endless  local  warfare,  their  blood  feuds  and  their  gross  ignorance. 
The  following  quotation  speaks  for  itself: 

"Brigandage,  despite  the  prevailing  myth  on  the  sub- 
ject, is  practically  unknown  in  Albania.  The  native  is  too 
proud  and  chivalrous — and  these  are  his  two  main  national 
characteristics — to  lower  himself  to  the  condition  of 
highwayman As  to  the  reputed  fanaticism  of  the 


Albanians  and  their  constant  religious  strife,  it  may  be 
said  that  religious  toleration  exists  in  Albania  to  a  degree 
found  nowhere  else  in  the  Balkans.  Divided  as  the 
Albanians  are  into  Moslems,  Roman  Catholics,  and  Greek 
Catholics,  they  have  always  managed  to  get  along  far 
better  than  Catholics  and  Protestants  in  Western  Europe. 
In  Albania  there  are  today  families  in  which  one  brother 
is  a  Moslem  and  another  a  Christian,  yet  they  live  in 
perfect  harmony  within  the  walls  of  the  same  home.  In 
general  the  people  of  Albania  are  characterized  by  an 
innate  and  irresistible  love  for  liberty,  by  intelligence  and 
.;  practical  spirit,  and  by  great  eagerness  for  progress  and  ^ 

civilization."^ 

Such,  in  their  outstanding  features,  are  these  sets  of  conflicting 
interests  which  point  themselves  more  sharply  day  by  day.  On  the 
one  hand  the  indisputable  national  rights  of  Jugoslavs  and  Albanians, 
and  on  the  other  Italy's  claim  to  the  whole  of  Istria,  to  a  large  part  of 
Dalmatia,  and  to  sections  of  Albania,  which  cannot  rest  soundly  on  the 
firm  basis  of  nationality  whatever  may  be  said  for  Italian  majorities 
in  various  regions;  claims,  which  despite  certain  good  historical  foun- 
dation, must  in  the  last  analysis  find  their  truest  raison  d'etre  in  the 
inalienable  right  of  every  nation  to  safeguard  its  own  well  being. 

Surely,  under  the  old  diplomacy,  Italy's  objectives  are  entirely 
defensible;  could  she  today  be  assured  that  the  world  has  indeed  been 
made  anew,  certainly  she  would  relinquish  her  Adriatic  programme  with 
a  profound  sigh  of  relief;  unfortunately  that  sore  distraught  country, 
weak  and  impoverished,  cannot  secure  so  splendid  a  conviction  from 
allied  statesmanship!  Should  Italy,^  therefore,  finally  decide  so  to 
modify  her  claims  that  the  young  nations,  her  Adriatic  neighbors,  may 
be  free  to  work  out  their  several  destinies  without  let  or  hindrance,  in 
full  independence,  then  shall  this  venerable  mother  of  our  Western 
civilization  be  hailed  throughout  the  world  for  her  profound  faith  in  a 
new  era  to  the  ideals  and  security  of  which  she  has  made  heroic  sacrifice! 

i"The  Albanian  Nationality",  Constantine  A.  Chekrezi  ■  (formerly  secretary  to 
the  International  Commission  of  Control  for  Albania)  in  Current Hisfory,  November,  1918. 

^Signs  indeed  are  not  wanting  which  indicate  a  strong  current  in  Italy  in  this  direc- 
tion. Over  half  a  year  ago  now,  a  group  of  her  intellectuals,  including  the  historian 
Salvimini,  certain  Deputies  and  other  notables,  acting  semi-officially,  reached  what 
promised  to  be  a  highly  satisfactory  agreement  with  the  Jugoslavs.  Both  sides  made 
concessions,  or  at  least  indicated  a  willingness  to  yield  points  in  their  conflicting  ambi- 
tions.    Presently  again  the  horizon  was  overcast,  and  until  the  present  all  available 

!  10 


information  indicated  intense  antagonism.  Now  however  comes  the  news  of  the  resigna- 
tion of  several  members  of  the  ItaHan  Ministry,  conspicuous  among  them  being  Leonida 
Bissolati,  who,  in  highly  commendable  manner  publishes  his  reasons  for  breaking  with 
the  Government.  In  short,  he  disagrees  radically  with  Baron  Sonnino,  Minister  for 
Foreign  Affairs,  in  regard  to  the  peace  settlement.  Whereas  Sonnino  insists  upon  the 
complete  fulfillment  of  the  terms  of  the  Secret  Treaty  of  London,  Bissolati  would  make 
creat  concessions  to  the  Jugoslavs,  yielding  Dalmatia  to  them,  for  example. 

In  addition,  an  auspicious  report  comes  via  Paris  of  "the  first  meeting  of  the  Italian 
Society  for  a  League  of  Free  Nations,  which  has  150  branches  in  Italy,  and  includes  in 
"ts  membership  nine  Ministers,  among  them  Premier  Orlando,  former  Premier  Boselli, 
General  Busati,  chief  aid  to  the  King,  and  Senator  Mattioli  Pasqualini." 


KEY  TO  MAP — Shaded  area  shows  extreme  Jugoslav  claims  Heavy  line  marks  limit  of  Italian 
claims,  According  to  the  treaty  of  London,  practically  all  the  Adriatic  coast  from  the  southern  limit  of  the 
Italian  claim  in  Delmatia,  to  Durazzo,  is  to  be  neutralized,  with  relaxations  in  favor  of  Montenegro. 


11 


UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS  BULLETIN 


Vol.  XVI 


Issued  Weekly 
DECEMBER  23,  191! 


No.  17 


[Entered  as  second-class  matter  December  11,  1912,  at  tlie  post  office  at  Urbana.  Illinois,  under  the  Act  of 
August  24,  1912.  Acceptance  for  mailing  at  the  special  rate  of  postage  provided  for  in  section  1103  Act  of 
October  3,  1917,  authorized  July  31,  1918.] 


The  New  Arab    Kingdom 

and  the  Fate  of  The  MusHm  World 

BY 

ALBERT  TEN  EYCK  OLMSTEAD 
Professor  ot  History 


Price   10  cents 


PUBLISHED   BY  THE  WAR   COMMITTEE 

OF  THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS 

URBANA 


J\^,=c==„ 


THE  NEW  ARAB  KINGDOM  AND  THE  FATE  OF  THE 
MUSLIM  WORLD 

In  the  autumn  of  1916,  a  bored  newspaper  correspondent  at  Wash- 
ington amused  his  readers  with  an  account  of  a  new  power,  somewhere 
in  Arabia,  whose  request  for  recognition  had  caused  our  Department  of 
State  no  little  search  to  discover  its  exact  location.  Shortly  after, 
professional  orientalists  were  afforded  that  first  of  all  proofs  that  a 
state  actually  exists:  stamps  marked  "Hijaz  Post."  Since  then,  the 
metropolitan  papers  have  occasionally  devoted  two  or  three  lines  to 
the  advance  made  by  the  sultan  of  that  country  east  of  the  Jordan  and 
little  more  has  been  contributed  by  our  periodicals. 

Prophecy  has%ever  been  more  at  a  discount  than  at  the  present, 
and  yet  we  may  venture  the  prediction  that  here  we  have  an  event  of 
world  meaning,  that  problems  are  raised  which  America  must  aid  in 
settling,  that  the  historians  of  the  future  may  see  in  this  event  one  of 
the  most  important  results  of  the  war.  Americans  have  devoted  little 
enough  attention  to  the  Near  Eastern  Question  as  a  whole;  the  x^rabian 
phase  is  virtually  unknown. 

What  has  happened  is  no  less  than  the  rebirth  of  Islam.  We  all 
know  from  our  school  books  that  Islam  began  with  Mohammed  in 
Mecca,  that  under  his  immediate  successors  it  conquered  the  greater 
part  of  the  civilized  world,  and  that  there  was  developed  within  the 
century  a  civilization  without  a  contemporary  rival.  We  may  further 
remember  that  the  original  Arab  rulers  were  supplanted  by  Persians, 
Moors,  and  Turks,  and  that  the  civilization  was  transformed  and  then 
began  to  decline.  Here  our  knowledge  is  likely  to  end.  Few  of  us 
realize  that  Islam  is  one  of  the  most  potent  forces  in  the  world  today, 
that  it  counts  its  adherents  by  the  hundred  millions,  that  in  the  waste 
places  of  the  earth  it  converts  its  hundreds  where  Christianity  wins 
its  tens,  that  its  followers  occupy  a  belt  of  the  best  territory  on  earth, 
extending  from  Morocco  and  the  Sudan  to  China  and  the  Philippines. 
What  happens  in  Mecca  becomes  matter  for  more  than  amusement 
when  we  realize  that  hundreds  of  thousands  of  men  under  our  own  flag 
feel  exactly  the  same  sentiments  toward  that  city  that  other  millions  of 
our  fellow-citizens  feel  toward  Rome. 

Contrary  to  the  general  belief,  the  "Unspeakable  Turk"  has  his 
good  points.     He  is  a  soldier  without  superior,  has  much  administrative 

3 


ability,  and,  where  he  has  not  been  corrupted  by  intermarriage  with 
other  races  or  by  so-called  "Liberalism"  in  the  guise  of  the  pro-German 
"Young  Turk,"  he  is,  man  for  man,  the  equal  of  his  western  brother  of 
similar  social  standing.  Unfortunately,  he  is  a  northerner  ruling 
southerners.  He  is  slow,  stolid,  solid,  rather  contemptuous  of  the  man 
from  the  south  who  is  quicker  in  guile  as  in  the  field  of  the  intellect. 
He  takes  over  and  patronizes,  by  virtue  of  his  being  a  better  soldier 
and  ruler,  a  culture  he  is  incapable  of  producing.  To  the  man  of  the 
south,  he  is  a  northern  barbarian,  speaking  a  language  which  has  no 
connection  with  the  sacred  speech  used  by  the  Prophet  and  preserved 
to  posterity  in  the  Koran.  He  clings  to  customs  which  are  only  nominal- 
ly glossed  over  by  the  Sacred  Law  and  is  no  fit  successor  to  the  Prophet. 
The  Arab  has  never  forgotten  that  his  was  and  Is  the  sacred  language, 
that  the  Koran  can  rightly  be  read  only  in  Arabic,  that  from  his  race 
came  the  Prophet,  that  in  his  land  are  found  the  four  holy  cities  of 
Mecca,  Medina,  Jerusalem,  and  Hebron,  and  that  all  the  cities  most 
intimately  connected  with  the  glories  of  the  Caliphate — Alexandria, 
Damascus,  ■  Baghdad,  still  speak  Arabic.  He  would  be  more  than 
human  did- he  not  look  forward  to  the  day  when  once  more  from  Mecca 
would  the  Law  go  forth. 

In  the  eighties  of  the  last  century,  Islam  seemed  about  to  follow 
Turkey  into  dissolution.  That  it  did  not  do  so  was  largely  the  work 
of  Abdul  Hamid,  who  first  discovered  the  worth  to  the  state  of  a  pan- 
Islam  in  which  Constantinople  might  supplant  Mecca  as  Rome  had 
supplanted  Jerusalem  in  the  Middle  Ages.  History  might  today  be 
profoundly  different  had  this  ideal  continued  pure  and  undefiled. 
Hungarian  writers  assisted  in  transforming  the  pan-Islamic  into  the 
pan-Turanian  movement;  but  if  Hungarian,  Finn,  and  Russian  Tatar 
were  thereby  won  to  Turkish  support,  the  Arab  speaking  world  was 
definitely  alienated.  Rebellion  became  chronic  in  the  Yemen,  in  south- 
west Arabia,  the  most  desirable  part  of  the  peninsula.  Army  after  army 
was  lost  by  battle,  disease,  and  treachery.  The  Turkish  Revolution  of 
1908,  with  its  brief  "Era  of  Good  Feeling,"  for  the  moment  checked 
the  Arab  movement,  but  it  revived  at  once  when  the  Young  Turks,  in 
their  unfortunate  imitation  of  western  nationalism,  began  the  Ottoman- 
ization  of  the  Empire.  Radicals  went  so  far  as  to  demand  a  Turkish 
translation  of  the  Koran,  the  use  pf  that  language  exclusively  on  trains, 
in  newspapers,  in  private  bookkeeping.  By  such  means,  the  close 
connection  with  Hungary  was  continued,  Bulgaria  suddenly  discovered 


that  the  original  Bulgars  had  been  Turanians  and  so  fit  alhes  for  the 
Turks,  MusHm  intellectuals  in  Trans-Caucasian  Russia  longed  for  the 
day  when  they  should  be  restored  to  Turkey.  To  the  debit  side  of  the 
account  must  be  placed  the  complete  alienation  of  all  the  other  nationali- 
ties in  Turkey,  Muslim  equally  with  Christian.  When  the  Great  War 
began,  the  Arabic,-speak'ng  peoples  were  ripe  for  revolt. 

Before  any  overt  act  occurred,  Turkish  officials  seized  and  killed  the 
Syrian  leaders  in  several  cities.  Among  the  patriots  thus  executed 
were  members  of  the  tribe  of  the  Sherif  of  Mecca,  a  descendant  of  the 
Prophet,  and  the  official  head  of  the  sacred  city.  Already  predisposed 
to  revolt  by  the  "Liberalism"  of  Enver  Pasha  and  the  Committee  fo 
Union  and  Progress,  by  their  scarcely  concealed  agnosticism,  and  by 
the  deliberate  abrogation  of  provisions  of  the  Sacred  Law  laid  down  in 
the  Koran  itself,  the  Arabs  felt  themselves  provoked  beyond  endurance. 
In  a  ringing  address  to  "all  our  Muslim  brethren,"  Husein,  the  son  of 
Ali,  appealed  to  Allah  as  judge,  in  the  words  of  the  Book,  mourned  the 
loss  of  Muslim  prestige  brought  about  by  the  Young  Turk  fiascoes  in 
Tripoli  and  the  Balkans,  and  its  present  perilous  position.  He  con- 
demned the  horrors  of  deportation,  the  murder  of  leading  Muslims,  the 
banishments  and  confiscations  of  property  belonging  to  the  innocent 
families  of  victims.  Then  he  told  of  the  revenge  taken  by  the  Turkish 
garrison  for  the  revolt  of  Mecca,  how  a  shell  fell  but  four  feet  from  the 
very  house  of  Allah,  how  the  rug  that  covered  the  Sacred  Black  Stone 
was  fired,  the  despair  of  the  pious  as  they  saw  it  and  the  killing  of 
worshippers  every  day  within  the  sacred  precincts  until  worship  was 
perforce  discontinued.  No  westerner  can  realize  the  thrill  of  horror 
such  sacrilege  must  produce  in  the  breast  of  every  true  Muslim.  Islam 
had  not  risen  when  the  Turks,  at  the  dictation  of  their  infidel  masters, 
had  preached  the  Holy  War.  Henceforth,  there  could  be  no  doubt  as 
to  the  position  every  true  Muslim  must  take. 

The  cup  of  Young  Turk  iniquity  was  full,  and  on  the  sixteenth  of 
November,  1916,  Husein  was  declared  Sultan  of  the  Hejaz  and  was 
promptly  recognized  by  the  Entente  Powers.  By  their  operations  east 
of  the  Dead  Sea,  the  Arabs  did  much  to  render  futile  the  Turko-German 
advance  against  Egypt,  thus  saving  the  Suez  Canal  and  the  route  to 
India  and  Australia.  They  played  their  part  in  the  redemption  of 
Jerusalem  by  drawing  off  troops  at  a  time  when  these  were  desperately 
needed  by  the  Turks.  In  the  last  campaign,  they  assisted  the  British 
in  the  great  drive  which  carried  the  allies  from  Samaria  to  x^leppo. 


The  war  in  the  Near  East  has  ended  in  the  complete  triumph  of  our 
allies  and  only  the  political  settlement  remains.  A  son  of  the  Sherif 
has  arrived  in  Paris,  has  been  assigned  two  delegates  at  the  conference, 
and  has  given  tea  to  American  correspondents.  Already  we  can  see, 
at  least  in  outline,  the  problems  which  must  be  solved.  First,  a  new 
state  has  come  into  the  world;  and,  whatever  aid  it  may  receive  from 
the  Entente  Powers,  it  must  be  independent  in  every  sense,  or  Muslim 
thought  will  be  outraged.  At  present,  it  occupies  only  the  Hejaz,  the 
strip  along  the  west  coast  of  Arabia,  with  the  holy  cities,  plus  a  line  of 
advance  up  the  Mecca  Railroad  to  Syria,  but  its  claims  are  far  wider, 
even  to  Syria  as  a  whole.  Yemen  is  in  anarchy,  with  the  chance  that 
the  anarchy  will  be  ended  with  some  sort  of  British  rule,  for  Yemen 
forms  the  back  country  to  Aden,  and  Aden  commands  the  exit  of  the 
Red  Sea,  the  route  to  India.  The  center  of  the  peninsula  is  the  home 
of  the  fickle  wandering  tribes  or  of  oasis  cities  ruled  by  emirs  who  may 
admit  the  Sultan  as  first  among  equals,  but  will  not  surrender  their 
local  autonomy  without  a  struggle.  Oman  and  the  other  states  along 
the  seaboard  are  more  or  less  under  British  protection;  Syria,  Babylonia, 
Mesopotamia,  are  actually  being  administered  by  British  soldiers;  next 
door,  across  the  narrow  Red  Sea,  Egypt  is  a  British  protectorate;  and 
India,  with  its  hundred  million  Muslims,  is  likewise  British,  however 
much  this  fact  may  be  hidden  by  native  rulers  with  splendid  courts. 
General  Maude,  in  the  proclamation  issued  after  the  capture  of  Baghdad, 
expressed  the  "hope  and  desire  of  the  British  people  and  the  nations 
in  alliance  with  them  that  the  Arab  race  may  rise  once  more  to  great- 
ness and  renown  among  the  peoples  of  the  earth,  and  that  it  shall  bind 

itself  together  to  this  end  in  unity  and    concord that  you  may 

be  united  with  your  kinsmen  in  north,  east,  south,  and  west,  in  realiz- 
ing the  aspirations  of  your  race." 

Whether  practical  politics  will  permit  the  coming  true  of  these  and 
similar  aspirations  remains  to  be  seen.  The  pure  Arab  is  an  extreme 
individualist,  and  there  is  much  the  same  spirit  among  the  others  who 
speak  Arabic.  The  Near  East  has  rarely  been  a  unity,  and  then  gen- 
erally under  foreign  control.  If  Muslim  Arabs  could  for  once  be  induced 
to  abandon  their  old  time  desert  individualism,  there  is  still  the  fact 
that  they  do  not  comprise  all  the  Arab  speaking  population,  and  that 
they  are  not  a  religious  unity  among  themselves.  The  tiue  Arab  of 
the  desert  permits  his  religion  to  sit  lightly  upon  him,  and  with  the  mass 
of  the  Muslim  Arabs,  is  nominally  Sunni  or  orthodox,  though  without 


fanaticism.  Babylonia  is  largely  occupied  by  Shias,  or  Dissenters,  who 
are  among  the  fanatics  of  the  world.  Here  are  the  sacred  cities  of  the 
Persians,  Kerbela,  Nejf,  Kadhemin,  with  their  minarets  plated  with 
solid  gold,  their  trade  in  corpses  brought  from  afar  to  be  buried  in  the 
sacred  soil  where  once  flowed  the  blood  of  Ali,  martyred  son-in-law  of 
the  Prophet.  To  them  come  bands  of  pilgrims,  who  will  not  give  a 
drink  of  water  to  the  fainting  traveller,  lest  he  defile  the  cup  by  lack 
of  orthodoxy,  who  work  themselves  up  into  a  frenzy  in  acting  the  sacred 
dramas  which  relate  the  death  of  Hassan  and  Hussein,  the  murdered 
grandsons  of  the  Prophet,  until  the  blood  flows  from  the  self-inflicted 
wounds,  and  the  stranger  betakes  himself  away  for  safety.  Here  are 
to  be  found  the  spiritual  leaders  of  Persia,  and  from  here  came  the 
impulse  for  the  short  lived  Persian  constitution.  Babylonia  is  the  port 
of  entry  for  much  of  Persia's  commerce,  she  is  likewise  the  center  of 
Persian  life. 

In  the  mountains  to  the  north  and  east  are  the  Nestorian  Christians,, 
further  west  are  the  Jacobites,  both  clinging  to  the  remnants  of  their 
Syriac  language  and  literature.  Armenians  press  into  the  northern 
parr  of  the  Mesopotamian  area,  while  many  Christians  now  speak  the 
Kurdish  of  their  barbarous  masters  who  roam  the  prairies  with  their 
flocks  of  sheep  and  goats,  or  exchange  their  black  goat's  hair  tents  for 
adobe  huts  without  thereby  abandoning  their  rapacious  habits.  For 
the  most  part,  however,  Mesopotamia  is  still  virgin  soil,  for  even  in 
antiquity  the  land  was  tilled  only  close  to  the  rivers.  The  problem 
today  is  that  of  the  scientific  conservation  and  use  of  water;  this  affects 
the  problem  of  boundaries.  At  first  glance,  no  finer  example  of  a 
scientific  frontier  could  be  found,  for  the  Armenian  barrier  range  is 
almost  a  straight  line  from  east  to  west,  cut  by  few  and  dif^cult  passes, 
and  with  the  population  on  the  two  sides  essentially  different  in  type. 
Today,  when  irrigation  is  the  great  problem,  we  see  that  irrigation  must 
be  based  on  the  Euphrates,  not  the  Tigris,  and  that  inevitably  means 
the  control  of  the  Euphrates  watershed  far  to  the  north  of  the  barrier 
range  by  the  power  which  owns  Mesopotamia. 

Central  Syria  affords  a  problem  of  more  than  usual  complexity. 
The  inhabitants  of  Mount  Lebanon  are  among  the  best  of  the  earth  in 
physical  and  mental  strength.  Unfortunately,  half  are  Christians,  the 
other  half  Druses,  an  unorthodox  Muslim  sect,  and  warfare  between 
the  two  is  the  one  theme  of  Lebanon  history.  The  Christians  are  largely 
Maronites,  Syrians  reconciled  with  the  Latin  Church,  who  have  been 

7 


permitted  to  retain  their  liturgy  in  their  native  language  and  many  of 
their  peculiar  customs  in  return  for  their  recognition  of  Rome.  As 
such  they  were  protected  by  the  French,  the  official  defenders  of  Catho- 
lics in  the  Near  East.  When  an  unusually  vigorous  conflict  resulted  in 
the  Damascus  "massacres"  of  1860,  French  troops  were  landed  to  "re- 
store order"  and  the  Lebanon  was  given  local  autonomy  under  a  Chris- 
tian governor  appointed  with  the  approval  of  the  Powers.  The  denun- 
ciation of  the  Concordat  by  the  French  government  ended  the  protecto- 
rate and  the  French  flag  no  longer  floated  on  holy  days  over  every 
Catholic  institution  in  Syria,  but  French  influence  continued  strong  and 
many  of  the  Lebanese  received  their  training  in  the  splendid  Jesuit  uni- 
versity of  St.  Joseph  in  Beirut.  The  Druses,  forced  to  look  elsewhere  for 
a  defender,  found  one  in  the  English,  who  long  exercised  great  influence 
over  their  "brethren."  In  a  secret  treaty,  soon  after  the  outbreak  of 
the  war,  the  British  threw  over  their  allies  and  assigned  the  Lebanon 
to  France. 

For  two  generations,  American  missionaries  have  carried  on  work 
in  the  Lebanons  which  can  only  be  termed  magnificent.  The  Syrian 
Protestant  College  in  Beirut  has  been  a  worthy  rival  of  the  Jesuit  insti- 
tution. American  ways  have  been  introduced  by  its  staff  of  American 
teachers,  the  scientific  investigation  of  the  country  has  begun,  on  the 
football  field  the  most  diverse  races  and  religions  have  learned  team 
work  and  self-control.  The  lower  classes  have  meanwhile  migrated  to 
America.  No  village  in  the  most  remote  mountains  but  will  furnish 
a  man  to  salute  you  with  "Hello  there,  you  an  American?  I  am  an 
American  too,"  to  inform  you  that  he  came  from  San  Antonio,  Texas,. 
or  Fort  Wayne,  Indiana,  to  swear  a  little  just  to  show  you  that  he  is  a 
genuine  American.  In  his  house,  he  will  proudly  exhibit  the  papers 
which  prove  that  he  is  "an  American  citizen,  just  like  you."  Long 
ago,  some  of  these  men  dreamed  of  the  day  when  America  would  oust 
the  Turk,  and  now  the  New  Syria  National  League  demands  a  federated 
Syria,  "from  the  Taurus  Mountains  to  the  Sinai  Peninsula,"  and  "that 
the  United  States  assume  guardianship  and  administration  of  Syria 
until  such  a  time  as  the  Syrians  are  able  to  perform  the  functions  of  full 
self-government." 

America  is  again  brought  into  contact  with  the  Near  East  in  Pales- 
tine. Zionism  has  received  the  support  of  many  of  our  citizens  of  Jewish 
descent  and  there  are  few  Christians  but  would  rejoice  that  there  is 
hope  of  a  "Return  to  Zion."     None  the  less,  we  cannot  overlook  the 


obstacles  to  a  Zionist  state.  The  majority  of  the  population  of  Pales- 
tine, descendants  of  pre-Mosaic  Canaanites,  are  Muslims,  and  there 
exists  a  large  sprinkling  of  Christians.  The  site  of  Solomon's  temple 
is  the  third  most  holy  Muslim  shrine.  When  Jersualem  was  taken  by 
General  Allenby,  it  was  not  handed  over  to  the  Jews.  Instead,  to  quote 
his  official  report,  "The  Mosque  of  Omar  and  the  area  around  it  have 
been  placed  under  Moslem  control,  and  a  military  cordon  of  Moham- 
medan officers  and  soldiers  has  been  established  around  the  mosque. 
Orders  have  been  issued  that  no  non-Moslem  is  to  pass  within  the  cordon 
without  permission  oi  the  military  governor  and  the  Moslem  in  charge;" 
Christian  and  Jew  excluded  from  so  sacred  a  place,  and  in  favor  of 
Muslims!  The  policy  is  clear.  Equally  clear  is  the  proclamation  which 
declared  that  the  sacred  shrine  of  Hebron,  where  Abraham,  Isaac,  and 
Jacob,  with  their  wives,  are  supposed  to  be  buried,  "has  been  placed 
under   exclusive   Moslem    co)itroiy 

The  lands  belonging  to  Muslim  mosques  and  schools,  to  Christian 
churches  and  monasteries,  add  the  complication  of  vested  interest.  Much 
of  the  remainder  is  owned  by  Christian  and  Muslim  notables  and  they 
are  up  in  arms  over  the  new  invasion.  Massmeetings  of  Christians 
and  Muslims  have  been  held,  protection  has  been  demanded  against 
forced  sales  under  unfair  conditions,  and  the  use  of  Arabic  as  the  only 
official  language.  This  has  been  conceded  in  principle  and  Allenby  has 
refused  to  register  land  transfers  made  since  the  occupation.  Sir  Syed 
Ameer  Ali,  probably  the  greatest  living  Muslim  publicist,  has  strongly 
declared  the  Germanic  origin  of  Zionism  and  has  categorically  stated 
the  displeasure  of  Muslims  at  the  change  of  policy.  British  policy  in 
the  east  does  indeed  rest  on  Muslim  support  and  when  he  points  out 
the  relative  numbers  of  Muslims  and  of  Jews  in  the  world  and  the  num- 
ber who  today  support  Britain,  he  brings  forward  what  after  all  must 
be  the  most  serious  objection,  from  the  British  point  of  view,  to  an 
independent  Palestine. 

The  clash  of  Muslim  and  Zionist  interests  is  undoubted.  We  need 
not  on  that  account  believe  them  hopelessly  impossible  of  reconciliation. 
Many  of  the  Zionists  are  now  stating  that  it  is  "not  only  unwise  but 
positively  unjust  to  ask  the  peace  Conference  for  an  immediate  Jewish 
state.  It  was  for  them  to  ask,  in  the  first  place,  for  recognition  by  the 
world  that  Palestine  was  the  Jewish  land  in  the  past  and  would  again 
be  the  Jewish  land  in  the  future.  They  should  ask  for  opportunities 
to  bring  the  Jews  back  to  Palestine.     It  would  depend  on  the  Jews 


themselves  to  build  up  the  Jewish  commonwealth.  When  once  Great 
Britain  was  appointed  trustee,  they  would,  in  conjunction  with  Great 
Britain,  prepare  and  carry  out  a  detailed  scheme  for  building  up  the 
Jewish  Commonwealth.  The  Jewish  land-holding  must  first  of  all  be 
greatly  increased.  By  democratic  legislation  this  could  be  brought 
about,  with  due  regard  to  the  rights  of  all  other  inhabitants.  There  was 
ample  elbow-room  there,  as  the  land  was  very  sparsely  populated.  It  is 
obvious  that  a  vast  population  can  be  brought  into  the  country  without 
the  slightest  encroachments  upon  the  rights  of  the  Arab  peasant." 
Such,  somewhat  condensed,  is  the  statement  made  by  Dr.  Weizmann, 
chairman  of  the  Zionist  Commission  sent  out  under  the  auspices  of  the 
British  government.  Contrasted  with  the  dreams  of  many  believers 
in  the  "Return  to  Zion,"  it  is  very  modest,  but  it  represents  a  program 
which  is  perfectly  possible  to  execute,  and,  what  is  at  present  much  more 
to  the  point,  it  represents  what  the  practical  Briton  believes  to  be  the 
utmost  which  can  be  conceded  in  view  of  the  promises  made  to  the 
Arab  kingdom. 

For  Husein,  Sultan  of  the  Hejaz,  is  no  small  force  to  be  reckoned 
with.  When  Faisul,  his  son,  entered  Damascus,  he  "announced  that 
he  made  no  distinction  between  members  ot  the  Arab  nation,  of  whatever 
creed  or  religion.  I  shall  never  betray  the  Arabs,  and  I  trust  that  the 
Arabic  language  v/ill  attain  the  position  that  it  deserves.  It  is  the  suffer- 
ing of  the  Syrian  nation  and  the  atrocities  which  they  have  suffered  from 
the  Turks  which  have  brought  about  this  day."  "The  sword  of  the 
Arabs  could  not  be  sheathed  until  the  other  regions  held  by  the  Turks 
were  freed,"  and  he  pointedly  included  Aleppo,  far  to  the  north  in  Syria, 
in  the  "Arabian  country."  All  Syria  might  be  claimed  on  this  basis. 
Yet  when  he  arrived  in  London,  he  could  declare  "The  two  main 
branches  of  the  Semitic  family,  Arabs  and  Jews,  understand  one  another, 
and  I  hope  that,  as  a  result  of  interchange  of  ideas  at  the  Peace  Con- 
ference, which  will  be  guided  by  ideals  of  self-determination  and  na- 
tionality, each  nation  will  make  definite  progress  towards  the  realiza- 
tion of  its  aspirations.  Arabs  are  not  jealous  of  Zionist  Jews,  and 
intend  to  give  them  fair  play,  and  the  Zionist  Jews  have  assured  the 
Nationalist  Arabs  of  their  intention  to  see  that  they,  too,- have  fair  play 
in  their  respective  areas.  Turkish  intrigue  in  Palestine  has  raised 
jealousy  between  the  Jewish  colonists  and  the  local  peasants,  but  the 
mutual  understanding  of  the  aims  of  Arabs  and  Jews  will  at  once  clear 
.away  the  last  trace  of  this  former  bitterness,  which,  indeed,  had  already 

10 


practically  disappeared  even  before  the  war  by  the  work  of  the  Arab 
secret  Revolutionary  Committee,  which,  in  Syria  and  elsewhere,  laid 
the  foundation  of  the  Arab  military  successes  of  the  past  two  years." 
To  the  practiced  ear,  there  is  a  marked  difference  between  the  two 
speeches.  In  the  intervening  time,  Mecca  as  well  as  Jerusalem  had 
heard  from  London. 

Whatever  the  immediate  decision  as  to  the  territories  controlled  bv 
the  Hejaz  Sultan,  his  spiritual  position  is  a  portent  for  the  future.  The 
present  Sultan  still  calls  himself  the  Caliph,  the  "Successor  of  the 
Prophet,"  but  he  is  now  completely  discredited.  Historically,  his  title 
was  of  more  than  doubtful  legality,  and  he  was  accepted  only  because 
Turkey  was  the  one  important  Muslim  power.  Muslim  publicists  have 
•of  late  challenged  his  title  anew  and  the  strong  protest  of  the  Meccan 
Ulema,  perhaps  the  most  respected  body  of  theologians  and  jurists  in 
the  Muslim  world,  closes  with  the  sinister  rec^uest  that  their  opponents 
consider  this  question:" What  is  the  Caliphate  and  what  are  its  condi- 
tions? ....  As  to  the  question  of  the  Caliphate,  in  spite  of  all  that  is 
known  of  the  deplorable  condition  in  which  it  is  situated  at  the  present 
moment,  we  have  not  interfered  with  it  at  all,  and  it  will  remain  as  it 
is  pending  the  decision  of  the  ivhole  Muslim  world.''  The  significance 
of  the  last  few  words  cannot  well  be  exaggerated. 

Meanwhile,  the  Sultan  of  the  Hejaz  is  the  most  observed  of  all 
Muslims.  Thus  far,  his  actions  have  been  such  as  to  secure  the  respect 
and  admiration  of  all  who  fight  for  freedom.  For  the  first  time  in 
centuries,  the  annual  pilgrimage  to  Mecca  has  been  conducted  without 
robbery  and  slaughter  on  the  road.  Mecca  has  at  last  something  like 
modern  sanitation,  and  travellers  need  no  longer  hasten  to  reach  rail 
head  before  the  coming  of  the  pilgrim  caravan  and  the  concomitant 
cholera.  Public  schools,  public  works,  a  newspaper,  the  use  of  foreign 
and  Christian  agencies,  even  to  the  Red  Cross,  all  are  to  be  noted. 

In  the  last  analysis,  it  is  still  the  Golden  Rule  which  measures  a 
man  and  a  religion.  We  all  know  how  "Christian"  Germany  was 
responsible  for  the  murder  or  deportation  of  millions  of  unfortunate 
Armenians.  On  the  borders  of  the  desert  east  of  Palestine,  Faisul,  son 
and  general  of  the  Hejaz  Sultan,  found  some  of  the  unfortunates  the 
Young  Turk  had  left  to  perish.  He  freed  them,  aided  them  to  the  best 
of  his  ability,  and  sent  out  of  the  country  such  as  wished.  An  Armenian 
Pasha  in  Egypt  sent  him  this  telegram:  "Every  Armenian  throughout 
the  world  is  today  the  Ally  of  the  Arab  movement."     To  similar  words  of 

11 


appreciation  for  this  act,  Sultan  Husein  replied:  "Faisul,  in  assisting 
the  oppressed,  has  only  performed  one  ot  the  first  duties  of  our  religion 
and  of  the  Arab's  faith.  I  say  with  confidence  and  pride  that  the 
Armenian  race  and  other  races  in  similar  plight  are  regarded  by  us  as 
partners  in  weal  and  woe.  We  ask  God  before  everything  to  give  us 
strength  to  enable  us  to  do  them  helpful  service  by  which  to  prove  to 
the  world  the  true  feelings  of  Islam,  whose  watchword  is  freedom." 

With  such  a  confession  of  faith,  we  need  not  wonder  that  of  the 
two  hundred  and  fifty  million  Muslims  of  the  world,  a  bare  five  per  cent 
was  ever  on  the  side  of  our  opponents,  that  nearly  the  entire  remainder, 
before  the  breakdown  of  Russia,  was  definitely  pledged  to  the  cause 
of  liberty,  that  many  were  fighting  side  by  side  with  our  boys  in  France. 
By  their  action  in  this  war,  as  well  as  by  the  weight  of  their  numbers 
and  their  unrivalled  position  at  the  very  heart  of  the  old  world,  they 
demand  and  will  secure  adequate  treatment  at  the  peace  table. 


^This  article  is  a  revision  of  one  presented  in  the  Historical  Outlook,  IX:  480  fF. 


12 


UNIVERSITY   OF    ILLINOIS    BULLETIN 


Vol.  XVI 


Issued  Weekly 
December  30,  191f 


No.  18 


[Entered  as  second-class  matter  December  11.  1912,  at  the  post  office  at  Urbana,  Illinois  .under  the  Act  of  August 
24,  1912.  Acceptance  for  mailing  at  the  special  rate  of  postage  provided  for  in  section  1103,  Act  of  October  3. 
1917,  authorized  July  31,  1918.) 


Territorial  Problems  of  the 
Baltic  Basin 

BY 

LAURENCE  M.  LARSON 

Professor  of  Historv 


PRICE  TEN  CENTS 


PUBLISHED  BY  THE  WAR  COMMITTEE 

OF  THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS 

URBANA 


TERRITORIAL  PROBLEMS  OF  THE  BALTIC  BASIN. 

In  these  days  we  often  think  of  seas,  rivers,  and  other  waterways  as 
natural  boundaries  separating  nations  and  peoples,  and  affording  a 
certain  security  against  attack  and  invasion.  But  in  earlier  centuries, 
in  the  age  before  strategic  railways,  this  was  not  the  prevailing  belief. 
Three  generations  ago  the  seas  were  not  regarded  as  barriers:  they  were 
connecting  influences  that  served  to  bind  states  and  regions  together. 
The  sea  has  always  been  important  as  the  great  highway  of  commerce, 
"  and  it  has  also  facilitated  the  exchange  of  beliefs  and  ideas.  In  the 
past,  nations  have  therefore  been  peculiarly  interested  in  the  seas  that 
washed  their  shores,  and  also  in  the  other  shores  that  were  touched  by 
the  same  waters. 

In  spite  of  changed  conditions  of  travel  and  transport,  the  interest 
in  waterways  has  persisted.  Italy  seems  anxious  to  control  both 
shores  of  the  Adriatic;  and  England  feels  that  she  must  control  the 
entire  circuit  of  the  Irish  Sea.  No  nation  at  present  can  hope  to  make 
the  Baltic  Sea  its  own;  but  such  ambitions  have  been  cherished  in  the 
past  and  at  times  almost  realized.  Four  hundred  years  ago  Denmark 
was  the  greatest  power  on  the  "Eastern  Sea."  In  the  seventeenth 
century  Sweden  developed  an  even  more  complete  hegemony  in  those 
waters,  but  was  forced  to  surrender  it  to  the  Russians  early  in  the 
eighteenth  century.  In  recent  years  Germany  has  dominated  the 
Baltic,  and  for  a  year  after  the  Russian  collapse  the  shores  and  the  ship- 
ping of  the  entire  sea  was  at  her  mercy. 

It  should  be  noted  that  Sweden  has  all  her  sea  coast  on  these  inland 
waters,  that  Denmark  and  Prussia  have  a  number  of  important  ports 
:      on  the  Baltic,  and  that  in  1914  Russia,  too,  had  a  long  "window"  look- 
ing out  upon  this  same  sea.     Economically  speaking,  the  Baltic  region 
is  to  a  great  extent  a  unit.     In  the  years  before  the  outbreak  of  the 
;S      Great  War  the  exports  of  Russia  were  directed  chiefly  toward  Germany, 
from  which  country  she  also  drew  more  than  half  of  her  imports.     The 
commerce  of  Sweden  has  always  traveled  chiefly  eastward  and  south- 
Si       ward,  to  Russia  and  to  Germany.     It  is  therefore  quite  natural  that 
|i       the  peoples  occupying  the  shores  of  this  great  waterway  should  be 
,!i      interested  in  every  important  change  that  appears  in  any  other  part  of 
•  '       the  basin. 

U  There  was  great  anxiety  in  Sweden  when  the  Tsar  began  to  mobil- 

H       ize,   and  the  Danes  trembled  when  the  Kaiser  drew  the  sword      But 
;;       now  there  is  chaos  in  Russia  and  turmoil  in  Germany,     x^nd  out  of 

^ 2 


the  confusion  that  prevails  along  the  eastern  and  southern  shores  of 
the  Baltic  basin  have  arisen  a  series  of  intricate  territorial  problems, 
some  of  which  appear  to  be  almost  incapable  ot  satisfactory  solutions. 

North  Sleswick 

English  and  American  writers  have  recently  referred  to  a  problem 
of  Sleswick-Holstein,  to  a  Danish  Alsace-Lorraine,  the  restoration  of 
which  is  said  to  be  stoutly  demanded  in  Denmark.  It  happens,  however, 
that  there  is  no  problem  ot  Sleswick-Holstein,  and  the  Danish  Alsace- 
Lorraine  is  a  much  smaller  area  than  is  usually  described  by  those  who 
write  on  territorial  peace  problems.  For  a  period  of  four  hundred  years 
the  kings  of  Denmark  were  also  counts  or  dukes  of  Holstein;  but  Hol- 
stein  was  never  Danish  either  in  race,  language,  or  sentiment,  and  was 
never  a  part  of  the  kingdom  of  Denmark. 

Sleswick,  on  the  other  hand,  at  one  time  actually  did  belong  to 
Denmark  and  it  is  a  question  whether  it  was  not  still  a  part  of  the 
kingdom,  when  the  German  powers  seized  the  two  duchies,  Sleswick  and 
Holstein,  in  1864.  There  are  Danes  at  present  who  wish  to  claim  the 
greater  part  or  even  the  whole  of  Sleswick  on  historic  grounds,  but  this 
desire  is  not  general.  With  the  passing  of  time  the  southern  part  of 
the  old  duchy  has  become  German  in  speech  and  sentiment,  and  the 
Danish  people  do  not  care  to  annex  or  even  to  reannex  territory  the 
population  of  which  is  of  an  alien  nationality. 

The  case  of  North  Sleswick  is  wholly  different;  this  region  has  been 
Danish  and  Danish  only  for  more  than  a  thousand  years.  The  same  is 
true  of  parts  of  Mid  Sleswick  where  both  the  German  and  the  Danish 
nationality  are  strongly  represented.  The  Danes  were  glad  in  1864  tO' 
sever  the  old  connection  with  Holstein;  they  yielded  South  Sleswick. 
with  great  reluctance;  but  the  separation  from  North  Sleswick  has  ever 
since  been  a  source  of  national  grief. 

The  fact  that  Sleswick  was  not  all  German  was  recognized  in  the 
treaty  of  Prague  (August  23,  1866),  by  which  the  emperor  of  Austria 
yielded  his  rights  in  the  conquered  duchies  to  the  king  of  Prussia.  This 
treaty  stipulated  that  the  inhabitants  of  "the  northern  districts  of 
Sleswick"  should  be  allowed  to  decide  by  referendum  whether  their 
country  should  continue  a  part  of  Prussia  or  be  returned  to  Denmark. 
No  such  referendum  has  ever  been  allowed.  In  1878  Austria  released 
Prussia  from  this  obligation;  but  the  Danes  of  Sleswick  insist  that  the 
pledge  is  still  a  binding  one  and  that  the'  right  of  decision  belongs  to 
them. 

3  '  •• 


The  problem  ot  North  Sleswick  is,  therefore,  not  whether  a  certain 
territory  shall  be  restored  to  Denmark,  but  whether  the  inhabitants  of 
that  region  shall  be  allowed  to  exercise  the  right  of  self-determination 
which  was  promised  them  more  than  fifty  years  ago. 

Time  and  again  the  Danish  members  in  the  Reichstag  have  risen  to 
demand  a  referendum  with  refusal  as  the  invariable  result.  During 
the  present  war  German  opinion  seems  to  have  become  more  favorable 
to  the  cause  of  the  inhabitants  of  North  Sleswick,  who  for  more  than 
half  a  century  have  fought  to  maintain  their  nationality;  but  the  policy 
of  the  government  has  been  more  repressive  than  ever  before:  it  was  a 
criminal  act  even  to  mention  the  Sleswick  question  in  the  public  press. 
To  discuss  the  matter  at  a  public  meeting'  was  also  forbidden. 

But  early  in  October,  1918,  the  citizens  of  North  Sleswick  were  in- 
formed by  their  representative  in  Berlin  that  the  Prussian  regime  was 
doomed  and  that  the  throne  itself  was  tottering.  A  week  later  certain 
important  steps  were  taken  preparatory  to  another  demand  for  a  ref- 
erendum. When  the  German  government  announced  that  it  was 
willing  to  accept  President  Wilson's  peace  program,  the  Slesv/ick  Danes 
felt  that  their  day  had  arrived,  and  on  October  23  the  question  of  their 
future  status  was  brought  up  in  the  Reichstag.  The  secretary  for 
foreign  affairs.  Dr.  Solf,  denied  vigorously  that  Denmark  had  any  claim 
on  any  part  of  the  old  duchy,  but  privately  he  informed  the  Sleswick 
Danes  that  the  government  was  disposed  to  grant  their  request. 

A  few  days  after  the  armistice  had  become  a  fact  and  Germany  was 
still  in  the  throes  of  the  revolution,  the  Sleswick  Danes  took  action  to 
bring  their  case  before  the  peace  conference.  The  Electoral  Union, 
the  political  organ  of  the  Danish  part  of  the  population,  at  a  meeting 
in  Aabenraa  (November  16)  adopted  a  series  of  resolutions  in  which  a 
referendum  was  demanded  and  certain  conditions  laid  down  of  which 
the  following  are  the  most  important: 

(1)  The  southern  boundary  of  North  Sleswick  is  defined  as  a  line 
beginning  at  a  point  a  few  miles  north  of  Flensborg  and  drawn  in  a 
general  westerly  and  slightly  northwesterly  direction  across  the  penin- 
sula. It  is  desired  that  the  area  north  of  this  boundary  shall  vote  as  a 
unit. 

(2)  It  is  also  demanded  that  such  adjacent  districts  in  Mid  Sleswick 
as  may  wish  to  vote  on  the  question  of  reannexation  to  Denmark  shall 
be  permitted  to  do  so. 

(3)  All  men  and  women  of  the  age  of  twenty  or  above  who  are 
residents  of  the-  districts  concerned  (except  Germans  who  have  lived 

4  . 


less  than  ten  years  in  the  country)  shall  be  allowed  to  participate  in 
the  referendum.  Former  residents  who  have  been  exiled  by  the  Prus- 
sian authorities  shall  also  be  allowed  to  vote. 

The  Danish  government  has  been  requested  to  present  the  case  of 
North  Sleswick  to  the  Allied  powers  and  has  consented  to  do  so.  It 
seems  extremely  probable  that  the  peace  conference  will  take  favorable 
action.  That  North  Sleswick  will  cast  an  overwhelming  vote  for  reun- 
ion with  Denmark  is  beyond  question.  The  referendum,  if  held,  will 
add  at  least  150,000  persons  to  the  Danish  population;  if  Mid  Sleswick 
is  also  allowed  to  participate,  the  number  may  exceed  200,000.  It  was 
argued  at  the  Aabenraa  conference  that  the  present  anarchic  conditions 
in  Germany  are  likely  to  influence  the  voters  of  Mid  Sleswick  very 
strongly  in  the  direction  of  a  choice  of  allegiance  to  Denmark.  But 
the  conference  was  also  agreed  that  "we  must  not  demand  more  than 
what  is  really  ours." 

The  Kiel  Canal 

It  has  been  urged  by  certain  influential  English  editors  and  states- 
men that  not  only  the  Danish-speaking  part  of  Sleswick  but  the  entire 
province  of  Sleswick-Holstein  should  be  transferred  to  Denmark.  The 
origin  of  this  suggestion  lies  in  an  effort  to  find  a  satisfactory  solution 
for  the  problem  of  the  Kiel  Canal.  For  there  seems  to  be  a  strong 
feeling  in  certain  quarters  that  Germany  must  be  deprived  of  the  con- 
trol of  this  waterway. 

The  Kaiser  Wilhelm  Canal  (usually  called  the  Kiel  Canal)  begins 
at  Brunsbiittel  at  the  mouth  of  the  Elbe  River  and  terminates  at  Halte- 
nau  on  the  Baltic  Sea,  two  or  three  miles  north  of  Kiel  Brunsbiittel 
is  in  Hclstein,  while  Haltenau  is  just  within  the  boundary  of  Sleswick. 
For  a  distance  of  twenty  miles  or  more  (between  Rendsborg  and  Halte- 
nau) the  canal  runs  very  close  to  or  along  the  border  separating  the  two 
old  duchies;  for  a  short  distance  it  cuts  through  what  has  always  been 
Sleswick  territory. 

The  annexation  of  the  entire  province  would  consequently  place  the 
Danes  in  possession  of  the  entire  canal.  The  annexation  of  Sleswick 
alone  might,  perhaps,  be  sufficient,  as  it  would  make  the  canal  an  inter- 
national waterway.  Such  an  arrangement  would  leave  the  Germans  in 
possession  of  the  greater  part  of  it,  but  the  Danes  would  control  the 
Baltic  terminal,  and  they  would  also  share  to  some  extent  in  the  control 
of  the  traffic  on  the  canal  because  of  its  character  as  a  waterway  on  the 
boundary.     Shortly  after  the  armistice  had  been  proclaimed  a  writer 

5 


in  the  London  Times  suggested  that  the  real  problem  in  Sleswick  is  not 
North  but  South  Sleswick.  Though  he  realized  that  objections  would 
be  raised  to  the  plan,  he  argued  that  the  necessities  of  the  situation  de- 
mand that  Denmark  should  assert  her  right  to  all  of  ancient  Sleswick. 
South  Sleswick  might  be  given  a  large  measure  of  political  and  cultural 
autonomy,  but  it  should  become  an  integral  part  of  the  Danish  king- 
dom. The  writer  added  that  the  annexation  of  the  whole  of  Sleswick 
would  give  Denmark  a  strategic  boundary,  of  which  that  country 
seems  to  be  in  real  need. 

There  are,  however,  several  excellent  reasons  why  such  a  transfer  of 
territory  should  not  be  made,  any  one  of  which  should  be  sufficient  to 
defeat  the  project. 

(1)  It  violates  the  principle  of  nationalism:  what  is  Danish  should 
be  Danish;  what  is  German  must  be  permitted  to  remain  German.  A 
lasting  peace  cannot  be  built  on  the  disregard  of  this  principle.  If 
South  Sleswick  should  declare  her  willingness  to  renew  the  old  allegiance, 
that  would  be  another  matter;  but  such  a  decision  is  quite  unlikely. 

(2)  The  Danes  do  not  desire  to  renew  the  old  relationship  with 
Holstein.  From  its  very  beginning  this  connection  was  a  source  of 
trouble  and  even  of  danger.  The  revolt  of  1848  and  the  calamities  of 
1864  can  be  traced  directlv  to  the  plottings  of  the  intellectuals  and  the 
junkers  of  Holstein  and  German  Sleswick.  But  complete  annexation, 
such  as  is  suggested  at  present,  would  be  far  more  dangerous  to  Denmark 
than  was  the  old  personal  union,  for  it  would  mean  the  addition  of  a 
German  element  numbering  nearly  1,500,000  tf)  a  Danish  population 
counting  a  little  more  than  2,700,000.  It  is  quite  clear  that  Denmark 
could  not  accept  a  gift  of  this  sort  without  endangering  the  peace  of 
the  kingdom  and  the  future  of  the  Danish  nationality. 

(3)  The  Danes  have  scarcel}'  sufficient  military  strength  to  be 
entrusted  with  the  guardianship  of  so  imp(;rtant  a  waterway  as  the 
Kiel  Canal.  It  has  been  argued  that  in  time  of  war  it  could  easily  be  de- 
stroyed, if  the  Danes  should  find  themselves  unable  to  hold  it.  The 
Kiel  Canal  was,  indeed,  built  for  military  purposes  chiefly;  but  it  is  also 
of  great  commercial  value,  and  it  is  to  the  interest  of  the  world  that  it 
be  kept  intact.  In  the  past  it  has  been  used  mainly  by  German  ships, 
but  it  has  also  been  utilized  to  some  extent  by  those  of  other  nations. 

(4)  It  is  not  possible  to  find  a  strategic  boundary  for  Denmark 
that  would  be  of  any  particular  value.  Perhaps  the  most  satisfactory 
would  be  the  old  "Danework"  line  between  the  Sley  inlet  and  the 
Trene  River;  but  this  would  leave  the  Kiel  Canal  wholly  within  German 

6 


territory.  It  should  be  noted  that  Denmark  is  broken  up  into  frag- 
ments, all  of  which  can  be  readily  isolated.  Real  strategic  boundaries 
are  therefore  impossible  in  this  case. 

If  the  Kiel  Canal  is  to  be  taken  away  from  the  Germans,  some  form 
of  international  control  will  have  to  be  devised.  This  is  by  no  means 
an  ideal  arrangement,  but  it  seems  likely  that  the  peace  conference  will 
find  many  other  problems,  especially  where  waterways  are  in  question, 
that  will  admit  of  no  other  solution.  ^.   ^, 

Finland 

By  the  treaty  of  Brest-Litovsk  (signed  March  3,  191(S)  the  Bolshevik 
government  formally  surrendered  a  broad  strip  of  territory  lying  along 
the  western  frontier  of  the  Russian  empire  from  the  Arctic  regions  to 
the  Sea  of  Azov.  In  parts  of  this  great  area  nationalistic  movements 
had  been  in  active  progress  for  some  months  or  years;  in  others  the 
dem.and  for  separation  from  Russia  appears  to  have  been  artificially 
created  to  promote  the  plans  of  the  Pan-Germanists. 

When  the  armistice  was  agreed  upon  last  November,  one  of  the 
conditions  laid  down  by  the  Allies  was  that  the  German  government 
should  repudiate  the  treaty  of  Brest-Litovsk.  Technically,  therefore, 
Russia  may  be  said  to  have  recovered  her  territorial  rights  in  the  west 
and  southwest,  except  in  the  case  of  Finland,  the  independence  of 
which  was  recognized  by  the  Bolsheviki  at  Brest-Litovsk  early  in  March, 
1918.  But  the  facts  and  conditions  are  not  what  they  were  in  the  earlier 
months  of  1918;  governments  have  been  set  up  in  the  various  units 
surrendered  at  Brest-Litovsk,  five  or  six  in  all;  and  some  of  these  are 
likely  to  receive  recognition  at  the  peace  conference. 

Among  those  that  will  probably  survive  is  the  new  state  of  Finland. 
From  1808  to  1917  the  Finns  were  counted  among  the  subjects  of  the 
Russian  Tsar.  Constitutionally  Finland  was  an  independent  granci 
duchy  united  with  Russia  in  the  person  of  the  emperor;  practically  this 
meant  merely  that  the  grand  duchy  occupied  a  privileged  position 
among  the  many  dominions  of  the  Tsar.  During  the  last  twenty-five 
years  of  the  union  the  Russians  were  actively  seeking  to  obliterate  all 
traces  on  Finnish  independence  and  to  "Russify"  the  country.  This 
led  to  determined  opposition  on  the  part  of  the  Finns,  and  when  the 
Great  War  broke  out  the  young  men  of  Finland  left  their  homes  in  large 
numbers,  stole  across  the  Baltic  to  Sweden,  and  ultimately  found  their 
way  into  the  German  army. 

When  tsardom  collapsed,  early  in  1917,  the  Finns  seized  the  opportu- 
nity  to   assert   their  independence.     They   contended   that   the   union 

7 


with  Russia  was  wholly  personal  and  that  when  the  imperial  office  was 
abolished,  all  connection  with  the  R.ussian  government  automatically 
terminated.  After  a  period  of  civil  war  between  the  Bolshevik  elements 
and  the  more  conservative  classes,  the  middle  class  groups  with  the 
assistance  of  German  forces  were  able  to  organize  a  government  of  the 
conservative  type  and  with  leanings  toward  Germany.  A  monarchical 
form  of  government  was  agreed  upon  and  the  crown  was  offered  to  a 
Hessian  prince,  a  brother-in-law  of  the  Kaiser.  Then  came  the  German 
collapse  with  serious  results  for  the  plans  of  the  Finnish  monarchists. 
A  change  in  government  became  inevitable  and  the  country  is  at  present 
administered  by  a  senate  counting  seven  monarchists  and  six  republi- 
cans. It  is  significant  that  the  new  regent.  General  Mannerheim,  tele- 
graphed his  acceptance  of  the  office  from  London. 

Thus  far  the  French  government  alone  of  the  Allies  has  recognized 
the  new  state.  A  vigorous  propaganda  has  been  carried  on  to  prevent 
further  recognition  and  to  induce  France  to  rescind  her  action;  but  this 
is  not  likely  to  be  successful.  The  probabilities  favor  the  general  recog- 
nition of  an  independent  Finland  at  a  reasonably  early  date. 

The  Finnish  problem  at  the  peace  conference  is  chiefly  one  of  bound- 
aries. Finland  as  a  political  unit  is  a  product  of  Swedish  imperialism. 
The  Swedes  began  their  career  of  conquest  east  of  the  Baltic  in  the 
twelfth  century,  and  they  held  the  grand  duchy  continually  to  the 
earlier  years  of  the  nineteenth  century.  But  they  never  came  into 
control  of  all  the  regions  inhabited  by  Finns:  east  of  their  borders  lived 
a  considerable  number  of  that  race  (Karelians)  who  had  accepted 
Russian  rule  and  civilization  and  were  adherents  of  the  Greek  Orthodox 
church. 

During  the  past  year  the  government  at  Helsingfors  has  asked 
that  all  eastern  Karelia  be  transferred  to  Finland,  and  that  the  limits  of 
that  country  be  extended  eastward  to  Lake  Onega  and  northward  to 
the  Arctic  Ocean.  This  suggestion  naturally  found  no  favor  at  Moscow. 
The  Bolsheviki,  in  whom  the  passions  of  national  feeling  and  patriotism 
are  not  strong,  might  conceivably  be  induced  to  surrender  the  territories 
between  Finland  and  the  great  lakes;  but  the  great  peninsula  north  of 
the  White  Sea  they  will  scarcely  be  willing  to  yield.  The  Murman 
(Norman)  coast  and  Kola  peninsula  are  almost  without  economic  value 
and  resources;  they  comprise  a  vast  frozen  area  almost  uninhabiteci 
except  for  a  few  nomadic  Lapps  and  roving  Karelians.  But  the  Mur- 
man coast  has  an  ice-free  harbor,  and  Russia  has  lost  more  ports  than 
she  can  afford  to  lose. 


About  sixty  miles  east  of  the  Norwegian  frontier  on  Kola  Bay  lies 
Alexandrowsk  (Catherine  Harbor)  where  ships  may  enter  and  leave  at 
almost  any  time  of  the  year.  In  1915  the  serious  military  situation  (the 
Baltic  and  the  Black  Sea  were  both  closed  by  the  enemy)  forced  Russia 
to  carry  out  an  old  plan  which  called  for  a  railway  from  Petrograd  to 
Catherine  Harbor.  If  the  claims  of  the  Finnish  state  are  allowed,  Rus- 
sia will  lose  Catherine  Harbor  and  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  miles  of 
the  Murman  railway.  She  will  have  but  one  remaining  port  on  the 
Arctic:  Archangel,  which  is  ice-bound  nine  months  of  the  year. 

The  conflict  between  Helsingfors  and  Moscow  thus  involves  two- 
separate  problems:  eastern  Karelia  and  the  Murman  coast.  The  Kare- 
lians  outside  Finland  number  about  350,000;  most  of  them  live  between 
the  Finnish  boundary  and  the  Murmian  railway.  In  this  case  the 
principle  of  nationalism  may  perhaps  come  into  collision  with  the 
principle  of  self-determination.  Being  of  the  same  racial  stock  as  the 
western  Karelians,  they  ought,  it  would  seem,  to  take  gladly  to  the 
suggestion  that  their  country  be  joined  to  Finland.  But  if  they  are 
allowed  to  decide  by  referendumx  it  is  not  at  all  sure  that  they  will  vote 
to  separate  from  Russia.  The  civilization  of  Finland  is  Swedish  and 
the  religion  is  of  the  Lutheran  type;  while  in  eastern  Karelia  the  faith 
and  the  civilization  of  Russia  have  ruled  the  minds  for  at  least  six  cen- 
turies. 

The  problem  of  the  Murman  coast  is  essentially  economic.  It 
means  that  the  Finns  are  determined  to  secure  an  outlet  on  the  Arctic,, 
which  they  have  never  had.  As  long  as  Finland  promised  to  remain 
under  German  influence,  the  neighboring  states  of  Norway  and  Sweden 
were  reluctant  to  see  Finland  extend  her  territories  to  the  frozen  sea; 
but  as  the  situation  is  at  present  they  are  not  likely' to  interpose  any 
objections,  provided  that  their  own  territories  be  left  intact. 

The  Alayid  Islands 

Finland  has  long  been  a  land  of  strife.  Recently  it  was  the  bour- 
goisie  against  the  Bolsheviki;  earlier  it  was  the  Finn  contending  against 
the  Russian;  still  earlier  it  was  Turanian  Finn  against  Swedish  Fin- 
lander.  The  Swedish  element  in  Finland  is  not  great  numerically: 
about  400,000  in  a  population  of  about  3,250,000.  But  it  controls  to  a 
large  extent  the  wealth  of  the  country;  in  earlier  days  the  Swedes  were 
the  ruling  class,  and  even  at  the  present  day  their  political  influence  is 
far  out  of  proportion  to  their  numbers. 


The  Swedes  probably  entered  Finland  by  way  of  the  Aland  archi- 
pelago. The  Alands  are  a  group  of  rocks  and  small  islands  lying  across 
the  entrance  to  the  Gulf  of  Bothnia;  only  one  (Aland)  is  of  any  appre- 
ciable size.  They  approach  to  within  twenty  miles  of  the  Swedish  coast 
and  form  a  natural  series  of  stepping  stones  to  the  Finnish  mainland. 
Geographically  they  may  be  regarded  as  fragments  of  the  Finnish  land 
mass;  but  they  have  been  inhabited  by  Swedes  as  long  as  their  history 
can  be  traced.  There  is  at  present  a  strong,  almost  unanimous  senti- 
ment on  the  islands  in  favor  of  a  reunion  with  Sweden. 

The  material  value  of  the  Aland  Islands  is  very  slight.  The  inhabi- 
tants (about  15,000  in  number)  are  chiefly  farmers,  sailors,  and  fisher- 
folk,  subsisting  on  what  they  can  wrest  from  a  thin  soil  or  gather  from 
the  waters  about  them.  The  importance  of  the  islands  in  European 
diplomacy  is  due  to  their  strategic  position  with  reference  to  the  capi- 
tals of  Sweden,  Finland,  and  Russia.  The  harbor  facilities  are  good 
and  the  islands  possess  real  possibilities  as  a  military  stronghold.  The 
Russians  soon  came  to  see  the  advantage  of  a  naval  station  at  Aland  and 
erected  fortifications  at  Bomarsund,  which  were  destroyed  by  the  Eng- 
lish and  the  French  in  the  Crimean  War.  On  the  request  of  Sweden, 
Russia  agreed  not  to  rebuild  the  fortifications,  and  Aland  remained 
unfortified  until  some  time  after  the  outbreak  of  the  Great  War. 

As  Stockholm  is  only  seventy-five  miles  distant,  any  plan  to  build  a 
naval  establishment  on  the  Alands  is  sure  to  produce  uneasiness  in 
Sweden.  For  similar  reasons  Finland  and  Russia  are  anxious  that  the 
archipelago  shall  not  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  Swedes.  Soon  after 
the  outbreak  of  the  Finnish  revolution  a  Swedish  force  landed  on  the 
islands  ostensibly  to  maintain  order;  but  they  were  soon  displaced  by 
German  garrisons.  At  Brest-Litovsk  it  was  agreed  that  the  islands 
should  belong  to  Finland,  but  also  that  they  should  never  be  fortified 
and  that  the  shipping  conditions  in  the  waters  about  them  should  be 
regulated  by  a  special  agreement  among  the  nations  most  interested: 
Germany,  Sweden,  Finland,  and  Russia. 

The  efforts  of  Sweden  to  gain  control  of  the  archipelago  and  the  evi- 
dent desire  of  the  inhabitants  to  be  reunited  with  the  mother  country 
has  caused  much  uneasiness  and  resentment  among  the  Finns.  The 
feeling  that  the  Alands  must  remain  a  part  of  Finland  is  shared  by  the 
Swedish  Finlanders  as  well  as  by  the  Turanian  Finns.  The  former 
have  organized  a  separate  political  party  the  object  of  which  is  to  secure 
Swedish  nationalism  in  Finland  and  they  call  loudly  to  their  brethren 

■  *         10 


on  the  islands  not  to  desert  them  but  to  remain  with  them  and  help 
them  in  the  struggle  that  is  sure  to  come. 

The  program  recently  published  by  the  Swedish  party  in  Finland 
does  not  promise  a  wholly  peaceful  development  in  the  new  state.  It 
calls  for  equal  rights  for  the  two  languages,  Swedish  and  Finnish,  and 
for  equal  opportunities  for  each  in  the  schools  of  the  land.  It  also 
calls  for  the  creation  of  new  administrative  areas  in  order  that  the 
regions  occupied  by  Swedish  Finlanders  may  be  formed  into  compact 
territorial  units.  For  these  units  an  extensive  autonomy  is  demanded 
and  it  is  also  suggested  that  the  Swedish  churches  should  be  grouped 
into  a  separate  diocese.  The  Swedes  also  demand  what  virtually 
amounts  to  a  distinct  organization  for  their  part  of  the  army  and  the 
navy.  But  these  demands  (some  of  them,  at  least)  are  sure  to  meet 
strenuous  opposition  from  the  Turanian  Finns. 

The  problem  of  the  Aland  Islands,  though  in  large  part  a  military 
•consideration,  is  involved  in  the  nationalistic  conflict  between  Swedes 
and  Finns.  The  Swedish  Finlanders  cannot  afford  to  weaken  their 
strength  by  surrendering  the  islands  to  Sweden.  The  Finns  on  their 
side  are  anxious  to  prevent  the  Swedish  boundary  from  approaching 
the  Finnish  mainland. 

The  EstJwiiians  and  the  Letts 

South  o\  the  Gulf  of  Finland  lie  the  Baltic  Provinces,  a  broad  strip 
■of  coast  land  extending  to  the  frontiers  of  Prussia.  There  are  three 
provinces  in  this  group:  Esthonia,  Livonia,  and  Courland.  Their  com- 
bined area  is" about  36,000  square  miles,  and  they  have  a  total  popula- 
tion of  approximately  3,000,000.  There  is  scarcely  any  other  region  in 
Europe  that  offers  more  serious  problems  than  this  strip  of  coast  on  the 
■east  side  of  the  Baltic. 

All  the  great  states  in  the  Baltic  basin  have  at  some  time  or  other 
held  possessions  on  the  eastern  shore.  In  the  thirteenth  century  the 
greater  part  of  the  Provinces  was  held  by  the  Danes.  Later  in  the 
same  century  came  the  Teutonic  Knights,  a  crusading  order  that  was 
looking  for  a  new  field  for  their  military  and  religious  activities.  Dur- 
ing the  sixteenth  and  the  seventeenth  century  the  Swedes  came  into 
possession  of  Esthonia  and  Livonia,  while  Courland  (1561)  was  united 
to  Poland.  Ultimately  the  whole  region  was  annexed  to  Russia.  Ex- 
cepting the  Danes,  whose  occupation  was  for  a  brief  period  only,  these 
-conquering  peoples  have  left  deep  traces  on  the  history,  the  intellectual 
life,  and  the  civilization  of  these  three  little  states. 

11 


The  earliest  known  inhabitants  oi  this  region  were  the  Letts,  an 
ancient  people  closely  related  to  the  Lithuanian  stock.  The  Letts  and 
the  Lithuanians  must  have  come  into  this  part  of  Europe  long  before 
the  arrival  of  either  the  German  or  the  Slav;  their  language  is  very 
ancient:  it  is  said  that  "almost  any  Lithuanian  peasant  can  understand 
simple  phrases  in  Sanskrit"  (the  language  of  ancient  India). 

Soon  after  the  beginning  of  the  Christian  era  the  Finns  entered  the 
country  from  central  Russia.  The  Letts  and  the  Finns  are  still  the 
dominant  races  in  the  Baltic  Provinces.  The  Letts  occupy  the  country 
from  the  Gulf  of  Riga  eastward:  Courland  and  the  southern  half  of 
Livonia.  The  Finns  (Esthonians)  inhabit  the  remainder  of  the  Prov- 
inces: Esthonia  and  the  northern  half  of  Livonia.  There  is  no  longer 
a  Livonian  people. 

Scattered  throughout  the  three  Provinces  are  small  groups  of  other 
peoples,  Germans,  Slavs,  Swedes,  Jews  and  mixed  races.  Of  these  the 
German  element  is  the  most  important  and  also  the  most  ancient, 
dating,  as  it  does,  from  the  time  when  the  7'eutonic  Knights  controlled 
the  land.  LIntil  quite  recently  the  German  nobility  was  the  land- 
owning class  in  the  rural  districts;  the  German  merchants  controlled 
the  trade  in  the  cities;  German  scholars  manned  the  institutions  of 
higher  learning;  and  German  clergymen  oi  the  Lutheran  faith  directed 
the  affairs  of  the  church  and  the  primary  schools.  The  Germans  com- 
prised only  from  five  to  ten  per  cent  of  the  total  population;  but  their 
importance  in  the  public  life  of  the  Letts  and  the  Esthonians  was  very 
great. 

In  the  treaty  of  Brest-Litovsk  Lenine  and  his  associates  were  com- 
pelled to  surrender  the  Baltic  shore-land.  It  is  not  known  just  what 
the  Prussians  intended  to  do  with  the  Provinces,  but  it  is  clear  that 
they  planned  to  organize  them  in  such  a  way  as  to  bring  themi  into 
some  sort  of  a  vassal  relationship  to  the  German  empire.  The  Prussian 
expansionists  realized  that  it  would  be  unwise  to  add  extensive  alien 
elements  to  the  German  citizenship;  but  they  believed  it  possible  to 
annex  the  Baltic  lands  (with  other  neighboring  regions)  to  the  economic 
system  of  the  Fatherland  without  seeming  to  impair  their  national 
rights.  The  extension  of  the  German  strategic  railway  system  from 
the  east  Prussian  border  to  the  Gulf  of  Finland,  perhaps  even  to  some 
port  on  the  Arctic,  and  the  admission  of  the  Baltic  states  to  the  project- 
ed Mid-European  tariff  union  would  give  the  commercial  interests  of 
Germany  an  unassailable  position  on  the  east  coast  of  the  Baltic  Sea. 

Economic  dependence  naturallv  carries  with  it  a  certain  measure  of 

'12 


political  vassalage.  Military  alliances  and  the  election  of  German 
princes  to  Baltic  thrones  were  also  important  items  in  the  Pan-German 
program.  During  the  summer  of  1918  several  princelings  from  the 
lesser  German  states  held  themselves  in  readiness  to  accept  crowns  or 
coronets  in  the  conquered  lands.  It  was  reported  at  one  time  that  the 
Kaiser  thought  seriously  of  assuming  the  title  duke  of  Courland. 

At  the  conclusion  of  the  recent  armistice  it  was  stipulated  that  the 
Germans  should  withdraw  the  forces  that  were  still  being  kept  in  regions 
formerly  belonging  to  Russia.  When  this  became  known  the  inhabi- 
tants of  the  Provinces  began  to  look  forward  to  national  independence. 
There  was  already  a  working  governmental  organization  among  the 
Esthonians,  and  late  in  November  the  Letts  proclaimed  a  repviblic  in 
Riga  to  be  known  as  Lettland.  It  was  announced  that  it  was  to  be  a 
state  primarily  for  native  Letts  and  that  no  German  Baits  were  to  be 
admitted  to  office  in  the  ministry.  At  the  same  time  one  Karl  Kull- 
mann  (or  L'llmann)  was  appointed  prime  minister;  if  his  name  is  an 
indication,  the  new  regent  oi  Lettland  is  surely  not  innocent  of  Teuton- 
ic ancestry. 

When  the  German  forces  began  to  retire,  the  Letts  and  the  Esthon- 
ians suddenly  found  themselves  facing  a  new  danger  from  the  east. 
On  the  heels  of  the  retreating  Teutons  came  the  hosts  of  the  Bolsheviki, 
who  had  seized  the  opportunity  to  begin  a  vigorous  campaign  of  recon- 
quest.  In  the  neighborhood  of  Narva  the  Red  army  met  a  decisive 
defeat,  however,  and  the  invasion  seems,  at  this  writing,  to  have  been 
checked,  though  perhaps  only  temporarily.  The  Finns  apparently 
came  to  the  assistance  of  their  Esthonian  kinsmen  and  the  Swedes  ap- 
pear to  have  shown  some  interest  in  the  cause  of  the  Letts.  But  the 
situation  remains  very  precarious:  the  Russian  forces  are  evidently 
undisciplined  and  inefficient;  but  they  are  strong  in  numbers  and  it  is 
doubtful  whether  the  Baltic  levies  can  defeat  another  offensive. 

The  future  of  this  region  is  therefore  extremely  uncertain.  There 
are  no  indications  as  to  how  the  controlling  minds  at  the  peace  con- 
ference regard  the  problems  of  the  old  Russian  frontier;  consequently, 
all  that  can  be  done  at  present  is  to  indicate  a  few  of  the  more  probable 
solutions. 

(1)  The  Provinces  may  be  restored  to  Russia.  There  seems  to  be 
a  Bolshevik  element  in  the  Baltic  lands  which  naturally  favors  some  sort 
of  a  reunion  with  the  great  neighbor  to  the  east.  In  the  earlier  days  of 
the  Lenine  regime,  the  "people's  commissioners"  depended  largely  on 
the  military  services  of  the  "Lettish  guard,"  a  force  of  Lettish  soldiers 

13 


with  strong  revolutionary  tendencies.  But  this  element  is  probably 
not  a  numerous  one,  as  the  population  of  the  Provinces  is  chiefly  agri- 
cultural, and  the  problem  of  the  land  has  been  to  some  extent  solved  by 
the  extension  of  a  system  of  peasant  proprietorship. 

There  is,  indeed,  something  to  be  said  for  reunion  with  Russia.  The 
war  has  left  Russia  in  great  need  of  commercial  outlets.  The  best 
ports  on  the  Black  Sea  have  been  seized  by  the  Ukrainians;  and  in  the 
Baltic  region  a  single  port  remains:  Petrograd,  which  is  ice-bound  for 
several  months  of  the  year.  Practically  the  only  ice-free  port  remain- 
ing within  the  borders  of  Russia  is  Catherine  Harbor  on  the  Arctic 
coast.  The  Bolshevik  mind  may  be  deficient  in  patriotism  but  it  no 
doubt  understands  the  importance  of  commercial  outlets  and  the 
economic  value  of  ice-free  ports.  In  the  Baltic  Provinces  there  are  at  least 
six  fair  harbors,  all  of  which  have  a  longer  period  of  navigation  than 
Petrograd.  Of  these  the  best  known  is  Riga,  though  it  is  less  important 
than  Libau,  which  is  open  for  navigation  every  month  in  the  year. 

It  is  quite  evident  that  Russia  needs  the  Baltic  ports,  but  it  is  also 
clear  that  these  ports  are  in  real  need  of  Russia.  Their  prosperity  has 
in  large  measure  been  built  up  on  the  commerce  of  the  vast  plain  to 
the  east  and  if  means  should  be  found  to  divert  this  trade  to  another 
series  of  ports,  there  would  be  economic  distress  along  the  whole  shore 
from  Libau  to  Narva. 

(2)  They  may  be  allowed  to  organize  themselves  into  two  inde- 
pendent states  (as  appears  to  be  their  desire),  in  which  case  the  common 
boundary  would  probably  be  the  Salis  River,  a  small  stream  that  ap- 
proximately separates  the  Esthonian  settlements  from  those  of  the 
Letts.  It  is  a  grave  question  whether  these  two  peoples  have  sufficient 
strength  and  resources  to  maintain  a  self-respecting  existence.  At  the 
highest  the  population  of  the  proposed  Lettland  will  not  exceed  2,000,- 
000,  while  that  of  Esthonia  will  be  less  than  1,000,000.  It  would 
seem  that  such  an  arrangement  m.ust  mean  serious  difficulties  in  the 
future. 

(3)  Esthonia  may  decide  to  join  Finland.  Recent  years  have  seen 
the  development  of  a  strong  national  feeling  among  the  Esthonians,  but 
being,  after  all,  a  branch  of  the  Finnish  race,  they  ought  to  be  able  to 
live  in  reasonable  happiness  with  their  brothers  in  a  greater  Finland. 
If  the  Finns  are  permitted  to  annex  Karelia  to  the  east  and  Esthonia 
to  the  south,  their  country  will  have  a  population  of  approximately 
5,000,000. 

14 


(4)  The  Letts  may  be  asked  to  join  forces  with  their  Lithuanian 
kinsmen  in  .a  revived  Lithuanian  state.  Six  hundred  years  ago  Lithua- 
nia had  a  period  of  greatness,  her  area  covering  an  extensive  region  east 
of  Poland  between  the  Baltic  and  the  Black  Sea.  Since  then  a  consid- 
erable part  of  the  Lithuanian  race  has  been  absorbed  into  the  Slavic 
mass;  there  have  also  been  strong  currents  of  emigration  from  the 
Lithuanian  territories  to  Siberia  and  to  other  parts  of  Russia  and  even 
to  lands  across  the  Atlantic.  x'\t  present  the  Lithuanian  popula- 
tion in  its  native  territories  numbers  less  than  3,500,000. 

The  Lithuanian  area  is  not  extensive,  perhaps  not  more  than  30,000 
square  miles.  The  future  of  this  region  has  not  been  much  discussed; 
the  organization  of  a  Lithuanian  state  has  been  urged  and  is  within  the 
realm  of  the  possible;  but  it  is  not  a  promising  solution,  especially  if 
the  Letts  should  insist  on  establishing  a  separate  state. 

For  several  centuries  the  Lithuanians  and  in  part  also  the  Letts 
were  subjects  of  the  king  of  Poland.  It  is  possible  that  they  might  be 
induced  to  renew  this  historic  relationship,  though  it  is  doubtful,  since 
racially  Poles  and  Lithuanians  have  nothing  in  common.  They  will^ 
however,  have  common  rivals  and  perhaps  enemies  to  the  east  and  the 
west,  and  such  a  union  may  in  time  be  forced  by  circumstances,  as  it 
was  forced  in  the  middle  ages.  An  arrangement  of  this  sort  would  add 
considerably  to  the  strength  of  Poland,  and,  what  is  more  important, 
it  would  give  the  Poles  a  satisfactory  commercial  outlet  on  the  Baltic. 

Danzig 

As  a  result  of  the  Great  War  and  the  consequent  readjustment  of 
frontiers,  several  important  European  states  are  likely  to  find  them- 
selves deprived  of  direct  access  to  the  sea.  These  are  German  Austria, 
Hungary,  Bohemia  (the  republic  of  the  Czechs  and  Slovaks),  and 
Poland.  In  the  case  of  German  Austria  this  condition  may  be  reme- 
died by  the  admission  of  the  Austrian  territories  to  the  new  German 
republic;  but  for  Bohemia  and  Hungary  the  only  solution  of  this  dif^- 
culty  appears  to  be  an  economic  arrangement  with  some  neighboring 
state. 

It  is  possible,  as  suggested  above,  that  Poland  may  be  able  to  reach 
the  sea  through  the  lands  of  the  Letts  and  the  Lithuanians.  The  Poles 
hope,  however,  to  secure  a  shorter  and  more  direct  route  by  way  of  the 
Vistula.  Libau  and  Riga  are,  indeed,  desirable  ports;  but  from  the  Polish 
viewpoint    Danzig   at  the  mouth  of  the  Vistula  is  the  natural  outlet. 

The  Poles  insist  that  the  Vistula  is  a  Polish  river  and  should  therefore 

15 


be  under  their  control  throughout  Its  entire  course.  It  is  true  that 
both  banks  of  this  river  have  a  Polish  population  to  a  point  some  dis- 
tance below  Thorn  or  about  one  hundred  miles  from  its  mouth.  Along 
the  lower  course  between  Thorn  and  the  Baltic,  the  Polish  population 
occupies  a  narrow  tongue  of  land  from  twenty  to  fifty  miles  wide  lying 
along  the  west  bank  of  the  river,  while  the  opposite  bank  is  occupied 
a'most  exclusively  by  Germans.  The  Poles  insist  that  this  strip  of 
territory  is  not  only  essentially  Polish,  but  is  also  necessary  to  their 
economic  life  and  to  the  successful  defense  of  their  country;  they  de- 
mand, therefore,  that  it  be  included  in  the  revived  Polish  state. 

This  area  was  for  several  centuries  a  part  of  the  Polish  kingdom  but 
was  taken  by  the  Prussians  in  the  partitions  of  Poland  in  the  eighteenth 
century.  To  return  what  territory  is  still  Polish  in  speech  and  senti- 
ment, seems,  therefore,  a  matter  of  justice  merely.  There  are,  however, 
certain  facts  and  conditions  that  must  be  taken  seriously  into  account 
before  the  left  bank  of  the  Vistula  is  definitely  handed  over  to  the 
Polish  state. 

(1)  The  tongue  of  land  in  question  lies  wholly  within  the  territory 
of  Prussia;  if  it  is  annexed  to  Poland  that  part  of  Germany  east  of  the 
Vistula  will  be  separated  completely  from  the  rest  of  the  Fatherland. 
It  is  inconceivable  that  the  Germans  will  remain  satisfied  with  this 
condition.  The  Poles  are  consequently  likely  to  find  that  the  pos- 
session of  this  strip  is  a  danger  as  well  as  an  adv^antage.  In  case  of 
war  with  Germany  it  could  not  be  successfully  defended. 

(2)  The  territory,  while  largely  Polish  in  population,  is  not  exclu- 
sively so;  it  has  a  strong  German  minority  which  in  certain  sections  is 
almost  as  strong  as  the  Slavic  majority.  This  is  particularly  true  of  the 
cities  where  the  Germans  are,  in  places,  even  the  more  numerous  element. 

(3)  The  region  would  lose  much  of  its  economic  value  to  Poland 
unless  Danzig  were  included.  But  Danzig  is  essentially  a  German 
city,  nine-tenths  of  the  population  being  German  in  race  and  speech. 
Through  most  of  its  history  Danzig  has  been  German  rather  than 
Polish;  though  for  a  long  time  it  was  counted  as  a  part  of  the  Polish 
kingdom,  its  relationship  to  that  state  was  almost  wholly  nominal,  as 
it  enjoyed  privileges  which  made  it  practically  a  self-governing  republic. 

At  the  same  time  it  must  be  remembered  that  the  prosperity  of  Dan- 
zig is  based  largely  on  the  great  trade  that  flows  toward  it  from  the 
valley  of  the  Vistula.  And  it  must  not  be  forgotten  that  the  disposal 
of  the  tongue  of  land  between  Thorn  and  Danzig  involves  the  political 
fate  of  more  than  500,000  Poles. 

16 


UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS  BULLETIN 


Vol.  XVI 


Issued  Weekly 
JANUARY  20,  1919 


No.  21 


Entered  as  second-class  matter  December  11,  1912,  at  the  post  office  at  Urbana,  Illinoi  .  under  the  Act  of 
August  24,  1912.  Acceptance  for  mailing  at  the  special  rate  of  postage  provided  for  in  section,  1103  Act 
of  October  I.  1917,  authorized  July  31,  1918.] 


The  Republic  of  Ukraine 

BY 

SIMON  LITMAN 

Assistant  Professor  of  Economics 


Price  10  cents 


PUBLISHED  BY  THE  WAR  COMMITTEE 

OF  THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS 

URBANA 


V(  ^/j\   KALUGA  ^        ,   „,       ""„  \  ■^. 


UKRAINIA 


KEY  TO  MAP — The  heavily  shaded  area  is  the  original  Little  Russia.  The  lightly 
shaded  area  shows  the  territory  which  is  now  Ukrainia  as  claimed  by  the  Ukrainian 
national  assembly  or  the  Rada.  The  territory  where  Ukrainians  predominate  is  enclosed 
in  the  heavy  belt. 


.     THE  REPUBLIC  OF  UKRAINE 

The  newly  formed  Republic  of  Ukraine  stretches  from  the  shores  of 
the  Black  Sea  and  the  Sea  of  Asov  northward  into  the  heart  of  what  was 
formerly  European  Russia.  Within  her  somewhat  loosely  defined  bor- 
ders are  included  the  former  Russian  governments  of  Volhynia,  Podolia, 
Kiev,  Kherson,  Tchernigov,  Poltava,  Kharkov,  and  Ekaterinoslav  cov- 
ering an  area  of  about  150,000  square  miles  and  having  a  population  of 
approximately  35,000,000  souls.  It  is  thus  composed  not  only  of  Little 
Russia  (Ukraine  proper)  but  also  of  Southern  Russia,  the  new  realign- 
ment having  placed  under  the  control  of  the  Ukrainian  government  the 
northern  part  of  the  Black  Sea  littoral  with  its  rich  hinterland  and  with 
its  important  harbors  of  Odessa  and  Nicolayev.  On  the  other  hand 
Eastern  Galicia  and  Northwestern  Bukowina,  which  were  at  one  time 
parts  of  Ukraine,  are  not  included  in  the  present  Ukrainian  Republic. 
The  greater  proportion  of  the  inhabitants  of  this  new  political  unit  are 
Ukrainians,  better  known  as  Little  Russians.  They  are  a  branch  of 
the  Russian  Slavs  although  some  recent  leaders  of  the  separatist  move- 
ment working  from  and  with  the  aid  of  the  Imperial  governments  of 
Germany  and  Austria-Hungary  have  been  trying  to  prove  that  there 
was  nothing  in  common  between  the  Ukrainians  and  their  northern 
neighbors — the  Great  Russians,  The  seeds  of  discord  which  the  workers 
for  the  dismemberment  of  Russia  have  been  sowing  found  a  fruitful 
soil  in  Ukraine  because  of  the  policy  pursued  by  the  old  Czarist  govern- 
ment of  ruthlessly  repressing  every  manifestation  of  national  individu- 
ality. 

Ukraine  means  borderland  and  borderland  this  country  has  been 
through  many  centuries  of  its  turbulent  existence;  borderland  between 
the  frivolous  aristocracy  of  republican  Poland  and  the  autocratically 
ruled,  communistically  inclined  Muscovites;  borderland  between  the 
nomadic  tribes  sweeping  from  the  plateaus  of  Central  Asia  and  the 
sedentary  populations  of  the  Mediterranean  regions.  Over  its  large 
stretches  of  gently  undulating  steppes  swept  one  after  another  the  Huns 
and  the  Avars,  the  Khazars  and  the  Pechenegs,  the  Kalmucks  and  the 
Tatars.  Living  on  a  frontier,  constantly  fighting,  pillaging  and  in  turn 
being  pillaged,  attracting  to  themselves  all  the  lawless  and  all  the 
liberty  loving  elements  of  the  adjoining  lands,  the  Ukrainians  have 
developed  certain  qualities  of  mind  and  heart  which  distinguish  them 
from  their  kinsmen,  the  Great  Russians  and  the  White  Russians.     As 


warriors  they  have  evolved  in  Zaporogia,  which  was  the  soul  of  the  old 
Ukraine,  a  peculiar  military  organization  of  Cossacks.  The  Cossacks 
were  ruled  by  a  "Hetman"  elected  each  year  from  the  ranks  of  the 
people  and  responsible  to  a  general  assembly,  called  the  Rada. 

The  early  history  of  Russia  is  closely  linked  with  that  of  Ukraine; 
there,  in  the  ninth  century,  on  the  banks  of  the  river  Dnieper,  arose  the 
first  important  Russian  principality,  that  of  Kiev.  It  was  from  Kiev 
that  the  Scandinavian  princes  who  ruled  over  the  Russian  Slavs  made 
their  expeditions  against  Byzantium  and  it  was  through  Kiev  that  the 
Byzantine  influences  gradually  penetrated  northward  and  westward  into 
Russia,  making  themselves  felt  in  Vladimir  and  in  Smolensk,  in  Novgo- 
rod and  in  Moscow.  Prince  Vladimir  of  Kiev  accepted  the  Greek  form 
of  Christianity  in  988  and  after  that  for  about  two  centuries  Kiev,  "the 
mother  of  Russian  towns,"  played  the  leading  role  in  the  political  and 
cultural  life  of  the  Russian  Slavs.  The  Kievite  Russia  became  a  victim 
of  internal  dissensions;  it  disintegrated  even  before  Ghenghiz  Khan  with 
his  Mongolian  hordes  in  the  thirteenth  century  sv/ept  over  the  country, 
filling  it  with  terror  and  devastation,  and  exacting  tribute  from  all. 

Submerged  for  over  two  centuries  and  a  half  beneath  the  flood  of 
the  Tatar  invasion  the  Ukrainians  were  too  weak  in  the  fifteenth  cen- 
tury to  withstand  the  encroachments  of  the  Polish-Lithuanian  State; 
they  were  conquered,  but  not  subdued.  Frequent  bloody  uprisings 
took  place  in  which  the  ruthless  and  fiendish  brutality  of  the  Ukrainians 
was  matched  by  the  refined  cruelty  of  the  Poles.  It  was  in  1653,  when 
one  of  the  most  ambitious  attempts  to  regain  freedom  had  failed,  that 
the  Ukrainians  offered  their  allegiance  to  Czar  Alexei  Mikhailovich. 
The  cautious  Muscovite  Government  at  that  time  showed  little  inclina- 
tion to  make  common  cause  with  the  unruly  Cossacks.  However,  after 
lengthy  negotiations  the  eastern  part  of  Ukraine  came  under  the  suze- 
rainty of  Russia.  For  over  one  hundred  years  the  Cossacks  continued 
to  enjoy  autonomy,  this  being  destroyed  by  Catherine  II  in  1775.  The 
second  partition  of  Poland  brought  under  Russian  control  the  rest  of 
the  Ukrainian  lands,  those  west  of  the  river  Dnieper,  with  the  exception 
of  eastern  Galicia  and  northwestern  Bukowina,  where  there  dwell  at 
present  about  4,000,000  Little  Russians  known  under  the  name  of 
Ruthenians. 

Since  the  second  half  of  the  eighteenth  century  Ukraine  ceased  to 
be  the  land  of  wild  freedom  and  of  stormy  strength.  The  Syetch, 
the  chief  military  post  of  the  Dnieper  Cossacks,  disappeared,  and  with 


it  went  the  restless  spirit  of  adventure,  of  rebellion,  of  continuous  offen- 
sive and  defensive  warfare.  Ukraine  became  an  integral  part  of  the 
Russian  Empire  which  established  itself  firmly  over  the  vast  territory 
of  southeastern  Europe,  for  many  centuries  the  battleground  of  tribes, 
races,  and  nationalities.  Peaceful  communities,  peaceful  because  of  the 
iron  hand  from  Petrograd,  spread  gradually  over  the  beautiful  land  of 
Little  Russia  with  its  broad  navigable  rivers,  its  rich  black  soil,  its 
huge  deposits  of  metallic  and  non-metallic  minerals.  The  sword  and 
the  m.usket  gave  way  to  the  plow  and  the  scythe.  As  cultivators  of  the 
soil,  the  Ukrainians,  to  whom  were  added  many  other  ethnical  groups 
of  the  Russian  population,  spread  southward  into  Taurida  and  east- 
ward into  the  region  of  the  Don.  They  transformed  the  plains  and  the 
hillsides  into  fields  of  wheat,  rye,  and  corn,  of  sugar  beets  and  tobacco, 
into  fruit  orchards  and  vineyards;  they  dotted  the  country  with  farm 
sites,  hamlets,  and  villages,  where  the  only  reminder  of  the  old  days  of 
bloody  strife  and  of  military  glory  is  the  song  of  the  kobzar.  Some  of 
the  Little  Russians  achieved  distinction  in  Russian  literature,  art,  and 
sciences;  some  of  them  have  become  prominent  in  industrial  and  com- 
mercial pursuits;  others  have  occupied  responsible  governmental  posi- 
tions under  the  old  regime,  but  the  majority  of  them  are  peasants  and 
shepherds,  having  little  inclination  and  aptitude  for  manufacturing  and 
trade  activities.  Most  of  the  cities  of  Ukraine  as  well  as  of  Southern 
Russia  owe  their  development  and  prosperity  to  the  Great  Russians, 
the  Jews,  and  the  foreigners. 

The  peasants  of  Little  Russia  do  not  lack  natural  intelligence;  they 
love  poetry  and  music,  but  they  are  poor  and  ignorant;  they  still  use 
in  many  parts  of  the  country  the  wasteful  three  field  system  of  agri- 
culture; they  have  no  modern  implements  and  machinery,  and  thus, 
notwithstanding  the  favorable  climatic  conditions  and  the  fertile  soil  of 
their  land,*  they  do  not  get  on  an  average  more  than  ten  bushels  of  wheat 
a  year  per  acre.  Occupying  the  "Black  Earth  Belt"  of  the  old  Russian 
Empire,  they  produced  before  the  present  war  about  35  per  cent  of 
Russia's  wheat  and  close  to  80  per  cent  of  her  sugar  beets  and  tobacco; 
they  also  raised  about  40  per  cent  of  Russia's  live  stock  output. 

In  the  Donetz  basin  of  Little  Russia  are  found  large  supplies  of  coal, 
iron,  manganese,  and  limestone.  This  proximity  of  fuel,  metals,  and 
fluxes,  coupled  with  heavy  import  duties  on  iron,  attracted  foreign 
capital  and  led  to  the  establishment  of  important  iron  and  steel  works. 
In  1914,  Ukraine  produced  over  70  per  cent  of  the  coal,  60  per  cent  of 


the  Iron,  and  all  the  mercury  of  Russia.  Ukraine  possesses  also  impor- 
tant salt  deposits,  particularly  in  three  districts — the  Carpathian  foot- 
hills, the  Donetz  plateau,  and  the  Pontian-Caspian  salt-lake  and  liman 
region.  Scattered  through  the  country  are  pottery  clays,  kaolin,  slate, 
chalk,  gypsum,  and  many  other  non-metallic  minerals.  Some  gold, 
silver,  lead,  and  copper  are  also  found,  but  the  output  of  these  metals  is 
comparatively  small. 

The  most  important  cities  of  Ukraine  are  Kiev,  Odessa,  Kharkov, 
Ekaterinoslav,  Nicolayev,  and  Kherson.  Kiev  is  situated  almost  in  the 
center  of  the  basin  of  the  Dnieper  where  the  main  stream  after  having 
gathered  its  upper  confluents  carries  the  concentrated  traffic  of  all  its 
tributary  territory  to  the  Black  Sea.  The  University  of  Kiev  ranks 
third  among  those  of  Russia.  Odessa  is  the  leading  seaport  of  the 
Black  Sea,  and  it  is,  next  to  Petrograd,  the  most  European-like  of  all 
the  towns  of  Russia.  Both  Odessa  and  Kharkov,  the  latter  in  an  inter- 
mediary position  between  the  Dnieper  and  the  Don,  are  intellectual 
centers;  they  possess  flourishing  universities  and  many  schools.  Nico- 
layev is  a  naval  station  as  well  as  a  commercial  harbor.  Kherson,  near 
the  mouth  of  the  Dnieper,  although  less  important  than  Odessa  or 
Nicolayev,  is  an  active  business  town;  it  exports  large  quantities  of 
wood,  cereals,  and  hides. 

The  movement  to  free  Ukraine  from  the  despotic  control  of  Russian 
autocracy  began  long  before  the  present  war.  The  renaissance  of  the 
Ukrainian  language  and  literature  started  in  the  early  part  of  the  last 
century  and  under  the  stimulus  given  to  it  by  the  great  poet  Shevchenko 
as  well  as  by  many  other  writers  it  made  considerable  headway  when 
Russian  authorities  took  alarm  and  passed  in  1876  a  decree  forbidding 
the  publication  of  works  in  the  Ukrainian  language.  Those  who  pro- 
tested against  this  drastic  measure  were  thrown  into  prison  or  sent  into 
exile.  The  result  of  the  decree  was  the  driving  of  the  Ukrainian  move- 
ment into  Eastern  Galicia,  where  it  was  welcomed  by  the  Austrian 
government  partially  as  a  weapon  to  be  used  against  the  Austrian  Poles, 
partially  as  a  means  for  eventually  disrupting  the  unity  and  the  power 
of  the  Russian  Empire. 

After  the  revolution  of  1905,  the  use  of  the  Ukrainian  language  was 
once  more  permitted  in  Russia,  but  this  concession  did  not  satisfy  the 
Ukrainians;  it  did  not  satisfy  the  Ukrainian  masses  whom  the  revolu- 
tionary aftermath  left  with  a  feeling  of  bitter  disappointment;  they  had 
won  a  shadow  of  representation  at  Petrograd,  but  they  had  not  sue- 


ceeded  in  throwing  off  the  yoke  of  petty  officialdom,  the  heavy  burden 
of  taxation,  the  poverty  and  the  squalor  of  their  every  day  existence; 
neither  did  this  concession  satisfy  a  coterie  of  Ukrainian  literary  men 
who  aspired  towards  nothing  less  than  a  complete  emancipation  of  their 
native  land  from  what  they  termed  foreign  domination.  When  Czar- 
dom  fell,  a  number  of  the  latter  constituted  themselves  into  a  Rada  or 
Council  and  presented  demands  to  the  Provisional  government  for  the 
recognition  of  Ukraine  as  a  separate  administrative  unit.  In  vain  did 
Kerensky's  government  point  out  to  them  the  needlessness  and  the 
dangers  of  their  action  at  a  time  when  strong  enemy  armies  were  light- 
ing their  way  into  Russia  and  when  the  Revolutionary  government  was 
doing  its  best  to  solve  the  many  perplexing  problems  left  by  the  old 
regime.  The  Rada  insisted  that  the  principle  of  self-determination  of 
peoples  proclaimed  by  the  Revolution  applied  to  the  Ukrainians  not 
less  than  to  the  Poles,  to  the  Finns,  or  to  the  Letts.  "Ukrainia  for  the 
Ukrainians"  became  the  watch-word  of  a  number  of  politicians  many 
of  whom  had  just  arrived  from  Vienna  or  from  Lemberg;  with  this 
watch-word  they  stirred  up  the  slumbering  nationalistic  feelings  in  a 
part  of  the  Ukrainian  peasantry  bringing  it  to  the  support  of  the  sepa- 
ratist movement.  Taking  advantage  of  the  weakness  of  the  Provisional 
government  the  Rada  issued  on  June  26,  1917,  a  Manifesto  announcing 
that  the  Ukrainian  people  would  henceforth  manage  their  own  affairs. 
The  Provisional  government  had  to  give  way;  it  recognized  the  General 
Secretariat  of  Ukraine  as  the  highest  administrative  power  of  Southern 
Russia;  the  future  constitution  of  the  country  was  left  to  the  decision 
of  the  Constituent  Assembly  which  was  expected  soon  to  convene. 

With  the  overthrow  of  the  Provisional  government  by  the  Bolshe- 
viki,  the  conflict  between  the  North  and  the  South  of  Russia  became 
most  bitter  and  intense;  its  character,  however,  changed  materially. 
The  Bolsheviki  cared  little  for  the  integrity  of  Russia  as  a  unified  state; 
what  they  wanted  was  the  spreading  of  the  doctrine  of  social  revolution 
into  Ukraine;  they  were  opposed  to  the  Rada  not  because  of  its  insistence 
upon  Ukrainian  autonomy  but  because  it  was,  according  to  them, 
bourgeois  and  counter-revolutionary  in  character. 

Threatened  by  the  Bolsheviki  on  the  one  side  and  by  the  Russian 
nationalists  on  the  other,  the  Ukrainian  Council  decided  that  it  had 
nothing  to  gain  and  perhaps  everything  to  lose  by  delaying  radical 
action;  .and  accordingly,  on  November  20,  1917,  it  proclaimed  the 
establishment  of  the  Ukrainian   People's   Republic.     In   a   manifesto 

7 


issued  at  that  time  the  Rada  stated  that  it  took  this  step  in  order  to 
spare  the  country  the  horrors  of  a  civil  strife;  it  disclaimed  any  desire 
to  bring  about  the  disintegration  of  Russia,  the  establishment  of  the 
Ukrainian  Republic  being,  according  to  the  statement,  merely  a  step- 
ping stone  towards  the  formation  of  a  federation  of  free  and  equal  peoples 
of  Russia. 

On  February  9,  1918,  the  Ukrainian  Republic,  whose  representatives 
sat  at  Brest-Litovsk,  alongside  the  delegates  of  the  Bolshevik  govern- 
ment, concluded  a  separate  peace  with  the  Central  Powers.  It  is 
impossible  at  the  present  time  to  state  v/ith  any  degree  of  certainty 
whether  the  ease  with  which  peace  was  negotiated  can  be  attributed  to 
the  fact  that  many  leaders  of  the  Rada  belonged  to  the  secret  Austrian 
Bund  and  were  supported  by  German  money.  Whatever  the  case  may 
be,  the  fact  remains  that  Ukraine  was  the  first  country  to  withdraw 
from,  the  war  and  to  give  to  the  Central  Powers  a  decided  temporary 
advantage  in  the  gigantic  struggle. 

Great  Russia  and  Little  Russia  are  mutually  complementary  geogra- 
phic and  economic  regions;  lor  over  a  century  and  a  half  the  life  of  these 
two  parts  of  the  Russian  Empire  has  been  linked  together,  the  Russian 
language  having  become  the  language  of  trade,  of  literature,  of  official 
and  social  intercourse  between  the  various  nationalities  dwelling  in  the 
southern  provinces  of  the  country.  Many  parts  of  the  present  Ukrainian 
Republic  never  belonged  to  Ukraine  and  the  people  inhabiting  these 
parts  have  not  expressed  the  desire  of  renouncing  their  Russian  citizen- 
ship. They  feel,  and  think,  and  hope  in  the  terms  of  the  great  country 
stretching  from  the  Arctic  Ocean  to  the  Black  Sea  and  from  the  borders 
of  Austria-Hungary  and  Germany  to  the  shores  of  the  Pacific. 

The  effect  of  the  breaking  away  of  Ukraine  from  Russia  can  be  best 
compared  with  the  effect  which  the  separation  of  our  own  Southern 
Section  would  have  produced  upon  the  United  States.  Economically 
it  is  utterly  undesirable  and  under  a  truly  democratic  regime  in  Russia 
it  is  unnecessary  either  politically,  socially,  or  culturally.  An  inde- 
pendent Ukraine  means  the  setting  up  of  hundreds  of  miles  of  artificial 
boundaries  within  the  confines  of  which  national  or  quasi-national 
jealousies  and  animosities  will  solidify  and  grow,  and  will  lead  to  the 
creation  of  many  complicated  problems  which  would  not  occur  if  Great 
Russia  and  Little  Russia  become  parts  of  a  Federated  Republic  united 
by  a  community  of  economic  interests  and  by  the  ties  of  mutual  under- 
standing. 


UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS  BULLETIN 


Vol.  XVI 


Issued  Weekly 
MARCH  3,  1919 


No.  27 


Entered  as  second-class  matter  December  11,  1912,  at  the  post  office  at  Urbana,  lUinoi',  under  the  Act  of 
August  24,  1912.  Acceptance  for  mailing  at  the  special  rate  of  postage  provided  for  in  isection  1103,  Act 
of  October  I,  1917,  authorized  July  31,  1918.] 


e  Conflict  of  Parties  in 
Russian  Revolution 


e 


BY 


JACOB  ZEITLIN 

Assistant  Professor  of  English 


Price  10  cents 


PUBLISHED  BY  THE  WAR  COMMITTEE 

OF  THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS 

URBANA 


THE  CONFLICT  OF  PARTIES  IN  THE  RUSSIAN 
REVOLUTION 

The  feelings  of  a  person  who  from  far  away  is  watching  the  develop- 
ment of  the  Russian  drama  and  who  tries  to  keep  his  friendliness  for 
its  people  undisturbed  by  partisan  sympathies  are  likely  to  have  but 
little  constancy.  The  incidents  are  manifold  and  shifting.  The  infor- 
mation concerning  them  is  incomplete  and  under  the  control  of  an 
interested  censorship  both  at  the  transmitting  and  the  receiving  ends. 
The  accounts  by  participants  and  witnesses  are  no  more  trustworthy 
on  one  side  than  on  the  other.  There  has  been  much  scandalous  lying 
against  the  Bo'sheviki  and  no  little  misrepresentation  in  their  favor. 
Perhaps  some  of  it  has  been  deliberate  and  malicious;  for  the  most  part 
it  arises  from  misunderstanding  and  from  those  bl'nd  enthusiasms  and 
antagonisms  which  such  a  struggle  inevitably  begets.  But  the  distrac- 
tion of  people  in  this  country  who  try  to  understand  can  be  no  greater 
than  that  of  the  Russians  who  are  one  day  driven  into  the  arms  of  the 
monarchists  by  the  brutalities  of  the  Bolsheviki  and  on  the  day  follow- 
ing recoil  toward  the  Bolsheviki  from  the  atrocities  of  the  monarchists. 
The  present  sketch  makes  no  pretense  of  superhuman  detachment,  but 
in  the  survey  of  principles  and  actions  here  attempted,  the  aim  has 
been  to  deal  fairly  with  both  parties  to  the  controversy,  to  tell  the 
truth  as  far  as  it  can  be  construed  from  the  published  documents  avail- 
able to  the  writer. 

From  this  survey  a  number  of  features  emerge  to  serve  as  clues  to 
the  progress  of  events.  (1)  From  the  very  beginning  of  the  revolu- 
tion all  the  real  power  was  with  the  Workmen's  and  Soldiers'  Councils 
and  not  with  the  ever-shifting  provisional  administrations.  (2)  The 
Workmen's  and  Soldiers'  councils,  in  which  originally  the  moderate 
socialists  predominated,  by  degrees  came  under  the  complete  control  of 
the  Bolsheviki.  (3)  The  coup  d'etat  which  was  effected  through  the 
dissoution  by  the  Bolsheviki  of  the  Constituent  Assembly  was  only 
the  inevitable  step  in  the  fulfilment  of  the  revolution.  (4)  The  Bol- 
sheviki arrived  at  their  power  by  unscrupulously  resorting  to  every 
demagogic  art  and  maintained  themselves  by  every  device  known  to 
arbitrary  despotism,  but  made  use  of  their  power  in  a  sincere  attempt 
to  carry  out  their  promises,  to  give  the  people  peace  and  bread,  and  to 
reconstruct  society  with  a  view  to  rendering  justice  to  the  exploited 
classes.  (5)  Many  liberal  and  democratic  elements  continued  to  wage 
a  struggle  against  the  Bolsheviki  but  weakened  their  influence  with  the 
Russian  people  by  making  common  cause  with  monarchist  factions  and 
calling  in  the  military  assistance  of  the  Allies.     (6)  The  developments 


in  the  rival  governments,  where  the  power  invariably  passed  from  the 
hands  of  liberals  to  reactionaries  and  terminated  in  a  military  dicta- 
torship, have  served  to  reconcile  Russians  to  the  evils  of  Bolshevism 
and  created  a  disposition  on  the  part  of  former  enemies  to  cooperate 
with  the  Bolshevik  leaders.  (7)  The  Bolsheviki,  on  their  side,  have 
been  growing  more  conciliatory  in  their  methods  and  have  been  more 
and  more  making  those  concessions  to  the  views  and  prejudices  of 
other  parties  which  suggest  a  hope  of  arriving  at  a  workable  settlement. 
(8)  Whether  owing  to  the  program  of  the  Bolsheviki  or  to  the  other 
difficulties  with  which  the  country  has  had  to  contend,  the  economic 
condition  of  Russia  is  precarious  and  may  result  in  the  early  downfall 
of  the  ruling  party. 

Three  political  parties  have  been  prominent  in  the  history  of  the 
revolution.  The  Constitutional  Democrats  (Cadets),  who  continue  to 
be  so  called  though  they  have  changed  their  official  title  to  the  Party 
of  Popular  Freedom,  represent  the  views  of  the  liberal  professional  and 
mercantile  classes  and  believe  in  a  representative,  parliamentary  form 
of  government  such  as  exists  in  the  United  States  or  England.  More 
important  are  the  two  great  Socialist  parties,  Socialist  Revolutionaries 
and  Social  Democrats.  The  primary  distinction  between  them  is  that 
the  former  views  the  problems  of  social  reconstruction  from  the  stand- 
point of  the  peasant's  interests,  the  latter  from  that  of  the  working- 
man's.  But  the  cleavage  within  these  parties  is  of  greater  significance 
than  the  difference  between  the  parties  as  a  who'e.  They  are  both  split 
up  into  moderate  and  radical  factions,  each  having  a  tendency  to  coalesce 
with  the  corresponding  group  in  the  other  party.  The  moderate  and 
radical  wings  of  the  Socialist  Revolutionaries  are  designated  as  Right 
and  Left  respectively.  In  the  Social  Democratic  party  the  moderates 
are  known  as  the  Mensheviki  and  the  extremists  as  Bolsheviki.  The 
Bolsheviki  became  closely  allied  with  the  Left  Socialist  Revolutionaries, 
while  their  most  determined  opposition  came  from  the  Right  Socialist 
Revolutionaries.  The  official  name  by  which  the  Bolsheviki  now  pre- 
fer to  call  themselves  is  the  Communists;  it  describes  their  ideal  of 
government.  At  present  the  name  of  the  Bolsheviki  is  closely  linked 
in  people's  minds  with  the  Soviets.  The  connection  between  them, 
however,  is  not  a  necessary  one.  The  word  Soviet  means  a  council 
and  was  a  title  adopted  by  the  organizations  of  workmen  and  soldiers 
formed  at  the  beginning  of  the  revolution  without  any  reference  to 
party  distinctions.  The  Mensheviki  at  first  formed  a  vastly  prepon- 
derating majority  in  the  Soviets,  but  as  the  Bolsheviki  identified  them- 
selves more  particularly  with  the  interests  of  the  workingmen  and  made 

3 


themselves  spokesmen  of  a  demand  that  all  governmental  power  be 
transferred  to  the  Soviets,  their  influence  became  dominant  in  those 
bodies  and  they  became  the  agents  for  carrying  the  idea  into  practise. 

The  Provisional  Government 

The  weakness  of  the  Provisional  Government  and  the  strength  of 
the  Soviets  are  complementary  elements  in  the  first  six  months  of  the 
revolution.  When  the  abdication  ot  the  Czar  was  announced,  the 
members  of  the  Fourth  Duma  at  once  chose  a  ministry  on  the  basis  of 
the  party  alignment  in  that  body.  With  equal  promptness  the  work- 
men in  Petrograd  organized  their  Councils  and  elected  their  deputies 
to  watch  lest  their  revolution  sustain  a  mischief  at  the  hands  of  the 
Provisional  Government.  The  reason  for  the  mistrust  was  the  un- 
representative character  of  the  body  which  had  chosen  the  ministers. 
The  members  of  the  Fourth  Duma  had  been  elected  by  a  narrowly 
restricted  class  suffrage.  The  largest  representation  in  it  was  enjoyed 
by  the  Octobrists  and  Centrists.  "Both  these  parties,"  according  to 
the  statement  of  a  conservative  Russian,  "had  in  their  time  been  in- 
vented to  create  the  semblance  of  a  governmental  majority  in  the 
Duma,  and  had  no  sort  of  roots  in  the  land.  The  best  evidence  of  this 
is  that  after  the  Revolution  they  did  absolutely  nothing  to  testify  to  their 
existence."^  Next  in  size  was  the  delegation  of  the  Constitutional 
Democrats,  while  the  various  socialist  parties  formed  a  small  minority. 
The  first  cabinet  contained  seven  Constitutional  Democrats,  three 
Octobrists,  and  only  one  socialist.  If  the  chief  desire  of  the  Russian 
people  at  this  time  had  been  an  efficient  prosecution  of  the  war  against 
Germany,  doubtless  the  new  ministry  would  have  served  well.  Its 
members  had  given  ample  proof  of  their  devoted  patriotism,  and  they 
had  sincerely  at  heart  the  greatness  and  prosperity  of  the  Russian 
people.  But  among  the  people  themselves  a  new  impulse  was  stirring. 
Worn  out  by  their  unimaginable  losses  and  privations,  their  economic 
life  utterly  demoralized,  their  military  situation  precarious,  they  had 
no  immediate  desire  but  for  peace,  and  the  Soviets  made  themselves 
the  mouthpiece  of  their  longing.  While  the  Government  was  pledging 
itself  to  the  war  aims  of  the  Allies,  the  Soviet  was  issuing  an  appeal  not 
only  to  the  Allies,  but  to  the  neutral  countries  as  well,  and  even  to  the 
workmen  of  the  enemy,  for  peace  on  the  basis  of  no  annexations,  no 
indemnities,  and  the  self-determination  of  peoples.  The  ministers  were 
making  sincere  efforts  to  induce  the  Allies  to  restate  their  war  aims  in 
accord  with  these  principles  but  were  having  no  success.     The  people 

1.     A.  Bublikov:^The  Russian  Revolution,  New  York,  1918.  p.  31.  (In  Russian.) 

4 


remembered  that  Guchkov,  the  Minister  of  War,  had  once  been  a 
minister  of  the  Czar's,  and  that  Milyukov,  the  Minister  of  Foreign 
Affairs,  had  at  an  unhappy  moment  risen  in  the  Duma  and  announced 
that  if  a  revolution  were  necessary  for  victory,  he  would  prefer  no 
victory  at  all.  Under  these  circumstances  it  is  not  strange  that  the 
relations  between  the  Government  and  the  Soviet  began  in  suspicion 
and  jealousy. 

For  several  months  the  Soviets  merely  sat  behind  the  scenes  and 
pulled  the  strings.  They  drew  up  the  terms  on  which  they  would 
tolerate  the  authority  of  the  existing  government.  They  presented 
their  demands  through  a  "committee  of  contact"  and  practically  dictat- 
ed policies.  The  Workmen's  and  Soldiers'  Council  drew  up  the  famous 
order  abolishing  the  death  penalty  in  the  army  and  destroying  military 
discipline,  and  the  order  was  duly  authorized  by  the  ministry.  When 
Guchkov,  who  was  probably  the  strongest  personality  in  the  cabinet, 
but  utterly  without  popular  backing,  made  an  effort  to  restore  the  old 
discipline,  the  Soviets  drove  him  from  his  office.  Milyukov  dared  to 
defy  the  peace  program  of  the  Soviets  and  to  reaffirm  his  imperialist 
ideals,  but  his  party,  the  Constitutional  Democrats,  bowed  before  the 
storm  of  opposition  and  he  also  was  compelled  to  resign.  There  was 
scarcely  a  demand  made  by  the  workmen  which  the  cabinet  of  Prince 
Lvov  was  able  to  resist.  A  determined  purpose  existed  nowhere  but  in 
the  Soviets.  "The  workmen  in  the  factories,"  says  Emile  Vandervelde, 
the  Belgian  socialist  who  at  this  time  was  on  a  political  mission  in 

Russia,  "were  at  that  moment  (May,  1917)  the  masters  of  Russia 

The  Soviet  which  represented  them  as  well  as  the  soldiers  constituted 
the  only  political  power  capable  of  making  itself  felt  in  the  country, 
for  they  alone  had  power  at  their  disposal.  They  had  their  militia; 
they  were  closely  associated  with  the  soldiers;  and  especially  they  had 
cohesion  and  capacity  of  coordination.  There  were  neither  police  nor 
armed  guards  of  any  kind  to  oppose  their  will."^ 

This  use  of  power  without  res'ponsibility  could  not  continue  indefi- 
nitely. But  though  the  Soviets  agreed  to  let  their  leaders  enter  a 
coalition  government,  the  antagonism  between  the  two  forces  continued. 
The  growing  radicalism  of  the  ministry  failed  to  keep  pace  with  the 
spread  of  the  Bolshevik  gospel.  As  economic  and  military  demoraliza- 
tion grew  more  serious,  the  demands  of  the  people  became  more  exorbi- 
tant and  more  insistent.  The  Government  knew  not  how  to  make  head 
against  the  pressure  of  the  current  and  so  was  hurtled  along  its  fatal 
course  to  the  inevitable  catastrophe.     Despairing  talk  was  its  substi- 

2.     "Three  Aspects  of  the  Russian  Revolution,"  London,  1917,  p.  42. 


tute  for  action.  After  the  disaster  following  the  July  18-August  1 
offensive,  representatives  of  all  organized  groups  gathered  in  a  great 
congress  at  Moscow  where  everybody  made  speeches  emphasizing  the 
perilous  situation  of  the  country.  Bitter  truths  were  bravely  uttered. 
Again  the  voice  of  Guchkov  was  raised  to  declare  that  the  chief  trouble 
with  the  Government  was  that  it  had  no  power.  "The  revolutionary 
democracy  which  was  created  first  in  Petrograd  and  then  throughout 
the  country  is  at  present  the  actual  master  of  the  situation."^  Every 
minister  arose  in  turn  to  make  a  pathetic  exposure  of  the  affairs  of  his 
department.  Several  weeks  later,  General  Kornilov,  in  announcing  his 
revolt,  gave  as  his  justification  the  incompetence,  weakness,  and  inde- 
cision of  the  government  and  its  yielding  to  the  pressure  of  "the  Bolshe- 
vik majority  in  the  Soviets."^ 

The  mysterious  circumstances  connected  with  the  uprising  of  Korni- 
lov, the  suspicion,  not  up  to  the  present  time  cleared  away,  that  Keren- 
sky,  the  one  popular  man  among  the  ministers,  had  somehow  or  other 
compromised  with  the  military  party,  did  more  than  any  preceding 
event  to  undermine  the  Government.  Failures  in  administration  might 
have  been  tided  over,  but  against  loss  of  faith  the  leaders  had  no  rem- 
edy. The  Bolsheviki  were  quick  to  seize  their  opening  and  to  stigmatize 
the  Minister  President  as  "counter-revolutionary."  They  were  gen- 
erally believed.  From  this  time  forth  their  star  was  in  the  ascendant 
and  the  progress  of  the  revolution  has  to  be  followed  with  the  clue  which 
they  provide. 

The  Bolsheviki 

It  is  clear  that  in  the  summer  of  1917  the  workmen's  Soviets  were 
the  real  power  in  Russia,  and  that  in  these  Soviets  the  Bolsheviki  had 
by  September  or  October  become  completely  the  masters.  They  had 
gained  this  mastery  by  virtue  of  their  implacable  adherence  to  a  single- 
minded  policy,  and  their  readiness  to  employ  any  measures  that  would 
help  them  to  attain  their  end.  A  French  military  observer  who  looked 
upon  their  propaganda  with  great  horror,  was  forced  to  admit  that 
they  alone  among  the  Russian  parties  seemed  to  have  a  program 
which,  abominable  though  it  was,  had  the  advantage  of  being  definite 
and  precise.  It  seemed  to  him  as  if  every  man  of  energy  and  daring 
in  the  large  cities  was  an  unqualified  supporter  of  Bolshevism.^  What- 
ever the  causes  of  ind'gnation  against  them,  no  one  who  has  been  on  the 

3.  A.  J.  Sack.     "The  Birth  of  the  Russian  Democracy,"  New  York,  1918,  p.  460. 

4.  Ibid,  p.  476. 

5.  Rene  Herval:    "Huit  Mois  de  Revolution  Russe."  Paris,  1918,  p.  110. 


scene  is  disposed  to  deny  the  courage,  the  enterprise,  and  the  enthusiasm 
o'  the  Bolsheviki — quahties  wh  ch  go  far  to  account  for  their  success. 

The  great  event  which  the  Bolsheviki  wished  to  bring  about  was  the 
seizure  of  the  wealth  of  the  world  by  the  workers,  to  be  used  for  the 
benefit  o  the  workers.  This  they  looked  upon  as  an  international 
movement,  a  movement  which  could  not  be  carried  out  successfully 
unless  the  workers  of  the  whole  world  participated  in  it.  Russia,  for 
them,  merely  happened  to  be  the  country  which  formed  the  nucleus  and 
provided  the  base  o'"  operations.  To  the  charge  of  treason  they  were 
supremely  indifferent,  for  patriotism  and  loyalty  were  not  theoretically 
in  thei "  catalogue  of  virtues.  But  their  program,  whih  it  doubtless 
looked  to  large  constructive  designs  in  the  distance,  was  for  the  time 
being  purely  negative.  It  had  immediately  in  view  only  the  grasping 
of  power,  the  overthrow  of  the  existing  government  and  of  every  insti- 
tution surviving  from  the  old  regime.  The  entire  political  and  social 
structure  of  Russia  had  to  be  swept  away  in  order  to  prepare  the  ground 
for  the  building  of  their  own  dream.  When  it  is  merely  destruction 
that  is  to  be  accomplished,  the  most  violent  means  are  the  best,  and 
when  there  is  nothing  to  be  saved,  there  is  no  incentive  to  precaution. 
The  Bolsheviki  conducted  their  campaign  with  the  shrewdness  of  prac- 
tical politicians  and  the  moral  irresponsibility  of  Supermen.  Every 
symptom  of  popular  distress  they  transmuted  into  a  devastating  fire. 
The  people  wanted  peace,  and  they  were  told  to  wipe  out  their  armies, 
for  if  men  would  not  fight,  there  could  be  no  war.  To  the  cries  for 
bread  the  Bolsheviki  said,  "There  is  plenty  of  land;  seize  it,  cultivate 
it,  and  enjoy  the  food  you  produce.  And  if  you  want  clothing,  there 
are  the  factories,  and  your  hands  are  accustomed  to  work.  Nothing 
else  is  necessary."  They  gave  advice  that  was  palatable,  and  they 
promised  whatever  any  considerable  body  of  people  desired.  The  con- 
vocation of  a  Constituent  Assembly  was  something  that  all  Russia  was 
eagerly  looking  forward  to:  the  Bolsheviki  were  shrill  in  their  outcries 
against  Kerensky's  delay  in  calling  such  an  assembly  and  proclaimed 
their  own  solemn  pledge  to  bring  it  about.  If  they  could  accomplish 
their  object  by  parliamentary  methods,  they  v/ere  content  to  make  use 
of  them;  if  not,  they  were  equally  ready  to  have  recourse  to  mass  vio- 
lence. In  all  their  outgivings  at  this  time,  nothing  is  clear  or  consistent 
except  the  determination  to  gain  power  at  whatever  cost. 

Their  principles  and  tactics  appear  incarnate  in  their  great  leader 
Nicholas  Lenine,  whose  real  name  is  Vladimir  Oulianov.  Leni-ne  is  an 
intense  fanatic  for  whom  all  objects  are  valued  in  relation  to  the  one 
idea  of  constructing  a  society  on  a  communal  basis.     When  warned  that 

7 


his  ideas  thre?itened  ruin  to  the  revolution  in  Russia,  his  reply  was, 
"So  be  it!  But  we  shall  kindle  a  world  revolution!  We  shall  pass  on. 
the  standard  to  other  lands  and  other  peoples!"  He  accepts  the  dis- 
graceful peace  of  Brest-Litovsk,  "a  brigand  peace"  he  calls  it,  and  is 
ready  to  accede  to  even  more  humiliating  conditions  for  the  sake  of  a 
little  breathing-space  in  which  to  conduct  his  experiment.  As  for  the 
temporary  mutilation,  what  are  five  or  ten  years  in  the  life  of  a  country 
like  Russia?  Unlike  other  Utopians,  Lenine  does  not  base  his  hopes  on 
faith  in  human  nature.  His  incisive  logical  faculty  penetrates  into 
realities  and  his  estimate  of  men  is  pretty  low.  He  finds  himself  sur- 
rounded by  characters  of  all  degrees  of  disrepute,  his  ideas  travestied 
in  the  minds  of  the  unintelligent  multitude.  For  every  genuine  Bol- 
shevik, he  admits,  there  are  sixty  fools  and  thirty-nine  rascals,  but  he 
is  too  impatient  to  wait  for  the  moral  growth  of  men  to  bring  about  the 
changes  he  desires.  He  has  confidence  in  his  power  to  convert  them  into 
useful  tools  and  perhaps  hasten  their  moral  education.  To  a  man  who 
dared  so  boldly  manipulate  the  explosive  forces  latent  in  one  hundred 
and  fifty  millions  of  untutored  and  uncontrolled  human  beings,  the 
game  with  the  mechanical  German  bureaucrats  must  have  seemed  very 
trifling.  In  the  pursuit  of  his  aim  Lenine  would  not  have  balked  at 
more  serious  violations  of  the  conventional  code  of  hcnor  than  was 
involved  in  accepting  German  money  or  German  assistance  of  any  sort. 
This  utter  and  cynical  unscrupulousness  as  to  means  characterized 
every  step  of  his  propaganda  before  he  came  into  power,  and  it  has 
marked  his  policy  after  he  gained  power  when  his  task  became  one  of 
getting  unruly  f'orces  under  control.  Lenine  is  not  to  be  classed  with 
the  democratic  leaders  who  were  prominent  at  the  beginning  of  the 
revolution.  Ga  ning  ascendancy  by  the  methods  of  the  destructive 
demagogue,  he  ripened  quickly  into  the  role  best  suited  to  his  talents 
and  after  a  short  interval  emerged  before  the  world  the  self-confessed 
dictator. 

The  Bolsheviki  in  Power 

In  the  light  of  a  clear  understanding  of  the  spirit  of  the  parties  which 
opposed  each  other,  the  events  of  the  Russian  Revolution  appear  al- 
together intelligible;  they  even  assume  a  kind  of  logical  necessity.  The 
Bolsheviki  had  made  a  test  of  force  as  early  as  July,  1917,  but  had  found 
that  they  were  not  yet  strong  enough.  In  a  few  months,  however,  they 
gained  in  strength  and  confidence.  The  following  figures /or  the  voting 
in  Moscow  in  June  and  September  testify  to  the  change  that  was  taking 
place.     The   Socialist   Revolutionaries   fell   from   374,885    in   June    to 


54,374  in  September,  the  Mensheviki  fell  from  76,407  to  15,887,  while 
the  Bolsheviki  increased  from  75,409  to  198,320.  The  vote  of  the 
Constitutional  Democrats  remained  about  the  same:  108,781  in  June 
and  101,106  in  September.''  In  the  weeks  following  the  September 
elections,  the  Bolsheviki  directed  their  efforts  toward  bringing  about 
the  exclusion  of  the  Cadets,  representing  the  middle  classes,  from  a 
share  in  the  government.  Failing  in  that,  they  began  preparations  for 
overthrowing  the  government  by  force.  The  revolt  broke  out  in  Petro- 
grad  on  October  25-November  7  and  in  Moscow  on  the  next  day,  and 
meeting  with  alm.ost  no  military  resistance,  it  succeeded  easily  in  both 
places.  While  there  were  many  protests  from  democratic  bodies,  in- 
cluding a  strike  by  the  organized  teachers,  the  only  party  to  make 
serious  trouble  at  first  were  the  Anarchist-Syndicalists,  who  were  dis- 
appointed that  the  Bolsheviki  did  not  act  rapidly  or  drastically  enough. 
Against  them  measures  of  repression  were  promptly  taken. 

But  most  people  did  not  find  the  new  rule  hesitating  or  gentle.  The 
first  measures  of  the  Bolsheviki  were  the  distribution  of  the  land  and 
the  beginning  of  negotiations  for  peace.  They  remembered,  too,  their 
promise  to  convoke  the  Constituent  Assembly  and  arranged  for  its 
election.  The  election,  though  conducted  under  their  own  auspices 
and,  as  is  alleged,  not  with  the  strictest  regard  tor  a  square  deal  to 
their  opponents,  was  not  altogether  satisfactory  to  the  Bolsheviki. 
They  obtained  only  154  seats  out  of  a  total  of  495  while  the  Socialist 
Revolutionaries  had  260.  The  weakness  ot  the  Cadet  representation, 
14  members  in  all,  is  possibly  accounted  for  by  the  terrorizing  of  voters 
in  the  cities.  The  opposition  came  from  the  rural  districts  into  which 
Bolshevik  influence  had  not  penetrated.  The  Bolsheviki  tried  to  con- 
struct a  lame  pretext  for  questioning  the  validity  of  the  elections,  and  at 
once  launched  a  campaign  against  the  Constituent  xA-Ssembly,  claiming 
that  the  Soviets  were  the  only  bodies  truly  representing  the  Russian 
people.  It  became  evident  to  clear-sighted  Russians  that  the  Assembly 
was  doomed  to  failure,  that  if  h  ever  did  meet,  its  existence  would  de- 
pend on  subservience  to  the  Soviets  as  entirely  as  did  the  provisional 
governments  of  Lvov  and  Kerensky.  On  January  5-18,  1918,  the 
Assembly  met.  A  radical  group  under  the  leadership  of  Maria  Spirido- 
nova  broke  away  from  the  Socialist  Revolutionaries  and  aligned  itself 
with  the  Bolsheviki,  but  the  moderate  majority  still  retained  control  and 
elected  Victor  Chernov  presiding  officer.  The  Bolsheviki  thereupon 
withdrew  and  on  the  following  day  sent  a  squad  of  armed  sailors  from 
the  Baltic  fleet  to  disperse  the  Assembly. 

6.     Rene  Herval,  op.  cit.,  p.  108. 


For  five  months  following  the  dissolution,  the  defeated  elements 
continued  to  hope  in  the  justice  of  their  cause.  Allegiance  to  the  idea 
of  the  Constituent  Assembly  was  the  passion  inspiring  the  liberal  oppo- 
sition, as  it  was  also  the  subterfuge  of  the  monarchist  reactionaries. 
Peaceful  demonstrations  in  behalf  of  it  were  put  down  by  the  same 
bloody  weapons  as  in  the  days  of  Czar  Nicholas.  The  Second  AU- 
Russian  Peasants'  Congress,  meeting  in  Petrograd  in  December,  1917, 
had,  in  spite  of  bullying,  declared  itself  by  a  vote  of  359  to  314  in  sup- 
port of  the  Constituent  Assembly.  The  Bolsheviki  in  reply  dispersed 
and  outlawed  the  refractory  majority  and  then  declared  that  the  Con- 
gress of  Peasants  was  ready  to  support  the  Soviets.  The  Third  All- 
Russian  Peasants'  Congress,  which  met  on  January  10,  1918,  had 
similar  sympathies  and  was  similarly  treated.  Discontent  continued 
to  express  itself,  but  the  Bolsheviki  simply  rode  rough-shod  over  every 
party  and  group  that  stood  in  their  way.  They  dissolved  meetings  of 
hostile  political  parties  and  persecuted  leaders  of  opposing  factions. 
They  exercised  a  severe  censorship  over  the  press.  They  refused  to 
recognize  local  governments  chosen  in  September,  1917,  on  the  basis  of 
universal  suffrage.  They  even  did  violence  to  the  sacred  institution  of 
the  Soviets  and  dispersed  such  bodies  when  the  majority  happened  to 
be  adverse  to  them.  They  are  also  charged  with  a  multitude  of  atroci- 
ties, but  in  this  perhaps  they  suffer  an  injustice.  It  should  be 
remembered  -that  a  very  dark  picture  can  be  drawn  of  law- 
lessness in  Russia  under  the  provisional  government.  Doubtless  license 
and  criminality  continued  also  under  Bolshevik  rule.  There  is  no 
evidence,  however,  that  this  had  the  encouragement  or  sanction  of  the 
authorities.  On  the  contrary,  there  is  an  impression  of  growing  orderli- 
ness and  discipline  under  the  high-handed  Bolshevik  administration. 

In  May  and  June  of  1918  the  political  unrest  culminated  in  the  sharp 
clash  of  civil  war,  disrupting  the  Russian  state  into  the  fragments  which 
now  remain  and  creating  the  situation  which  is  still  confusing  the  rest 
of  the  world.  In  April,  1918,  there  were  said  to  be  132,000  workingmen 
in  Petrograd.  About  100,000  of  these,  it  is  asserted,  formed  an  organi- 
zation, held  a  congress,  and  issued  "instructions"  to  the  workmen  of 
Russia  in  which  the  government  was  arraigned  and  its  resignation 
demanded.'^  A  special  delegation  was  sent  to  Moscow  and  brought 
about  similar  action  by  the  workmen  there  in  May.  At  the  same  time 
the  eighth  Congress  of  Right  Socialist  Revolutionaries  was  meeting  in 
Moscow  and  adopting  resolutions  in  favor  of  foreign  intervention. 
A  fraction  of   this  party  along  with  some  other  democratic  groups, 

7.     V.  I.  Lebedev,  in  Narodnaya  Gazeta,  (New  York),  December  12,  1918. 

10 


among  whom  the  Cadets  were  most  prominent,  formed  the  Union  for 
the  Regeneration  of  Russia  and  entered  into  official  relations  with  the 
Allies.  They  were  joined  by  conservative  and  reactionary  bodies  which 
had  independently  been  preparing  to  fight  the  Bolsheviki.  They  estab- 
lished their  first  capital  in  Cossack  territory  at  Samara.  Though  their 
government  was  called  All-Russian  and  was  professedly  based  on  the 
elections  to  the  Constituent  Assembly,  the  Bolsheviki  and  their  partners 
were  outlawed  as  the  Party  of  National  Treason.  A  body  of  Czecho- 
slovaks in  the  Ural  region  became  the  nucleus  of  their  National  Army, 
and  negotiations  were  begun  for  the  landing  of  Allied  troops  at  Archangel 
and  Vladivostok.     Civil  war  was  on. 

Association  with  notorious  monarchists  and  the  calling  in  of  foreign 
assistance  turned  out  to  be  serious  tactical  errors.  It  gave  the  Bolshe- 
viki a  chance  to  play  not  only  on  the  favorite  watchwords  of  the  revolu- 
tion, but  on  the  hitherto  despised  sentiment  of  patriotism  as  welL 
Their  hands  were  immensely  strengthened  and  they  felt  justified  in 
increasing  the  pressure  against  their  opponents  by  way  of  reprisal. 
Pointing  out  that  many  of  the  Right  Social  Revolutionaries  and  Menshe- 
viki  were  working  with  the  Czecho-Slovaks  and  Allies  against  the  revo- 
lution, they  voted  to  exclude  those  parties  from  membership  in  the 
Central  Executive  Committee  of  the  Soviets. 

Subsequent  events  tended  to  vindicate  the  position  of  the  Bolshe- 
viki. They  proved  that  the  democratic  elements  in  the  newly  organized 
governments  were  not  strong  enough  to  sustain  their  part  and  sooner 
or  later  fell  victims  to  the  ambitious  scheming  of  a  military  clique. 
In  the  western  and  southwestern  provinces  dominated  by  the  Germans, 
it  was  to  be  expected  that  the  reactionary  elements  should  control. 
But  what  was  to  be  thought  of  the  proceedings  of  the  Government  of 
the  North  at  Archangel  where  the  venerable  socialist,  Nicholas  Tchai- 
kovsky, had  been  established  as  president?  An  influential  group  was 
formed  in  favor  of  a  dictatorship,  Tchaikovsky  was  arrested  by  a 
Colonel  Chaplin  and  put  into  prison.  The  refusal  of  our  ambassador, 
David  Francis,  to  countenance  the  act  compelled  the  restoration  of  the 
president,  but  he  was  restored  with  only  the  shadow  of  power.  The 
other  members  of  his  government  were  replaced  with  "safe"  officials, 
and  some  of  his  followers,  completely  disheartened,  left  the  country. 
In  the  Far  East  the  spectacle  offered  by  the  personal  ambitions  of  men 
like  General  Horvath  and  General  Semenov  was  not  edifying. 

There  still  remained  the  "All-Russian"  government  at  Omsk,  which 
for  many  months  was  administered  by  a  directorate  chosen  from  among 
the  members  of  a    Constituent    Assembly.      To  this  government  the 

11 


friends  of  Russian  freedom  attached  their  hope,  but  in  the  early  days  of 
November  came  the  disillusioning  shock.  A  party  of  officers  arrested 
Avksentsev  and  the  other  socialist  directors,  accused  them  of  Bolshevik 
leanings  and  treason,  and  without  even  giving  them  a  hearing,  deported 
them  swiftly  toward  Japan.  Admiral  Kolchak  was  proclaimed  dictator. 
The  stroke  was  neat  and  complete.  At  first  Kolchak  mumbled  some- 
thing about  giving  the  people  an  opportunity  to  choose  their  form  of 
government  and  to  elect  a  new  Constituent  Assembly,  but  actually  he 
went  about  restoring  the  golden  days  of  Czaristic  rule.  Popular  assem- 
blies were  suppressed,  political  discussions  forbidden,  and  the  sale  of 
vodka  reestablished.  The  record  of  atrocities  committed  by  him  in  the 
name  of  order  has  not  been  widely  advertised,  but  an  American  cor- 
respondent tells  o:  1200  Bolsheviki  dragged  in  a  train  backward  and 
forward  from  station  to  station  till  most  of  them  perished  of  cold  and 
hunger  while  the  living  lay  in  torment  beside  the  bodies  of  their  dead 
companions.  Admiral  Kolchak's  idea  of  governing  Russia  is  revealed 
by  some  of  his  remarks  to  this  correspondent.  "In  a  deep  sense,"  he 
said,  "Russia  was  democratic  under  the  Czars.  .  .  .  Russian  people 
understand  nothing  about  socialism — whether  that  of  the  Bolsheviki 
or  any  other  sort."^ 

The  Bolsheviki  point  to  these  events  as  demonstrating  the  rorce  of 
their  claims  that  they  alone  are  both  willing  and  able  to  create  an  order 
which  shall  assure  social  and  economic  justice  to  all.  True,  their  meth- 
ods are  dictatorial  and  undemocratic.  The  dilemma  is  a  dictatorship 
of  the  Bolsheviki  in  the  interest  of  the  masses  or  a  dictatorship  of  Admi- 
ral Kolchak  in  the  interest  of  the  old  bureaucracy.  Whether  fairly  or 
not,  this  is  the  form  in  which  the  alternative  presents  itself  to  the 
Russian  people.  The  revolution  stands  to  them  lor  certain  definite 
gains  which  they  are  loth  to  relinquish.  There  is  doubtless  also  the 
feeling  that  it  will  be  easier  to  correct  the  excesses  of  Bolshevik  rule  than 
to  wrest  concessions  from  restored  privilege.  And  so  they  cling  to 
the  evils  which  they  have  rather  than  fly  to  others  that  they  know  too 
well. 

It  may  be  seen  now  how  the  civil  war  has  strengthened  the  grip  of 
the  Bolsheviki,  in  the  first  place  by  providing  them  with  a  bo7ia  fide 
excuse  for  making  their  government  purely  partisan,  and  in  the  second 
place  by  discrediting  the  opposition  'which  allowed  the  rival  govern- 
ments to  drift  into  the  power  of  the  feared  reactionaries.  Deprived  of 
their  leaders,  who  were  either  driven  into  the  recesses  of  their  own  vast 
country  or  scattered  over  the  face  of  the  globe,  the  people  who  had 

8.     Herman  Bernstein,  In  New  York  Herald,  Jan.  27,  1919. 

.  12 


I 


stood  out  in  protest  were  compelled  to  make  the  best  of  their  situation. 
To  what  extent  the  Bolsheviki  have  captured  the  confidence  of  the 
populaftion  it  is  impossible  to  judge  at  our  distance  from  the  scene,  but 
it  can  scarcely  be  questioned  that  a  considerable  number  of  those  who 
had  been  standing  aloof,  and  some  prominent  persons  among  them, 
have  by  degrees  been  reentering  the  life  of  the  nation.  The  Socialist 
Revolutionaries  have  formally  abandoned  their  struggle  against  the 
Bolsheviki,  giving  as  their  reasons  the  defeat  of  Germany  and  the  fact 
that  "the  intervention  in  Russia  by  the  victorious  powers  is  assuming 
more  and  more  the  character  of  assistance  given  by  the  bourgeoisie." 

The  spirit  of  the  government  has  not  been  uncompromising.  The 
party  has  abated  the  rigor  of  its  principles  for  the  sake  of  immediate 
results.  Overtures  have  been  made  to  leaders  of  other  socialist  groups 
with  a  view  to  bringing  about  a  modus  vivendi,  and  these  have  met  with 
some  response.  In  spite  of  the  accusation  of  opportunism  by  the  more 
fanatical,  concessions  have  even  been  made  to  the  prejudices  of  the 
bourgeois  class.  One  American  correspondent,  recently  returned  from 
Russia,  had  his  revolutionary  sensibilities  outraged  by  what  seemed  to 
him  a  restoration  of  a  middle-class  ideal  of  order  and  seemliness  in  the 
outward  aspect  of  Russian  life.  Whether  these  manifestations  are  to 
be  interpreted  as  symptoms  of  weakening  or  of  increasing  confidence 
depends  altogether  on  the  sympathies  of  the  interpreter. 

What  can  be  asserted  with  some  assurance  is  that  the  Governments 
of  the  Allied  countries  are  undergoing  a  change  in  their  attitude  toward 
the  Bolsheviki.  Not  that  they  are  a  whit  more  inclined  than  ever  to 
endorse  their  principles.  But  they  have  officially  admitted  that  the 
policy  of  military  intervention  was  mischievous.  They  perceive  that 
the  Bolshevik  authority  is  for  the  time  the  only  authority  that  counts 
in  Russia,  and  they  are  resigning  themselves  to  the  necessity  of  nego- 
tiating with  it.  On  their  part  the  Bolsheviki  are  manifesting  the  same 
spirit  of  compromise  as  in  their  domestic  policy.  Far  from  shunning 
contact  with  the  "capitalist"  and  "imperialist"  rulers  whom  for  two 
years  it  has  been  their  chief  pastime  to  denounce,  they  have  declared 
their  readiness  to  refrain  from  official  propaganda,  to  pay  all  their 
foreign  debts,  and  to  enter  into  economic  relations  with  the  Allies. 
The  repugnance  to  the  meeting  at  Prince's  Island  proposed  by  the  Peace 
Conference  has  been  shown  primarily  by  the  Kolchak  government 
and  by  those  exiled  representatives  of  Russia  whose  credentials  are  the 
most  questionable. 


13 


In  an  address  to  the  workingmen  last  April,  Lenine  declared,  "We 
have  won  by  methods  of  suppression.  We  will  be  able  to  win  also  by 
methods  of  management."  The  Bolsheviki  were  faced  with  a  "task  of 
gigantic  proportions.  They  had  to  devise  and  set  in  motion  a  new 
and  elaborate  machinery  for  controlling  the  political,  economic,  and 
social  relations  of  a  vast  population.  More  adverse  conditions  for  the 
work  could  hardly  have  been  imagined.  Their  richest  farming  and 
industrial  provinces  torn  away,  the  economic  foundations  of  their  life 
disrupted,  hemmed  in  and  isolated  from  the  rest  of  the  world,  without 
access  to  the  sea  and  to  the  materials  necessary  for  a  revival  of  normal 
activity,  fighting  domestic  and  foreign  foes  within  and  without,  dealing 
with  an  untutored  population  that  had  grown  accustomed  to  looking 
upon  its  demands  as  the  law  of  the  land,  having  no  leaders  experienced 
in  affairs  of  state  or  in  the  management  of  great  business  undertakings, 
the  immediate  and  ignominious  failure  of  the  Bolsheviki  would  have 
been  no  occasion  for  surprise.  For  more  than  a  year  it  has  freely  been 
predicted  as  imminent  in  a  week  or  a  day.  Perhaps  the  doom  is  not 
far  off,  but  meanwhile  it  is  of  interest  to  observe  the  efforts  of  the 
government  to  solve  its  important  economic  problems. 

The  first  great  task  which  confronted  the  Soviet  was  the  settlement 
of  the  land  question.  Practically  all  parties  in  Russia  agreed  that  the 
land  ought  to  be  distributed  among  the  peasants,  but  the  method  and 
principles  of  distribution  involved  many  nice  and  complicated  problems 
requiring  time  and  study  for  their  satisfactory  solution.  Prince  Lvov's 
government  had  appointed  Land  Committees  to  exercise  control  in  the 
transition,  to  prevent  lawless  appropriation,  and  to  settle  disputes  be- 
tween peasants  until  such  time  as  the  Constituent  Assembly  should 
meet  to  make  definite  enactments.  But  the  peasants  were  impatient 
and  feared  that  the  property,  which  they  had  already  come  to  regard 
as  theirs,  would  be  seriously  damaged  and  despoiled.  Upon  these  fears 
the  Bolsheviki  played  in  order  to  undermine  the  supports  of  Kerensky's 
government.  Their  first  act  after  seizing  power  was  to  issue  a  decree 
abolishing  the  right  of  private  property  in  land  without  compensation 
to  the  owners. 

Its  operation  was  what  might  have  been  foreseen.  The  enforcement 
of  the  loose  provisions  was  in  the  hands  of  small  local  groups  which  pro- 
ceeded to  divide  up  according  to  their  own  notions  of  equity  and  right. 
It  resulted  in  a  free-for-all  scramble.  The  man  who  had  two  carts 
carried  off  more  movables  than  his  neighbor  who  had  only  one.  The 
farmer  best  provided  with  seed  planted  the  greatest  acreage.     It  is 

14 


alleged  that  the  distributing  committees  were  not  above  taking  advan- 
tage of  their  opportunities,  and  that  the  person  who  benefited  least  by 
the  change  was  the  very  one  in  whose  favor  the  revolution  had  been 
proclaimed.  It  does  not  need  a  very  credulous  mind  to  believe  the 
many  stories  of  pillage  and  destruction  which  the  temporary  dissolution 
of  authority  made  all  too  possible. 

The  more  detailed  Land  Decree  which  they  issued  in  September, 
1918,  seems  to  recognize  the  defects  ot  the  former  decree  and  to  look 
forward  to  the  correction  of  its  errors.^  In  theory  the  land  is  now 
completely  socialized.  It  is  the  property  of  the  state,  which  is  loaned 
to  individual  tillers  to  be  cultivated  for  the  public  benefit.  In  fact, 
however,  most  holdings  are  in  the  hands  of  peasants  who  think  the 
land  has  been  given  to  them  as  a  free  gift  in  perpetuity.  The  Decree 
admits  that  the  socialization  of  the  land  has  not  been  fully  accom- 
plished and  outlines  an  elaborate  set  of  instructions  which  is  to  govern 
its  gradual  distribution.  "The  apportionment  of  land  on  the  produc- 
tion and  consumption  basis  among  the  agricultural  population  is  to  be 
carried  on  gradually  in  various  agricultural  sections,  according  to  regula- 
tions stated  herein."  Meanwhile  "the  relations  of  agriculturalists  will 
be  regulated  by  the  land  departments  of  the  Soviets  in  accordance 
with  a  special  instruction." 

Evidently  the  task  before  the  government  is  to  wean  the  tiller  of  the 
soil  from  his  personal  attachment  to  it,  to  develop  in  him  an  attitude 
toward  it  like  that  of  the  workingman  for  his  craft  and  its  machinery, 
and  it  is  proposed  to  do  this  by  encouraging  the  peasant  in  every  way 
to  organize  in  groups  for  cultivating  on  a  large  scale.  The  land  depart- 
ments are  entrusted  with  the  duty  of  developing  collective  homesteads 
in  agriculture  (in  preference  to  individual  homesteads)  as  the  most 
profitable  system  of  saving  labor  and  material,  with  a  view  to  passing 
on  to  socialism.  In  arranging  the  order  in  which  land  is  to  be  appor- 
tioned, it  is  provided  that  preference  be  given  to  laboring  agricultural 
associations  over  individual  homesteads,  and  again,  in  offering  specific 
aid  for  the  general  tilling  of  the  soil,  in  the  form  of  machinery,  seeds, 
education,  preference  is  given  to  communistic  and  cooperative  home- 
steads. 

The  Russian  peasant  has  during  the  last  fifteen  years  been  learning 
rapidly  the  lessons  of  cooperation. "^°  He  has  an  enormous  network  of 
organizations  of  producers  and  of  consumers,  supported  by  credit  asso- 

9.  The  text  of  this  decree  is  printed  in  The  Nation,  Jan.  25,  1919  (International 
Relations  Section). 

10.  See  the  interesting  booklet  by  J.  W.  BubnoiT:  "The  Cooperative  Movement  in 
Russia",  Manchester,  1917. 

15 


ciations,  with  the  People's  Bank  of  Moscow  serving  as  the  financial 
heart.  These  have  been  a  beneficent  force  in  the  life  of  the  Russian 
agriculturalist.  They  continued  to  expand  during  the  war  and  they 
are  the  one  feature  of  Russian  economic  life  with  which  the  Bolsheviki 
have  not  tampered.  The  difficulties  placed  in  the  way  of  private  owner- 
ship have  already  resulted  in  a  great  access  of  power  to  these  coopera- 
tives, and  the  prestige  which  they  have  earned  may  prove  helpful  to 
the  Bolsheviki  in  their  endeavor  to  impose  communism  on  the  Russian 
peasant.  It  will  also  be  open  to  the  government  to  effect  its  aims  by 
coercion  through  its  monopoly  of  the  grain  trade  and  the  trade  in  agri- 
cultural implements. 

News  that  reaches  us  of  economic  conditions  in  Russia  is  not  calculated 
to  create  confidence  in  the  ability  of  the  Soviets  to  set  the  country  upon 
a  prosperous  course.  In  the  factories  the  lowering  of  the  output  has 
been  enormous  and  continuous.  It  is  stated  officially  that  only  three 
percent  of  employees  in  the  West  Moscow  textile  region  are  at  work. 
In  a  certain  district  of  Soviet  Russia  only  forty  sugar  factories  remain 
where  there  were  once  232.  The  five  hundred  and  thirteen  industrial 
and  commercial  undertakings  which  have  been  nationalized  up  to  the 
beginning  of  1919  have  yielded  losses  to  the  state  and  have  adversely 
influenced  the  returns  from  privately  owned  enterprises.  Owing  to  the 
breakdown  of  transportation  there  are  wide  differences  in  the  prices  of 
commodities  at  various  points  and  the  influence  of  the  government  has 
not  availed  to  bring  about  uniformity.  "At  a  time  when  the  best 
quality  flour  was  selling  in  Petrograd  at  700  rubles  a  pud,  it  could  be 
bought  at  Tver  for  63  rubles."  The  supply  of  food  is  scant,  and  in 
its  distribution  the  "bourgeois"  are  made  to  suffer  in  order  that  they 
may  be  forced  to  enter  the  ranks  of  the  proletarians.  The  condition  of 
the  national  finances  may  be  inferred  by  economists  from  the  statement 
that  30,000,000,000  rubles  in  credit  notes  have  been  issued  since  Janu- 
ary 1,  1918.  If  these  facts  are  typical,  they  constitute  the  severest 
possible  arraignment  of  Bolshevik  rule,  and  the  Russian  people  must  be 
reaching  the  limit  of  their  endurance.  It  is  true  that  the  leaders  can 
plead  in  excuse  that  they  are  the  victims  of  foreign  enemies,  especially 
of  the  bourgeois  class,  who  are  bent  upon  throttling  their  popular  exper- 
iment by  military  as  well  as  by  economic  coercion,  but  excuses  will  not 
long  be  accepted  as  a  substitute  for  results.  Unless  there  is  some  truth 
in  the  assertions  on  the  other  side,  that  in  the  last  few  months  a  decided 
improvement  has  been  in  evidence,  it  is  difficult  to  see  how  the  present 
government  can  survive. 

16 


UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS  BULLETIN 


Vol.  XVI 


Issued  Weekly 
March  10,  1919 


No.  28 


[Entered  as  second-class  matter  December  11,  1912,  at  the  post  office  at  Urbana,  Illinois,  under  the  Act  of 
August  24,  1912.  Acceptance  for  mailing  at  the  special  rate  of  postage  provided  for  in  section  1103,  Act 
of  October  3.  1917,  authorized  July  31,  1918.] 


Asiatic  Turkey 
Its  Problems  and  Resources 

BY  - 

FREDERICK  HAYNES  NEWELL 

Professor  of  Civil  Engineering 


Price   10  cents 


PUBLISHED  BY  THE  WAR  COMMITTEE 

OF  THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS 

URBANA 


ASIATIC  TURKEY— ITS  PROBLEMS  AND  RESOURCES 

The  Turkish  Empire,  with  its  great  but  only  partly  developed  natural 
resources  and  declining  political  strength,  has  long  been  regarded  as 
a  tempting  prize  by  the  more  powerful  governments  of  Europe.  It 
would  long  since  have  been  torn  apart  and  its  fertile  lands  divided,  had 
there  not  existed  certain  mutual  jealousies  which  have  served  to  bring 
in  turn  to  the  support  of  the  "sick  man  of  Europe"  one  or  another 
powerful  force  —  each  hoping  by  the  preservation  of  Turkish  rule  to 
keep  from  its  rival  the  acquisition  of  Turkish  territory  and  ultimately 
to  find  profit  for  itself.  The  great  world  war  was  unquestionably  in- 
cited largely  by  the  peaceful  but  effective  penetration  by  Germany  into 
and  through  Asiatic  Turkey.  The  unstable  condition  of  European 
policy  was  rendered  even  more  dangerous  by  the  rapid  building  of  the 
Berlin  to  Baghdad  railroad  pointing  directly  toward  India. 

Tho  for  the  time  being  the  German  Empire  has  disappeared  from 
the  map  and  Russia  can  no  longer  threaten  England's  supremacy  in 
India,  the  Turkish  questions  continue  to  have  alarming  proportions. 
This  is  largely  due  to  the  fact  that  misrule  —  culminating  in  the  inde- 
scribable massacres  of  the  recent  war  —  has  convinced  the  awakening 
world  that  the  Turks  can  not  safely  continue  as  the  dominant  class  and 
that  immediate  steps  must  be  taken  to  organize  some  form  of  govern- 
ment which  will  permit  the  millions  of  people  lately  under  Turkish 
rule  to  enjoy  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness  and  at  the  same 
time  facilitate  the  expansion  of  trade  and  commerce  made  possible  — 
and  even  necessary  —  to  the  rest  of  mankind  by  the  natural  wealth 
of  the  country. 

The  continuation  of  the  Turks  as  rulers  in  Western  Asia  is  no  longer 
to  be  seriously  considered;  they  must  be  replaced,  but  by  whom?  It  is 
hardly  possible  to  conceive  that  any  of  the  subject  peoples  can  assume 
effective  control.  Altho  they  have  lived  in  adjacent  villages  or  mingled 
in  the  market  places,  there  has  been  cultivated  and  kept  alive  by  the- 
Turkish  government  such  intense  racial  and  religious  hatred  that  the 
possibility  of  their  working  together  in  the  near  future  to  form  an  effec- 
tive government  is  beyond  belief.  Moreover,  it  is  a  serious  question; 
whether  even  in  a  few  decades  it  will  be  possible  to  develop  free  institu- 
tions and  effective  autonomous  government  among  these  peoples  wha 
for  hundreds  of  years  have  acquiesced  more  or  less  hopelessly  in  the 
rule  of  outsiders,  and  who  have  not  had  the  opportunity  possessed  by 
many  of  the  nations  of  Europe  to  acquire  the  arts  of  self-government. 

3 


Is  it  not  absolutely  necessary  for  a  generation  or  two  that  they  be 
under  the  control  of  some  strong  authority  which  will  reverse  the  policy 
of  the  Turks  and  which  will  seek  to  develop  among  them  the  habits  of 
mutual  toleration  and  respect  upon  which  free  institutions  rest? 

But  why  should  we  here  in  America  be  concerned  about  these 
matters?  Why  not  let  the  governments  of  Europe  settle  these  trouble- 
some problems  among  their  neighbors  or,  if  this  can  not  be  done  — 
simply  keep  hands  off  and  permit  the  various  peoples  of  Asiatic  Turkey 
to  work  out  their  own  salvation,  the  more  powerful  or  aggressive  forcing 
a  solution  according  to  their  ability? 

Unfortunately  perhaps  for  us,  the  most  favored  among  nations, 
the  time  in  the  history  of  the  world  has  passed  when  we  can  maintain 
our  splendid  isolation.  Our  commercial  and  economic  interests,  as 
well  as  the  moral  obligations  growing  out  of  the  war,  have  become  too 
greatly  involved  to  be  ignored.  Any  struggle  which  originates  in 
Asiatic  Turkey  and  which  must  necessarily  bring  in  one  or  another  of 
European  nations  will  deeply  concern  the  whole  world  and  injure 
American  interests  which  already  are  too  vast  to  be  thrown  away  and 
which  tend  rapidly  to  increase  rather  than  to  diminish. 

Americans  have  a  peculiar  concern  with  the  affairs  of  Asiatic  Turkey 
and  its  future  development,  not  only  because  the  land  is  full  of  historic 
cities  and  was  the  birthplace  of  the  great  religions  of  the  world,  but 
more  especially  from  the  fact  that  in  area,  topography,  climate,  and  in 
engineering  and  industrial  problems,  it  is  similar  to  our  own  arid  west. 
There  is  a  strong  commercial  attraction,  as  well  as  a  fascination  in  the 
land,  a  call  for  service,  a  longing  to  put  to  the  test  in  Western  Asia 
some  of  the  experiences  acquired  on  this  continent;  a  desire  to  show  the 
practicability  of  American  skill  and  enterprise  in  reviving  the  historic 
places  and  in  putting  to  the  use  of  mankind  the  great  resources  which 
have  lain  dormant  for  centuries  under  Ottoman  rule. 

Civilization  originated  or  reached  its  highest  development  in  what 
we  usually  consider  as  arid  lands,  not  in  the  densely  forested  and  wet 
regions  of  Europe,  Asia,  or  Africa,  but  in  those  parts  ordinarily  too  dry 
for  the  production  of  the  common  food  crops. 

W'here  life  was  simple  and  where  the  daily  needs  of  food  were  met 
by  hunting  in  the  forests  or  by  fishing  in  the  streams,  man  apparently 
did  not  advance  far  beyond  the  satisfying  of  these  needs;  but  in  the 
cirier  lands,  where  the  climate  was  conducive  to  health  and  yet  where 
food  could   be  procured  only  intermittently   through  the  overflow  of 

4 


rivers,  there  man  was  forced  to  be  provident,  to  look  ahead  far  enough 
to  plant  and  care  for  the  crops  which  would  yield  a  return  only  after 
weeks  or  months.  As  he  advanced  higher  in  the  scale,  the  overflow  of 
rivers  obliterated  his  landmarks  and  forced  him  to  make  practical 
applications  of  the  principles  of  geometry;  the  need  of  the  regulation  of 
overflow  led  him  gradually  to  develop  engineering  practises  or  a  knowl- 
edge of  hydro-economics  which  marks  the  beginning  of  the  work  ot  the 
civil  engineer. 

In  the  Biblical  tradition  as  to  the  origin  ot  the  human  race  the  land 
of  delight,  or  Paradise,  was  placed  in  what  is  now  known  as  Mesopo- 
tamia —  down  on  the  Euphrates,  the  great  stream  whose  waters  before 
the  dawn  of  written  history  were  regulated  or  divided  into  the  four 
rivers  or,  as  we  would  now  term  them,  canals,  which  irrigated  the  great 
area,  at  present  largely  marsh,  to  the  south  and  east  of  Baghdad.  Here 
were  located  the  vast  city  ot  Babylon  and  many  other  ancient  centers 
of  wealth  and  empire;  while  near  Kerbela,  according  to  Arabic  and 
other  traditions,  was  the  home  of  Noah  and  his  contemporaries. 

However  we  may  regard  these  legends,  there  is  no  c|uestion  but 
that  canals  of  antiquity,  built  thousands  of  years  ago  by  engineers 
whose  names  and  nationality  are  unknown,  furnished  water  to  millions 
of  acres  of  highly  cultivated  land  supporting  a  great  population,  the 
ruins  of  whose  cities  are  to  be  seen  on  every  side,  and  whose  culture  and 
traditions  have  had  great  influence  on  the  past  and  have  been  handed 
down  even  to  the  present  day. 

While  the  ancient  lands  of  Babylonia  are  most  alluring  from  the 
magnitude  ot  the  canals  and  structures  (such  as  will  be  built  in  the  near 
future),  there  is  an  infinite  variety  of  interest  and  opportunity  through- 
out Asiatic  Turkey.  This  area  embraces  the  widest  possible  range  ot 
topographic  conditions,  trom  the  snow  clad  peaks  of  Ararat  rising  to  an 
altitude  of  17,000  feet  to  the'  Dead  Sea  depression  more  than  1200 
feet  below  sea-level.  In  this  respect  it  is  more  extreme  than  our  own 
arid  west,  where  the  highest  peaks  in  the  Rocky  and  Cascade  moun- 
tains do  not  attain  much  above  14,000  teet  and  the  lowest  depression, 
that  of  the  Salton  Sea,  is  about  300  teet  beneath  the  level  of  the  ocean. 

A  striking  resemblance  between  these  two  widely  separated  countries 
is  afforded  by  the  climate.  The  greater  part  of  Asiatic  Turkey  is  arid 
or  semi-arid.  The  surface  is  broken  by  high  mountains,  whose  steep 
slopes  or  summits  wring  from  the  clouds  the  rain  or  snow  fall  which 
gives  rise  to  innumerable  small  streams.     These  descending  with  rapid 


fall  are  usually  lost  in  the  parched  valleys.  Sometimes  in  flood  these 
rivers  penetrate  to  considerable  distances  from  the  mountains  and  may 
even  force  their  way  to  the  ocean;  but  for  the  most  part  their  waters 
either  sink  into  the  thirsty  sands  and  gravels  around  the  edges  of  the 
valleys  or  disappear  in  marshes,  salt  lakes,  or  sinks,  similar  to  those  of 
Utah,  Nevada,  and  eastern  Oregon. 

Throughout  this  part  of  western  Asia  as  well  as  the  western  United 
States,  the  possibilities  of  progress  are  found  in  the  occurrence  or  ab- 
sence of  the  most  valuable  of  all  minerals,  that  is,  water.  .Without  it 
the  lands,  even  where  the  soil  is  very  rich,  are  worthless;  but  where 
water  can  be  had  in  proper  quantity  and  of  good  quality,  agriculture 
and- other  industries  can  flourish  and  have  flourished;  a  high  degree  of 
prosperity  has  -been  reached,  checked  only  by  devastating  wars  or 
destroyed  by  the  long  continued  misrule  of  the  Turks. 

In  considering  the  reconstruction  of  Asiatic  Turkey,  the  restoration 
of  Its  ancient  cultural  conditions,  or  the  extension  of  industry,  the  first 
and  foremost  undertaking,  after  a  fair  and  stable  government  has  been 
assured,  is  the  conservation  and  use  of  the  water  supply,  scanty  m  most 
places  but  abundant  in  ethers. 

Before  any  considerable  development  of  the  water  resources  can 
take  place,  it  will  be  necessary  to  build  highways  and  railroads  —  the 
conditions  here  being  similar  to  those  encountered  in  our  own  arid 
west,  where  the  first  step  in  utilizing  the  public  lands  was  the  building 
of  railroads  and  the  construction  of  roads  over  which  could  be  moved 
eccncmical'y  the  labor  and  materials  needed  in  the  building  of  dams  for 
stormg  floods  and  in  the  excavation  of  canals,  tunnels,  and  other  works 
needed  in  the  conservation  of  water.  Care  must  be  taken,  however, 
to  locate  and  build  these  railways  where  they  will  not  interfere  with 
the  future  building  of  reservoirs  or  the  development  of  water  power. 

The  water  power  resources  of  the  country  as  a  whole,  particularly 
in  Armenia  near  the  headwater  of  the  Tigris  and  Euphrates,  are 
large,  and  the  first  operation  toward  construction  work  pertains  to  the 
study  of  these  water  powers  and  to  the  consideration  of  how  these  may 
be  used  practically  in  the  building  of  other  needed  improvements. 
Fuel  is  expensive,  and  altho  coal  mines  do  exist,  the  coal  is  not  available 
at  points  near  where  most  of  the  heavy  work  must  be  undertaken. 
Petroleum  is  known  to  occur  in  many  localities,  some  of  which  have 
already  been  acquired  by  the  British;  but  the  use  of  fuel  oil  for  produc- 
ing power  in  large  quantities  should  not  be  encouraged  if  water  power 
can  be  emploved. 

.  ^  6 


In  what  has  been  said  above,  reference  has  been  had  mainly  to  the 
great  inland  country.  The  lands  bordering  the  Black  Sea  on  the  north 
or  the  Aegean  and  the  Mediterranean  on  the  west  are,  as  a  rule,  low 
and  humid,  having  a  rainfall  adequate  for  the  production  of  most  crops 
and  a  genial  or  even  hot  climate  contrasting  strongly  with  the  cooler, 
more  extreme  temperatures  of  the  plateaus  and  mountains  which  make 
up  the  greater  part  of  Anatolia  and  Armenia.  These  fringing  lands 
not  only  differ  in  climatic  conditions  but  are  inhabited  by  peoples  quite 
unlike  those  living  inland.  Here  the  problems  of  engineering  impor- 
tance include  not  only  the  building  of  railroads  and  highways,  but  also 
the  dredging  out  and  improving  of  harbors  and  the  draining  of  lands, 
particularly  those  near  the  mouths  of  the  streams  which  come  from  the 
highlands.  While  irrigation  is  essential  to  agriculture  throughout  the 
greater  part  of  the  remaining  area,  its  counterpart  —  drainage  —  is 
needed  in  the  coastal  region. 

Included  with  Asiatic  Turkey  and  until  the  present  tim.e  forming  part 
of  it,  altho  quite  distinct  in  many  ways,  is  the  Arabian  desert  covering 
the  greater  part  of  the  peninsula  which  juts  far  to  the  south  into  the 
Indian  Ocean.  The  interior  is  little  known;  few  travelers  have  pene- 
trated the  wilderness  sparsely  occupied  by  wandering,  hostile  tribes  of 
Arabs,  "the  People  of  the  Camel,"  but  enough  is  known  to  indicate 
that  there  is  a  limited  water  supply  which  in  a  few  localities  was  devel- 
oped centuries  ago,  most  of  the  works  being  now  in  ruins.  It  is  quite 
possible  that  a  thoro  geological  exploration  and  the  sinking  ot  deep 
drilled  wells  may  reveal  the  existence  of  artesian  or  other  water,  as  has 
been  found  to  be  the  case  in  portions  of  our  own  so-called  American 
desert.  The  construction  of  wells  is  one  of  the  first  undertakings  to  be 
considered  in  this  vast  area. 

Fringing  the  Arabian  desert  on  the  northwest  between  the  wilderness 
and  the  Mediterranean  lies  a  narrow  strip  of  country  of  intense  concern 
to  all  peoples,  namely,  Palestine,  for  centuries  the  home  of  the  Jewish 
race.  Altho  a  relatively  small  spot  on  the  map,  it  possesses  extraordi- 
nary interest.  For  the  greater  part  it  is  semi-arid;  only  a  small  per- 
centage of  the  land  is  suitable  for  cultivation;  but  these  lands,  if  supplied 
with  water,  can  be  made  highly  productive  and  capable  of  supporting 
a  larger  population  than  that  now  living  within  the  country.  It 
possesses  little  or  no  mineral  wealth,  and  its  value  from  a  commercial 
standpoint  may  be  said  to  reside  almost  entirely  in  the  tourist  or  pilgrim 
traffic. 

■     7 


Palestine  and  the  peninsula  of  Sinai  are  cut  off  from  the  Arabian 
desert  to  the  east  by  one  of  the  most  extraordinary  of  natural  phenomena, 
the  depression  of  the  Dead  Sea.  This  has  been  formed  by  the  dropping 
of  a  long  slender  portion  of  the  earth's  crust,  thus  forming  a  steep-sided 
valley  at  the  bottom  of  which  the  Jordan  riverruns  from  north  to  south 
and  loses  its  water  in  the  lowest  point,  now  occupied  by  the  Dead  Sea, 
more  than  1200  feet  beneath  the  level  of  the  Mediterranean.  This 
long  narrow  valley  forms  a  formidable  obstacle  to  travel,  especially  to 
the  construction  of  railroads  and  highways  directly  from  the  Medi- 
terranean into  or  across  the  Arabian  desert  toward  Baghdad. 

Because  of  this  condition,  namely,  the  deep  narrow  valley  and  the 
broad  desert,  travel  and  trade  have  been  confined  largely  to  the  sea 
coast;  in  going  from  the  highly  cultivated  lands  in  Egypt  to  the  densely 
populated  area  in  the  vicinity  of  Baghdad  the  caravans  have  crept  up 
northerly  along  the  Mediterranean  to  a  point  west  of  the  upper  end  of 
the  valley  of  the  Jordan  and  then  turning  easterly  have  cut  across  to  the 
Euphrates,  avoiding  the  more  direct  desert  route.  There  are  known 
to  exist,  out  on  the  desert,  the  ruins  of  ancient  places,  which  indicates 
that  water  has  been  had  and  possibly  may  be  had  again.  It  is  believed 
that  the  lines  of  travel  may  be  shortened  and  made  more  direct  by  the 
discovery  and  development  of  underground  water  supply. 

The  greatest  of  all  undertakings,  however,  as  far  as  the  food  supply 
and  the  future  prosperity  of  Asiatic  Turkey  are  concerned,  is  the  com- 
plete irrigation  and  drainage  of  the  vast  plains  and  low  lands  between 
the  Tigris  and  Euphrates  rivers  extending  down  to  the  Persian  Gulf. 
Here  have  dwelt  at  various  times  millions  of  people;  here  were  construct- 
ed and  operated  for  centuries  large  canals,  not  only  those  leading  from 
the  Euphrates  but  others  taking  water  from  the  Diala  and  other  streams 
issuing  from  the  Persian  highlands  to  the  east.  These  great  works  of 
ancient  times  have  been  neglected  and  many  of  the  canals  have  become 
filled  by  drifting  sand  or,  occupied  by  the  unregulated  mountain 
streams,  have  lost  their  character  as  artificial  channels  and  appear  as 
creeks  or  rivers. 

Shortly  before  the  outbreak  of  the  great  world  war,  the  Turkish 
government  employed  Sir  William  Willcocks  to  begin  an  examination 
with  a  view  to  restoring  some  of  these  works.  Fortunately  operations 
had  progressed  to  such  a  point  that  when  the  British  occupied  the 
country  in  1917,  they  were  able  to  put  into  use  a  hundred  of  the  smaller 
Arabian  canals  and  get  under  cultivation  approximately  300,000  acres 
of  land.     The  corn,   rice,    and   other  foodstuffs  produced  on  this  land 


were  of  inestimable  value  in  maintaining  the  British  army  and  in  re- 
ducing the  transportation  of  supplies  from  overseas. 

With  a  stable  government  assured  the  time  will  not  be  far  distant 
when  storage  reservoirs  and  power  development  should  be  planned  at 
the  head  waters  of  the  Tigris  and  Euphrates.  All  of  this  work  should 
be  controlled  in  accordance  with  the  superior  uses  in  irrigation  of  the 
water  lower  down  in  Mesopotamia  and  Babylonia.  Endless  troubles 
are  likely  to  arise  if  an  attempt  is  made  to  include  under  one  government 
a  portion  of  the  headwaters  of  these  streams,  and  under  another  the 
lower  portions  where  the  waters  are  employed  in  agriculture. 

Irrigation  is  not  by  any  means  confined  to  the  regions  watered  by 
the  Tigris-Euphrates  and  their  tributaries.  Here,  it  is  true,  are  the 
largest  canals  and  the  greatest  extent  of  nearly  level  land  capable  of 
being  utilized  in  the  production  of  crops.  To  the  north  on  the  plateaus 
and  in  the  valleys  of  Anatolia  and  to  the  west  in  Syria  the  artificial 
watering  of  agricultural  fields  has  been  practised  from  time  immemorial. 
There  are  innumerable  small  irrigation  systems  utilizing  the  water  of 
mountain  streams,  as  at  Damascus,  Aleppo,  and  other  important  cities, 
making  possible  the  maintenance  of  a  large  population  and  diversified 
industry  through  the   ability   to   obtain  foodstuff  in  the  near  vicinity. 

Most  of  these  irrigation  systems  have  deteriorated  through  lack  of 
helpful  governmental  control  and  oversight;  the  efforts  of  the  culti- 
vators have  not  been  properly  directed  nor  have  they  been  encouraged 
or  even  permitted  to  make  many  needed  improvements.  The  entrance 
of  the  Germans  into  portions  of  Asiatic  Turkey  marked  a  new  era,  in 
that  the  irrigation  possibilities  were  appreciated  and  various  enterprises 
entered  upon,  the  most  notable  being  in  the  vicinity  of  Konia,  the 
ancient  Iconiun,  the  former  capital  of  the  country.  Here  the  outlet 
of  one  of  the  large  lakes  behind  the  mountains  west  of  Konia  has  been 
controlled  and  a  suitable  canal  provided  to  carry  the  water  to  the  edge 
of  the  desert  southeasterly  from  Konia.  This  has  permitted  a  wide 
expansion  of  agriculture,  and  the  success  here  illustrates  what  may  be 
accomplished  elsewhere. 

The  agricultural  products  of  Asiatic  Turkey  are  as  varied  as  the 
climate,  and  range  from  the  highly  valued  tropical  and  semi-tropical 
fruits,  dates,  oranges,  figs,  and  the  like,  to  the  more  bulky  but  essential 
field  crops  of  the  plateaus  and  mountain  slopes,  such  as  barley,  wheat, 
and  corn.  There  has  always  been  a  considerable  export  trade,  especially 
of  dried  fruits;  and  the  country  as  a  whole  has  produced  more  than  has 

9 


teen  necessary  for  the  sustenance  of  its  inhabitants  —  this  being  due  in 
part  to  the  low  standard  of  living.  There  is  a  possibility  of  notably 
increasing  the  agricultural  area  in  all  parts  of  the  country  especially 
through  the  conservation  of  water  and  the  development  of  irrigation; 
but  the  largest  gains  will  come  through  better  agricultural  methods, 
notably  from  the  use  of  artificial  fertilizers. 

Grazing,  on  the  open  sheep  and  cattle  ranges,  covers  by  far  the 
greater  part  of  the  land  surface,  as  is  the  case  in  western  America.  In 
both  of  these  countries  it  is  highly  probable  that  on  account  of  the 
scarcity  of  water  the  tilling  of  the  soil  will  not  require  at  the  utmost 
more  than  5  per  cent  of  the  area  of  the  country,  while  over  80  per  cent 
of  the  land,  if  utilized  at  all,  must  necessarily  be  devoted  to  grazing. 
In  this  classification  as  grazing  area  may  be  included  the  vast  deserts 
where,  tho  feed  for  cattle  or  camels  is  scanty  or  even  entirely  absent 
for  months  or  years  at  a  time,  yet,  following  one  of  the  rare  rains,  there 
springs  up  a  sparse  growth  which  is  utilized  by  the  wandering  herds. 
This  desert  or  semi-desert  country,  like  that  of  New  Mexico  and  south- 
ern Arizona,  will  be  more  completely  utilized  when,  as  stated  above,  it 
has  been  possible  to  search  out  the  sources  of  v/ater  and  dig  or  drill 
wells  to  furnish  a  supply  for  the  animals,  which  withsuch  water  resour- 
ces will  be  able  to  graze  over  considerable  tracts  of  scanty  herbage. 

Forests  occupy  perhaps  10  per  cent,  more  or  less,  of  Anatolia  and 
Armenia;  they  are  confined  to  the  rougher  higher  country,  the  elevated 
table  lands  and  mountain  slopes.  Much  of  the  woodland  is  open,  with 
scattering  trees  and  shrubs,  and  might  be  classed  either  as  grazing  land 
or  as  forest,  the  conditions  being  similar  to  those  in  our  own  country 
where  many  of  our  great  national  forests  contain  relatively  few  large 
trees  and  are  valuable  chiefly  for  grazing  purposes.  Nevertheless, 
this  tree  growth  should  be  encouraged,  as  it  has  great  value  in  fur- 
nishing timber  in  a  country  where  this  is  greatly  needed  and  in  favoring 
water  conservation.  The  destruction  of  the  forest  growth  by  unregu- 
lated grazing,  particularly  by  goats,  has  greatly  reduced  the  prosperity 
of  the  country. 

The  known  mineral  resources,  while  valuable  and  attractive,  are 
not  so  large  as  might  be  anticipated  in  a  country  of  this  extent,  being 
far  below  those  of  an  equal  area  in  the  United  States.  As  in  our  own 
arid  west,  the  absence  of  large  deposits  of  coal  is  particularly  notable. 
There  are,  however,  a  certain  number  of  coal  mines,  which  have  been 
worked  for  many  years  and  which  under  better  political  organization 
will  undoubtedly  be  more  largely  utilized. 

10 


Copper  and  the  more  precious  metals  occur  in  a  few  localities,  and 
;gold  mines  have  been  worked  from  time  immemorial.  The  legendary 
^wealth  of  Croesus  was  derived  from  the  auriferous  streams  in  western 
Anatolia. 

Petroleum  is  for  the  present  the  most  important  of  the  raw  materials. 
It  has  been  known  and  used  from  earliest  times,  the  pitch  of  Hit  being 
employed  in  making  water-tight  boats  and  for  embalming  purposes. 
Reconnaissance  of  the  oil  fields  and  localities  where  oil  may  be  dis- 
covered has  been  conducted  by  agents  of  the  Standard  Oil  Company 
and  by  British  officials.  The  results  have  not  been  made  public,  but 
enough  is  known  to  lead  to  the  belief  that  extensive  deposits  may  yet 
be  revealed  by  deep  drilling.  The  oil  fields  on  the  extreme  southeast 
in  or  near  Persia  have  been  largely  developed  by  the  Anglo-Persian  Oil 
Company.  The  utilization  of  the  oil  from  this  field  was  one  of  the  most 
important  factors  in  aiding  the  British  in  the  advance  of  their  army  up 
the  Tigris  River  to  Baghdad.  In  fact  it  may  be  said  that  the  control 
of  these  valuable  deposits  of  oil  is  one  the  great  factors  of  international 
importance  and  of  future  commercial  success. 

The  above  enumeration  of  the  resources  of  the  country,  the  com- 
parison of  present  conditions  with  possible  improvements,  and  prospec- 
tive gains  to  individuals  or  to  states,  emiphasizes  the  danger  which  will 
continue  to  threaten  the  peace  of  the  world  if  this  vast  country  is  left 
in  its  disorganized  and  helpless  form  as  a  tempting  bait,  to  arouse  the 
predatory  instincts  of  men  in  control  of  corporate  or  national  forces. 
The  many  diverse  races  or  religions  held  together  in  one  empire  by  the 
ruling  Turkish  class  are  each  clamoring  for  independence  and  are 
asserting  the  claims  of  nationality.  This  condition  has  beeh  recognized 
in  the  proposed  covenant  of  the  League  of  Nations  as  reported  to  the 
Peace  Conference,  February  14,  1919,  in  Article  19,  paragraph  4,  where 
the  following  provision  appears: 

"Certain  communities  formerly  belonging  to  the  Turkisli  Empire 
have  reached  a  stage  of  development  where  their  existence  as  indepen- 
dent nations  can  be  provisionally  recognized,  subject  to  the  rendering 
of  administrative  advice  and  assistance  by  a  mandatory  power,  until 
such  time  as  they  are  able  to  stand  alone.  The  wishes  of  these  commu- 
nities must  be  a  principal-consideration  in  the  selection  of  the  mandatory 
power." 

This  brings  up  the  question  as  to  whether  in  fact  —  as  opposed  to 
theory  —  these  communities  are  so  located  as  to  permit  their  segrega- 
tion geographically  as  separate  states,  or  whether  the  nationalities  are 

11 


so  intermingled  as  to  render  the  "unscrambling"  as  difficult  as  it  has 
been  founci  to  be  in  the  Balkans. 

The  country  as  a  whole  is  usually  considered  as  falling  into  certain 
divisions  as  follows: 

1.  Armenia,  on  the  northeast.  This  is  made  up  of  high  plateaus 
and  snowy  or  forest  clad  mountain  masses  from  which  issue  the  great 
rivers.  Here  the  agricultural  conditions  and  possible  industries  are 
quite  distinct  from  those  of  other  portions  of  Asiatic  Turkey.  This 
country  might  be  more  or  less  arbitrarily  outlined  and  set  off  as  the 
home  of  the  Armenians,  but  even  here  they  are  in  the  minority,  being 
outnumbered  by  the  Kurds  and  other  peoples  who  occupy  the  land. 

2.  Anatolia  or  Asia  Minor  proper.  This  lies  farther  west  and  is 
composed  of  somewhat  lower  and  more  arid  plateaus.  It  is  the  home 
of  the  Turkish  peasantry,  which  is  here  the  predominating  class  and  race. 

3.  Mesopotamia  and  Baylonia  stretch  from  the  foothills  of  Armenia 
toward  the  south  and  east  to  the  Persian  Gulf.  Here  is  the  land  of 
extreme  heat  —  a  country  needing  irrigation  but  capable  of  supporting 
an  immense  population.  It  is  now  held  by  Great  Britain;  the  Arab 
tribes  and  town  'dwellers  appear  to  be  content  under  British  rule. 

4.  Arabia  with  its  great  desert  —  the  home  of  the  Bedouin  —  with 
its  fringing  sea  coasts  and  sacred  cities  of  Mecca  and  Medina  has  appar- 
ently been  promised  recognition  as  an  independent  kingdom  of  the 
Hejaz. 

5.  Syria  stretching  from  the  Mediterranean  coast  to  the  valley  of 
the  Euphrates  and  overlapping  into  Arabia  has  been  largely  within  the 
sphere  of  Prench  influence  and  js  quite  distinct  in  its  cultural  develop- 
ment. As  part  of  Syria  it  is  customary  to  include  the  small,  but  very 
important,  country  of  Palestine,  where  it  is  proposed  that  the  Jews 
may  have  a  national  home,  tho  at  present  the  Jews  are  in  the  minority 
in  that  country  and  most  of  the  land  is  owned  and  has  been  occupied 
for  centuries  by  Arabic-speaking  people. 

6.  The  Greek  islands  and  cities  fringing  the  coast  are  distinct  in 
climatic  and  industrial  factors  from  the  rest  of  the  country,  but  are  not 
easily  separated  from  the  more  typically  Turkish  lands  by  any  well 
marked  geographical  feature. 

While  it  is  relatively  easy  to  point  to  a  general  map  and  say  that 
this  is  Armenia  and  that  Arabia,  yet  it  is  practically  impossible  to  draw 
a  sharp  line  or  to  select  any  natural  boundary  which  can  be  agreed  upon 
as   definitive.     This  is  peculiarly   the  case   as   between   the  sea  coast 

12 


cities  inhabited  largely  by  Greeks  and  the  interior  towns  occupied 
almost  exclusively  by  Turks.  In  no  one  locality  is  there  a  predominance 
of  people  of  a  sufficiently  high  degree  of  experience  in  self-government 
to  permit  the  carrying  out  of  the  broad  rule  of  self-determination.  For 
example,  a  place  may  be  known  as  a  Greek  city  and  be  characterized 
by  Greek  culture  and  yet  the  total  number  of  Greeks  may  be  so  small 
as  to  render  it  impracticable  for  them  to  control  the  vast  majority  of 
Muslims. 

Moreover,  any  suggested  division  emphasizes  the  dependence  of 
one  part  of  the  country  upon  the  other.  In  trying  to  parcel  out  the 
the  land  in  this  way  one  state  or  governing  body  will  be  given  practically 
exclusive  control  of  the  petroleum  or  other  mineral  wealth  and  another 
of  products  whose  ifianufacture  is  dependent  upon  the  use  of  these 
minerals  or  fuels.  In  a  country  ot  this  kind  the  very  diversity  of 
topography  and  of  mineral  and  agricultural  resources  emphasizes  the 
fact  that  any  attempt  to  divide  or  cut  off  these  provinces  from  each 
other  only  intensifies  the  struggles  for  existence  which  must  take  place 
if  the  people — forages  accustomed  to  one  government — are  grouped  into 
many  small  states.  ' 

Moreover,  the  population  in  each  of  these  smaller  areas,  as  indicated 
above,  is  at  present  not  sufficiently  homogeneous  or  experienced  readily 
to  adopt  self-government.  There  is  no  one  dominating  factor  or  large 
number  of  people  of  the  same  characteristics  or  religion  to  form  a  safe 
working  majority.  For  example,  the'  Christian  communities  almost 
everywhere  would  be  in  a  minority;  if  their  ideals  of  self-government 
should  be  enforced,  those  of  their  more  numerous  Mohammedan  neigh- 
bors must  be  neglected  or  suppressed. 

In  considering  any  division  of  the  country  according  to  nationalities 
it  is  important  to  emphasize  that  in  Asiatic  Turkey  nationality  is  not 
so  much  a  matter  of  ancestry  or  race  as  it  is  of  religion.  If,  for  example, 
the  Armenian  ceases  to  be  a  Christian  and  is  converted  to  Mohammedan- 
ism he  is  no  longer  considered  as  an  Armenian  but  as  a  Turk,  and  so 
on  through  the  category.  The  Turks,  at  least  the  ruling  classes,  are 
not  of  Turkish  descent  except  to  a  remote  degree,  as  for  generations 
the  mothers  of  the  Turkish  rulers  have  been  Christian  captives  or 
purchased  slaves.  Moreover,  the  different  nationalities  or  religions  are 
mingled  together  in  nearly  every  important  city,  ea<:h  having  a  con- 
siderable proportion  of  the  various  warring  sects  of  Mohammedans,  of 
Christians,  and  of  Jews. 

13 


In  spite  of  these  difficulties  it  is  generally  assumed  that  there  must- 
be  a  division  of  the  Turkish  Empire  into  separate  states;  but  in  framing- 
new  constitutions  the  natural  obstacles  as  well  as  those  interposed  by 
discordant  races  and  religions  must  be  given  full  consideration.  There 
is  need  of  more  complete  information  and  reliable  statistics  concerning 
the  actual  number  and  location  of  the  various  peoples  who  may  be 
regarded  as  having  proper  national  aspirations.  The  figures  now 
available  are  contradictory  and  misleading;  nevertheless,  they  indicate 
that,  if  Armenia  is  to  be  devoted  primarily  to  the  Armenians,  then  this 
minority  ultimately  must  have  full  authority  and  power  to  hold  in 
subjection  the  majority  of  the  population  who,  tho  perhaps  not  quite 
so  high  in  the  scale  of  civilization,  are  yet  recognized  as  of  sufficient 
intelligence  to  become  citizens. 

If  the  Greek  cities  are  to  pass  under  Greek  control,  there  must  be 
provision  for  protection  of  the  interests  of  the  non-Greeks  who  now 
form  the  majority  of  the  population.  In  the  same  way  there  must  be 
a  system  of  treaty  arrangements  securing  to  the  citizens  of  adjacent 
states  the  enjoyment  of  the  use  of  water  which  arising  in  Armenia  or 
Anatolia  is  needed  for  cultivation  of  lands  in  Mesopotamia,  Syria,  or 
near  the  Greek  cities.  Furthermore,  the  inhabitants  of  the  lower 
lands  should  be  assured  of  their  rights  to  store  or  control  the  floods  at 
the  head  waters  even  tho  these  are  in  the  adjacent  states.  There  must 
be  ample  provisions  not  only  for  freedom  of  commerce,  but  also  for 
religious  toleration  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness.  These  things  not 
having  been  permitted  by  the  Turks,  their  conception  in  these  regions 
where  strife  has  been  so  long  encouraged  is  almost  unknown. 

While  the  opinion  of  the  world  will  probably  not  tolerate  the  return 
of  the  Turks  to  power  and  is  inclined  tov/ard  the  division  and  subdivision 
of  the  country  into  smaller  nationalities,  yet  there  is  little  doubt  that 
the  general  future  prosperity  and  well  being  of  all  would  be  more  readily 
secured  by  having  the  entire  area  held  as  a  whole  under  the  control  of  a 
single  mandatory  povv^er  broad  enough  and  strong  enough  not  only  to 
prevent  internal  strife,  but  more  than  this  to  build  up  the  attitude  of 
mutual  toleration  and  respect  among  the  closely  intermingled  but 
mutually  antagonistic  peoples. 

Assuming  that  the  unity  of  the  country  cannot  be  preserved,  it 
becomes  apparent  that  steps  should  be  taken  to  the  end  that  an  agree- 
ment satisfactory  to  all  concerned  may  be  arrived  at  allowing  large 
bodies  of  people  to  be  shifted  from  one  state  to  another,  the  land  being 

14 


exchanged  or  purchased,  thus  permitting  the  scattered  Armenians  tO' 
be  brought  together  within  Armenia  and  the  Kurds,  in  part  at  least,, 
to  be  moved  to  communities  of  their  own. 

While  the  difficulties  involved  in  any  of  these  proposed  adjustments 
are  great,  yet  it  is  believed  that  wise  statesmanship  based  upon  a  full 
knowledge  of  the  country,  its  people,  and  its  laws  will  be  able  ultimately 
to  overcome  them.  The  crying  needs  of  the  natives,  the  depth  of 
degradation  and  despair  to  which  they  have  been  subjected,  and  the 
contrast  offered  by  the  natural  opportunities  which  surround  them 
should  inspire  unselfish  effort  and  confidence  in  ultimate  success.  Look- 
ing beyond  the  immediate  toil  and  trouble  involved  there  can  be  seen 
the  vision  of  great  achievement.  Already  the  British  in  Babylonia 
have  shown  what  can  be  accomplished  in  two  years  of  just  and  intelli- 
gent control.  Their  success  may  be  considered  as  a  forerunner  of  that 
which  may  be  achieved  throughout  the  length  and  breadth  of  this  land 
in  securing  permanent  homes,  prosperity,  and  happiness  to  its  recently 
oppressed  inhabitants. 


15 


UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS  BULLETIN 


Vol  XVI 


Issued  Weekly 
^PRIL  7,  1919 


No.  32 


[Entered  as  second-class  matter  December  11,  1912,  at  the  post  office  at  Urbana,  Illinois,  under  the  Act  of 
August  24,  1912.  Acceptance  for  mailing  at  the  special  rate  of  postage  provided  for  in  section  1103,  Act 
of  October  3.  1917,  authorized  July  31,  1918.] 


The  New  Poland 


BY 


PAUL  V.  B.  JONES 

Associate  in  Histor)- 


Price  10  cents 


PUBLISHED  BY  THE  WAR  COMMITTEE 

OF  THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS 

URBANA 


THE  NEW  POLAND 

In  the  year  1795  the  "Republic"  of  Poland  disappeared  from  the 
face  of  the  earth.  Despite  her  thousand  yearsof  independent  existence, 
and  an  enviable  record  for  remarkable  achievement  along  many  lines  of 
human  endeavor  —  political,  religious,  literary,  artistic,  and  other  — 
this  ancient  state  fell  ingloriously,  an  inert,  helpless  victim,  to  the 
merciless  rapacity  of  her  neighbors,  Prussia,  Russia  and  Austria,  each 
of  them  with  vulture  instincts  but  greedy  enough  for  their  sorry  repast. 
Despite  the  fact  that  Poland  displayed  some  of  her  old  time  militancy, 
and  tried  to  fight  to  the  last,  she  was  not  really  conquered  by  her  ene- 
mies. She  was  simply  "partitioned."  The  shameful  spoliation  began 
in  the  year  1772,  under  the  able  auspices  of  that  ruthless  autocrat, 
Frederick  11.  With  a  blasphemous  humor  characteristic  of  his  age, 
this  cynical  Hohenzollern  writes  to  his  brother,  Henry,  on  April  9,  1772, 
as  follows  :  "The  partition  of  Poland  will  unite  three  religions,  the 
Catholic,  the  Orthodox,  and  the  Protestant;  Poland  will  thus  be  for 
us  a  sort  of  Holy  Communion  of  which  we  shall  all  partake.  If  this 
act  does  not  bring  salvation  to  our  souls,  it  will  at  any  rate  contribute 
considerably  to  the  prosperity  of  our  realm."  —  An  observation  entirely 
worthy  of  Voltaire  himself! 

Substantially  a  century  and  a  half  have  elapsed  since  this  grim 
tragedy  was  begun,  but  who  can  read  to-day,  without  recoil,  that  amaz- 
ing manifesto  addressed  to  the  Poles  by  Catherine  II,  announcing  the 
first  partition,  and  inviting  their  assistance  in  this  major  operation  on 
their  own  body  politic  and  fatherland!  Asserting  as  causes  for  so 
drastic  a  procedure  that  turbulent  Poland  was  a  constant  menace  to 
the  well-being  of  adjacent  peoples  and  that  these  same  neighboring 
peoples  had,  each  of  them,  old  claims  on  parts  of  her  territory,  there- 
fore, this  terrible  proclamation  continues  "...  his  Majesty  the  King 
of  Prussia,  her  Majesty  the  Empress,  Queen  of  Hungary  and  Bohemia, 
and  her  Imperial  Majesty  of  all  the  Russias,  having  mutually  set  forth 
their  rights  and  claims,  and  having  come  to  an  agreement,  will  each  take  , 
an  equivalent  of  the  district  to  which  they  lay  claim,  and  will  put  them- 
selves in  effective  possession  of  those  portions  of  Poland  which  are 
calculated  to  serve  hereafter  as  the  most  natural  and  secure  boundary 
between  them." 

Such  was  the  preliminary  move  in  this  altogether  shameful  transac- 
tion.    A  second  operation,  in  1793,  lopped  off  additional  segments  of 

2      . 


the  then  moribund  state,  while  a  third  act  of  partition,  in  1795,  com- 
pleted the  work,  concluding  as  clear-cut  a  drama  of  survival  as  was  ever 
played  amid  the  political  creations  of  men. 

Students  of  Polish  history  find  the  remarkable  weaknesses  directly 
responsible  for  the  ruin  of  this,  one  of  Europe's  greatest  states,  in  Poland 
itself.  Poland  is  a  land  of  plains,  with  no  really  satisfactory  frontiers, 
thus  inviting  attack  by  any  aggressive  neighbor  with  predatory  inclina- 
tion; a  land  made  through  conquest,  and  ill  pieced  together,  lacking 
racial  homogeneity  with  its  Lithuanians,  Ruthenians,  and  other  peoples, 
different  from  the  warrior  Poles  in  language,  religion,  manners,  and 
customs,  never  really  assimilated,  always  mindful  of  their  one-time 
independence  and  chafing  to  regain  entire  liberty;  a  land  of  two  social 
classes  only  —  a  proud,  fighting,  proprietary  nobility,  and,  ultimately, 
a  degraded,  utterly  subservient,  blackly  ignorant  serfdom  with  no 
stabilizing  middle  stratum  such  as  makes  back-bone  for  most  states; 
a  land,  finally,  with  a  political  system  as  strangely  and  completely 
decrepit  as  any  deteriorated  governmental  machinery  told  of  in  human 
history:  a  Republic  with  an  elected  monarch  at  its  head,  a  kingship 
reduced,  through  the  jealous  fear  of  possible  royal  power,  on  the  part 
of  an  independent  nobility,  to  nonentity,  to  an  empty  manifest  of  rule, 
grasped  at  now  and  again  even  by  venturesome  foreigners.  Full  as 
serious  a  flaw  as  this  was  that  curious  liberwn  veto,  formerly  a  staunch 
bulwark  of  their  libert}'  for  the  nobles,  now  an  abused  institution,  con- 
stantly operated  by  these  utterly  selfish.  Utterly  unpatriotic  lords  of  the 
land  to  thwart  every  act  of  the  government.  Some  v/riters,  noting  the 
dark  havoc  wrought  for  Poland  by  a  state  of  affairs  so  bad  and  so  long 
enduring,  affirm  that  the  Poles  deserved  their  fate;  and  these  same 
students,  observing  the  seventeen  odd  political  parties  vigorously  flour- 
ishing in  Poland  to-da}',  gloomily  shake  their  heads  over  this  ruinous 
twentieth  century  recrudescence  of  the  ancient  national  malady  — 
assertive  individuality  and  otherwise-mindedness  —  and  assert  that  an 
independent  Poland  is  an  utter  im.possibility. 

As  a  matter  of  fact  it  is  highly  probable  that  Poland  could  have 
amended  her  vicious  system,  had  the  time  been  afforded.  Eighteenth 
century  Poland,  keenly  av/are  of  many  of  her  problems,  was  indeed 
striving  quite  vigorously  to  handle  them;  unfortunately  for  her,  other 
statecraft  was  at  work,  far  stronger  at  the  time  than  her  own  with  its 
depleted  vitality:  mighty,  uncouth  Russia  with  her  irresistible  surge 
towards  the  attractive  west,  where  alone  chance  for  development  seemed 
to  lie;  vigorous,  half  barbarous  Prussia,  with  her    ragged,  piecemeal 

3 


snippets  of  territory,  pointing  for  any  dullard  of  a  king  an  obvious  policy 
of  consolidation  —  and  Frederick  II  was  as  alert  and  unscrupulous  a 
monarch  as  ever  growing  state  could  desire. 

Upon  the  annihilation  of  her  state  a  strange  chapter  in  Polish  history 
opens.  Approximately  300,000  square  miles  of  territory  with  an  esti- 
mated Polish  population  of  11,500,000  souls  had  been  divided  by  Prus- 
sia, Russia,  and  Austria.  To  cut  up  and  apportion  was  one  thing,  to 
assimilate,  however,  quite  another  accomplishment,  as  the  three  power- 
ful and  guilty  states  were  to  discover.  The  years  from  1795  to  1914 
mark  in  Polish  annals  a  period  during  which  those  hapless  people,  exist- 
ing perforce  under  three  alien  regimes,  developed  a  more  vivid  national 
sense  than  ever  they  had  known  before;  and  when  in  the  fullness  of  time 
the  great  war  broke  upon  a  horrified  humanity,  the  Poles,  Prussian, 
Russian,  and  Austrian,  knew  to  a  man  that  their  hour  of  deliverance 
was  at  hand. 

This  strenghtening  nationalism  presents  an  interesting  study.  Of 
the  three  groups  of  submerged  Poles  that  under  the  Dual  Monarchy 
tared  the  best,  and  nearly  attained,  in  late  years  at  least,  a  complete 
autonomy.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Poles  under  the  iron  heel  of  Prussia 
endured  most  from  their  rulers,  for,  while  the  Russian  autocracy  was 
by  instinct  cruelly  brutal,  it  was  too  poorly  organized  to  be  perpetually 
ruthless,  and  bore  but  fitfully  on  its  victims;  whereas  the  highly  organ- 
ized Prussian  regime  followed  practically  from  the  beginning  a  consis- 
tent policy  of  the  sternest  denaturalization  or  Germanization  of  the 
Poles. 

Ex-chancellor  von  Bulow,  an  able  exponent  of  the  Bismarckian 
theory  in  this  regard,  well  expresses  the  spirit  and  purpose  of  Prussia's 
policy  as  follows  —  "No  concern  for  the  Polish  people  must  hinder  us 
from  doing  all  we  can  to  maintain  and  strengthen  the  German  nationality 
in  the  former  Polish  provinces.  It  is  the  duty  and  the  right  of  the 
government  to  see  that  the  Germans  do  not  get  driven  out  of  the  east 
of  Germany  by  the  Poles.     The  object  is,  to  protect,  maintain,  and 

strengthen   the   German   nationality   amiong   the   Poles In   the 

struggle  between  nationalities  one  nation  is  the  hammer  and  the  other 
is  the  anvil,  one  is  the  victor  and  the  other  is  the  vanquished." 

To  play  her  role  successfully  in  this  awful  smithy  game,  Prussia 
fashioned  for  herself  characteristic  instruments;  restrictions  on  the  use 
of  the  Polish  language,  German  only  passing  current  in  the  schools, 
law-courts,  public  meetings,  and  finally  in  the  church  services;  bans  on 
Polish  songs  and  the  Polish  national  dress;  reservation  of  governmental 

4     .  ^ 


offices  for  Germans  or  dependable  Germanized  Poles;  and  finally  a 
drastic  policy  of  German  colonization  in  the  Polish  provinces  which 
ultimately  resulted  in  the  harshest  legislation,  like  those  laws  compelling 
Poles  to  sell  out  their  land  to  Germans,  the  whole  unnatural  process 
heavily  subsidized  by  the  state. 

And  the  Poles?  So  vigorously  did  they  react,  once  they  caught  the 
tune,  that  before  the  Prussians  were  aware,  this  despised  people  matched 
case-hardened  steel  to  Junker  iron,  and  von  Biilow  himselt  didn't  know 
whether  the  state  were  hammer  or  anvil.  Statements  like  the  following 
from  the  Polish  press  reflect  the  temper  and  purpose  of  these  determined 
Slavs  after  one  hundred  years  of  Prussian  control:  "To-morrow  the 
Kingdom  of  Prussia  celebrates  the  second  century  of  its  existence.  We 
cannot  manifest  our  joy,  because  Prussia's  power  has  been  erected  chiefly 
upon  the  ruins  of  ancient  Poland.  Prussia's  history  consists  of  a  number 
of  conquests  made  by  force  and  in  accordance  with  the  old  Prussian 
principle  revived  by  Bismarck,  'might  is  better  than  right.'  "  And  again, 
this  violent  diatribe:  "If  one  asks  a  Pole  whether  he  would  rather  live 
under  German  or  under  Russian  rule  his  reply  will  be  'I  would  rather  a 
hundred  times  have  to  do  with  Russians  than  with  Germans,  and  the 
Prussians  are  the  worst  of  Germans.'  .  .  .  The  Russian  is  our  Slavonic 
brother,  and  in  his  heart  of  hearts  every  Pole  is  glad  if  his  brother  is 
prospering  and  when  he  can  tell  the  world,  'There  you  see  our  common 
Slavonic  blood'.  The  more  we  hate  the  Prussians  the  more  we  love 
the  Russians."  Or,  finally,  this  suggestive  excerpt:  "Take  heed,  you 
Polish  women  and  Polish  girls!     Polish  women  and  Polish  girls  are  the 

strongest  protectors  of  our  nationality For  a  Polish   woman 

it  is  a  disgrace  to  marry  a  German  or  to  visit  German  places  of  amuse- 
ment or  German  festivals.  So  long  as  the  Polish  wife  watches  over  her 
husband  and  takes  care  that  he  bears  him.self  everywhere  as  a  Pole,  so 
long  as  she  watches  over  his  home  and  preserves  it  as  a  stronghold  of 
Polonism,  so  long  as  a  Polish  Catholic  newspaper  is  kept  in  it,  and  so 
long  as  the  Polish  mother  teaches  her  children  to  pray  to  God  for  our 
beloved  Poland  in  the  Polish  language,  so  long  Poland's  enemies  will 
labor  in  vain." 

Meanwhile,  the  Poles  were  doing  something  besides  talking,  and 
nursing  a  deeply  burned  hatred.  They  learned  thrift  from  their  German 
masters,  formed  remarkable  co-operative  organizations,  and  developed, 
under  the  management  of  their  priests  who  well  understand  their 
people  and  their  needs,  an  excellent  banking  system,  conforming  rigidly 
to  the  very  letter  of  the  Prussian  banking  laws,  and  able  to  pay  a  slightly 

5 


better  rate  of  interest  than  the  German  banks.  Thus  they  have  sus- 
tained themselves  under  the  heavy  economic  pressure  of  the  state. 
In  1912,  deposits  in  the  co-operative  organizations  stood  at  the  hand- 
some figure  of  £46,970,354,  as  against  £12,420,057  in  1900  —  an  amazing 
development  —  while  deposits  in  the  Polish  banks  reached  a  total  of 
£6,150,000  in  1907,  representing  a  per  capita  wealth  of  nearly  ^15. 

Through  the  success  of  these  co-operative  organizations  is  reflected 
that  sturdy  determination  of  the  Polish  peasant  to  get  ahead  —  an 
ambition  envisioned  nearly  always  in  term.s  of  land  ownership.  Helped 
by  his  bank,  and  willing  to  assume  a  debt  for  land  purchase  he  cannot 
live  mayhap  to  wipe  out  —  glad  to  whittle  down  such  a  staggering  obliga- 
tion by  long  years  of  labor  in  the  industrial  regions  of  Western  Germany 
(Westphalia)  separated  from  his  family  perhaps  eight  or  ten  years  at  a 
time,  he  was  rapidly  making  his  laborious  goal,  economic  inde- 
pendence. Whereas  the  Prussian  State  expended  3 170,000,000 
to  quarter  Germans  on  Polish  land,  the  Poles  since  1896  have 
secured  fully  250,000  acres  of  land  from  the  Germans,  and  in  May  of 
1903  the  Prussian  Minister  of  Finance,  Herr  von  Rheinbaben,  com- 
plained that  in  fifteen  years  the  German  population  in  Prussia  diminished 
by  630,000,  while  in  five  years  as  many  as  300,000  Polish  immigrants 
had  settled  there!  Von  Biilow  himselt  finally  admitted  that  the  scheme 
for  colonization  had  failed  owing  to  the  fact  that  the  German  was  apt 
to  lose  his  nationality  if  not  continually  subsidized  by  the  state,  or  even 
in  spite  of  such  support,  since  he  was  always  ready  to  dispose  of  his 
land  for  a  good  figure,  whereas  the  Pole  "thought  it  shameful  to  sell 
land  to  the  Germans"  and  "held  fast  to  the  land." 

Under  these  hard  circumstances,  the  Prussian  Poles,  faithful  to 
human  nature,  have  becom.e  the  most  Polish  of  the  Poles.  They  have 
benefited  greatly  from  the  rigid  disciplining  or  their  stern  masters,  and 
now,  chastened  in  temper,  steadfast,  thrifty  and  aggressive,  they  have 
their  reward:  leadership  in  the  new  Poland  must  devolve  on  them  —  an 
amazing  retribution  for  Prussia! 

I  This  new  Poland  has  come  into  being  to-day  by  processes  which  it  is 
not  possible  to  follow  carefully  now,  through  want  of  information  on  the 
one  hand,  and  lack  of  comprehension  of  such  reports  as  are  forthcoming 
on  the  other.  Therefore,  a  bare  outline  of  what  appear  to  be  the 
principle  events  in  the  intricate  story  must  suf^ce  here. 

Despite  the  fact  that  from  the  outbreak  of  the  war  a  bewildering 
number  of  forces  as  well  within  the  old  Poland  as  over  the  rest  of  the 
world  —  National  Committees,  Democratic  Congresses,  Armed  Legions, 

6 


Polish  Bureaus,  and  the  like  —  concentrated  on  the  great  objective, 
Polish  union  and  independence,  the  career  of  one  man  from  1914  to  this  ' 
moment  lends  a  remarkable  coherence  to  the  entire  process.  And  thus 
featuring  in  this  great  crisis  in  her  history,  the  activity  ol  Joseph  Pilsud- 
ski,  Poland  plays  true  to  her  great  past  in  the  narrative  of  which  lie 
revealed  the  beloved  achievements  of  other  national  heroes  like  Sobieski 
and  Kosciusko. 

Born  at  Vilna,  in  1867,  of  noble  Lithuanian-Polish  stock,  young 
Pilsudski,  while  a  student  of  medicine  at  the  University  of  Kharkov, 
became  intensely  interested  in  the  social  problems  of  Russian  Poland  — 
too  keenly  interested  indeed  to  suit  the  ever  watchful,  suspicious  Rus- 
sian police  who  in  1888  sent  the  vehement  young  fellow  to  Siberia. 
Returned  to  his  native  land  after  five  years  of  banishment,  an  aggressive 
socialist,  Pilsudski  aided  in  the  organization  of  that  party  among  his 
countrymen.  Constrained  always  to  dodge  the  police,  now  by  so  des- 
perate a  ruse  as  feigned  insanity  —  a  policy  bringing  him  a  year's  sojourn 
in  a  mad-house  —  now  by  flight  to  England  —  he  busily  developed  his 
program:  armed  revolution  against  Czarist  Russia.  Efforts  to  further 
Polish  independence  in  this  wise,  like  those  abortive  movements  at  the 
time  of  the  Russo-Japanese  war,  failed  through  inadequate  support  and 
the  opposing  strength  of  a  better  organized  party  intensely  hostile  to 
the  Socialists,  the  National  Democrats. 

Whereas  Pilsudski's  group  —  working-men,  for  the  most  part,  are 
described  at  that  time  (1904-1906)  as  more  socialistic  than  national, 
with  a  hatred  for  the  Polish  capitalistic,  landholding  element,  akin  to 
their  abhorrence  of  Russian  autocracy,  and  with  small  respect  for  the 
Church,  the  National  Democrats,  on  the  other  hand,  representing  land- 
holders, bourgeoisie,  peasants,  and  like  their  opponents  with  a  scattering 
of  intellectuals,  were  strongly  national,  but  pro-Russian,  with  the  hope 
of  securing  an  autonomous  Poland. 

This  latter  party,  able,  after  the  Revolutionary  crisis  following  the 
war  with  Japan,  to  control  the  Polish  seats  in  the  Duma,  made  his 
home  land  too  warm  for  Pilsudski,  who  forthwith  migrated  to  that 
stamping  ground  for  disaffected  Poles  of  all  persuasions,  Galicia.  Elere 
through  his  organization  of  the  Polish  Legions,  subsequently  so  famous, 
this  persevering  patriot  continued  his  revolutionary  work,  x-^n  original 
group  of  these  Legionaries,  some  400  strong,  mostly  Russian  Poles  of 
strongly  anti-Russian  sympathy,  created  a  tremendous  sensation,  when, 
in  August,  1914,  they  boldly  sallied  across  the  Russian  border.  From 
that  time  on,  the  Legions,  supported  by  representatives  of  all  Polish 

7 


parties  in  Galicia,  and  by  many  Russian  Poles,  through  an  organization 
known  as  the  Supreme  National  Committee,  made  an  attractive  appeal 
to  all  Polish  patriots,  even  to  the  National  Democrats,  in  whose  hearts 
the  war  had  stirred  vast  hopes  of  independence. 

The  Central  Powers  were  only  too  glad  to  work  hand  in  hand  with 
the  Legions,  whose  leaders,  like  Pilsudski,  saw  in  such  an  unholy  alliance 
but  opportunist  means  to  a  noble  end.  Russia  appeared  to  them  to  be 
the  great  enemy.  Once  get  her  out  of  the  way,  then  were  there  time 
enough  to  grapple  with  the  next  obstacle  to  Polish  Independence. 
Behold  this  arch-patriot  then,  become  a  Brigadier-General  by  order  of 
the  venerable  Franz  Joseph;  his  Legions  enrolled  in  the  armies  of  the 
Central  Powers,  all  fighting  the  while,  like  tigers,  winning  iron  crosses 
with  the  best  of  them,  in  that  hideous  surging  see-saw  of  those  vast 
hordes  of  men  back  and  forth  across  Poland,  ultimately  establishing 
German  control  over  the  devastated  land  in  the  fall  of  1915. 

L'pon  this  success,  Pilsudski  became  restless,  anxious  to  secure 
assurance  of  a  free-Poland  from  the  triumphant  Central  Powers.  There- 
fore, when  the  armies  of  the  Central  Powers  were  facing  Brusilow's 
offensive  in  1916,  Pilsudski  played  a  bold  stroke.  His  purpose  to  resign 
his  command  being  thwarted  by  Austria's  refusal  to  accept  the  resigna- 
tion, at  a  critical  juncture  he  simply  withdrew  from  the  front  with  an 
entire  brigade.  While  this  act  cost  him  considerable  prestige,  it  did 
precipitate  a  crisis  which  was  probably  the  greatest  factor  in  forcing 
the  Central  Powers  to  issue  their  decree  of  November  4,  1916,  proclaim- 
ing with  flourish  an  independent  Poland. 

The  manifesto  was  read  in  the  Royal  Palace  at  Warsaw  on  November 
5,  by  Governor  General  von  Beseler  "in  soldierly  ringing  tones,"  and 
then  was  re-read  in  Polish,  by  the  Palace  Commandant,  Count  Hutten- 
Czapski.  This  act  proclaimed  that  Russian  Poland  was  to  be  a  National 
State  in  the  form  of  an  Hereditary  Monarchy  with  a  constitutional 
government.  For  the  time  being,  the  Central  Powers  were  to  admin- 
ister the  new  State,  pending  the  gradual  development  of  her  proper 
public  institutions.  Careful  determination  of  the  frontiers  also  could 
only  come  later.  Subsequently  a  provisional  government  was  set  up. 
Its  principal  organs  were  an  all-Polish  Council  of  State  of  twenty-five 
members,  which  in  turn  nominated  an  Executive  Committee,  the  mem- 
bers of  which  had  ministerial  functions.  Pilsudski  had  a  seat  on  the 
minority  Left  in  the  Council,  and  also  presided  over  the  Army  Com- 
mittee. 


This  regime  was  at  best  a  makeshift  arrangement,  but,  even  so,  it 
endured  too  long  to  suit  Pilsudski.  Ordered  to  develop  a  Polish  army 
to  fight  with  the  Central  Powers,  the  General  refused  unless  he  could 
receive  assurances  that  such  an  army  would  operate  under  the  direction 
of  a  real  National  Polish  Government.  This  was  a  mean  impasse,  and 
when  the  Central  Powers  failed  to  yield  his  point,  Pilsudski  used  his 
popularity  with  his  countrymen  to  hinder  the  formation  of  a  Polish  army. 

Then  came  the  Russian  Revolution,  with  its  recognition  of  an  Inde- 
pendent Poland.  Here  at  length  was  a  capital  opportunity  to  strike. 
Under  Pilsudski's  supervision  an  ultimatum  was  addressed  to  the 
Central  Powers  by  the  Polish  Council  of  State.  Unfortunately,  how- 
ever, his  colleagues  on  the  Council  were  not  of  their  leader's  fibre,  and 
unable  to  co-operate  with  them,  he  and  the  Left  resigned.  Next,  as 
another  step  against  furthering  the  interests  of  the  Central  Powers, 
Pilsudski  began  to  disband  his  Legions.  Nearly  four-fifths  oi  their 
members  refused  to  take  the  oath  exacted  from  them  by  the  Austro- 
German  governments.  This  was  rebellion.  The  disaffected  Legion- 
aries, therefore,  were  interned,  and  Pilsudski,  himself,  was  sent  a  pris- 
oner to  Magdeburg. 

So  the  situation  stood  near  the  middle  of  1917.  In  September  of  that 
same  year,  it  is  asserted  that  Austria  sent  Polish  troops  raised  ostensibly 
for  a  home  army  to  the  Italian  front,  whereupon  the  Polish  Council  of 
State  resigned.  Then  by  another  decree  (September  12)  the  Austro- 
German  rulers  promulgated  a  new  constitution  for  Poland.  According 
to  this  instrument  the  principal  organ  of  government  was  a  Council  of 
Regency,  whose  personnel  of  three  was  appointed  by  the  Central  Powers; 
this  body  had  certain  legislative  functions;  its  decrees  were  to  be  counter- 
signed by  a  Premier  likewise  under  the  control  of  the  Central  Empires; 
with  the  Regency  were  to  operate  a  Cabinet  and  a  Council  of  State. 

Meanwhile  other  forces  were  beginning  to  effect  developments  in 
Poland.  In  March,  1915,  Sir  Edv/ard  Grey  had  proclaimed  to  the 
world  one  of  England's  ideals  in  these  words:  "We  wish  the  nations  of 
Europe  to  be  free  to  live  their  independent  lives,  working  out  their  own 
forms  of  government  for  themselves,  and  their  own  development,  whether 
they  be  great  states  or  small  states,  in  full  liberty  —  that  is  our  ideal." 
The  Allies,  however,  so  far  as  they  had  a  distinct  Polish  policy,  shaped  it 
perforce  with  reference  to  their  great  eastern  member.  Thus,  for 
example,  France  had  a  secret  agreement  with  Russia  which  recognized 
Russia's  "complete  liberty  in  establishing  her  western  frontier."  There- 
fore Russia's  open  declaration  proclaiming  an  autonomus  Poland,  issued 

9 


by  the  Grand  Duke  Nicholas  shortly  after  the  beginning  of  the  war, 
stood  as  the  manifesto  of  Entente  agreement  as  to  Poland's  future  down 
to  the  time  of  Russia's  collapse. 

After  the  Russian  debacle  it  was  necessary  for  the  Entente  Powers 
to  state  anew  their  attitude  towards  Poland,  and  on  January  8,  1918, 
in  his  address  to  Congress  embodying  the  ever  famous  "fourteen  points," 
Mr.  Wilson  affirmed  as  his  13th  article  in  a  real  peace  program  that 
"An  independent  Polish  State  should  be  erected  which  should  include 
the  territory  inhabited  by  indisputably  Polish  populations,  which  should 
be  assured  a  free  and  secure  access  to  the  sea,  and  whose  social  and 
economic  independence  and  territorial  integrity  should  be  guaranteed 
by  international  agreement."  The  clearest  definition  of  a  real  future 
status  vouchsafed  to  the  Poles  up  to  that  date!  The  declaration  of 
Allied  representatives  at  Versailles,  on  June  3,  1918,  in  favor  of  "a  free 
and  independent  Poland  with  access  to  the  sea"  demonstrated  sub- 
stantial unanimity  of  intent  among  all  the  Entente  Powers.  These 
manifesto  had,  all  of  them,  a  powerful  reaction  in  Poland. 

On  June  26,  M.  Swiezuski,  representing  three-tourths  ol  the  elected 

members   of  the    Warsaw  Council   of    State,   and   the    "overwhelming 

majority  of  Poles"  addressed  the  council  on  behalt  of  the  Inter-Party 

Club,  concerning  the  Versailles  declaration: 

"At  the  same  time,"  said  he,  "when  the  entire  world  has  recognized  the  Polish 
question  as  an  international  problem  and  the  Polish  nati'onal  and  political  aims  as  just, 
and  their  realization  as  a  condition  of  the  new  order  of  the  world,  an  order  based  on  right 
and  liberty;  at  the  time  when  the  solemn  declaration  [that  of  the  Allies!  by  responsible 
statesmen  has  given  these  aims  positive  and  collective  expression — at  this  moment 
nothing  has  taken  place  on  Polish  territory  to  show  that  the  powers  which  have  to-day 
the  practical  possibility  of  confirming  their  promises  by  deeds  are  guided  by  a  real  inten- 
tion of  restoring  the  Polish  State." 

Subsequently  the  Inter-Party  Club  published  the  following  declaration:  "Taking 
into  consideration  the  declaration  made  after  the  meeting  of  the  Prime  Ministers  ot 
France,  England,  and  Italy  ....  the  undersigned  parties  belonging  to  the  Inter- 
Party  Club  declare  that  the  above  statement  will  meet  with  a  sincere  response  in  the 
souls  of  the  Polish  Nation,  the  Nation  which  during  more  than  a  century  ot  slavery  has 
always  longed  for  the  restoration  of  Poland  (censor)  independent   and  united   (censor)." 

Indeed  it  was  but  a  short  step  in  this  humor,(and  one  must  remember 
the  perilous  condition  of  the  Central  Powers  at  the  time)  to  the  demands 
made  by  the  Poles  at  a  conference  at  German  Headquarters  in  August, 
1918,  including  a  change  in  the  administration,  cessation  of  the  joint 
Austro-German  control  of  the  country,  recognition  of  certain  territorial 
claims  in  Lithuania,  access  for  Poland  to  the  Baltic  via  Danzig,  and  the 
like.  This  outspoken  bid  for  independence,  was  presently  followed  by 
the  demand  itself  emanating  from   the  Regency  Council,  that  the  new 

10 


state  must  embrace  all  the  territority  inhabited  by  Poles.  Subsequently 
a  separate  manifesto,  on  October  13,  by  the  Prussian  Poles 
asserted  that  "nothing  but  the  union  into  one  State  of  all  peoples 
living  in  Polish  lands,  a  State  which  shall  possess  full  rights,  can 
guarantee  a  lasting  League  of  Nations." 

Such  was  the  tense  state  of  affairs  when  the  collapse  of  the  Central 
Powers  shook  the  world.  From  then  on  developments  moved  rapidly 
in  Poland,  the  three  sections  of  which  were  now  working  practically 
together.  Pilsudski  was  released  in  Germany.  Frail,  nervous,  bent 
with  ill  health,  but  with  all  the  old  indomitable  energy,  he  hastened 
back  to  Poland  where  he  refused  to  co-operate  as  Minister  of  War  in  a- 
weak  Government  of  the  National  Democrats  hastily  formed  by  the 
Regents.  Soon  afterwards  that  ephemeral  creation  fell,  and  the  Re- 
gency Council  through  two  decrees  of  November  11  and  14,  1918, 
pronounced  the  dissolution  of  its  own  body,  and  "in  view  of  the  threaten- 
ing dangers  from  within  and  without"  transferred  the  sovereign  power 
to  Pilsudski,  his  dictatorship  to  endure  until  a  National  Government 
could  be  formed. 

The  excellent  temper  of  the  now  all-powertui  patriot  may  be  jutiged 
from  his  own  statement  to  the  people  issued  likewise  on  November  14, 
upon  the  assumption  of  his  great  responsibility  —  "Upon  my  return 
from  Germany,"  this  frank  manifesto  reads,  "I  found  the  country  in  a 
most  chaotic  state  in  the  face  of  exceedingly  difficult  tasks,  for  the 
performance  of  which  the  nation  must  reveal  its  best  organizing  abilities. 
In  my  conversations  with  the  representatives  of  almost  all  the  political 
parties  in  Poland,  I  found  to  my  delight  that  the  great  majority  share 
my  opinion  that  the  new  Government  should  not  only  rest  on  democratic 
foundations,  but  be  composed  in  a  considerable  porportion  of  representa- 
tives of  the  rural  and  urban  masses " 

The  new  Cabinet,  set  up  under  the  direction  of  Andrev/  Moraczewski 
as  Premier  was  described  by  Moraczeswki  himself  towards  the  end  of 
December,  1918,  as  "  ....  a  truly  national  one,"  but  in  almost  f^at 
contradiction  to  this  statement  stand  the  assertions  of  many  Poles,  and 
others  apparently  in  '  a  position  to  know,  that  the  new  regime  was 
decidedly  Socialistic.  However  this  all  may  have  been,  Pilsudski 
presently  faced  a  grievous  difficulty  on  the  score  of  his  government's 
com.position.  At  eleven  o'clock  on  the  night  of  January  1,  1919,  Ignace 
Jan  Paderewski,  renowned  the  world  over  as  the  greatest  living  pianist, 
and  also  more  recently  known  as  a  vigorous  Polish  patriot,  arrived  in 
Warsaw.      According    to    the    press    dispatches    Paderewski    upon    his 

11 


arrival  was  greeted  with  wild  enthusiasm.  The  newspapers  expressed 
the  hope  that  he  would  be  able  to  strengthen  the  patriotic  elements  in 
Poland  and  "undo  the  efforts  of  those  who  have  been  working  towards 
disorder."  "The  Maire  predicts  that  his  arrival  will  precipitate  certain 
changes  in  the  Ministry  which  the  Conservatives  desire,  so  that  they 
may  secure  full  recognition  from  the  Allies." 

As  a  matter  of  tact,  Paderewski  represented  a  powerful  element 
among  the  Poles  —  the  Conservative,  or  National  Democratic  group. 
The  principal  organ  of  this  party  after  the  establishment  of  German 
control  over  Russian  Poland  was  the  so-called  Polish  National  Com- 
mittee at  Paris,  under  the  Presidency  of  M.  Roman  Dmowski,  a  power- 
ful and  in  many  respects  a  very  able  man. 

The  energetic  efforts  of  this  Committee  in  the  Allied  capitals  and 
at  Washington,  in  the  summer  and  fall  of  1918,  secured  from  the  x^llies 
and  from  the  United  States  recognition  of  the  Polish  National  army,, 
under  the  supreme  political  authority  of  the  Polish  National  Committee 
as  an  associated  force,  co-belligerent,  the  product  of  a  belligerent  State, 
acts  again,  which  aroused  high   enthusiasm   among  Poles   everywhere. 

What,  however,  of  Paderewski?  All  in  America  to-day  know  his 
zeal  on  behalf  of  a  beloved  cause  —  united  and  free  Poland.  A  remark- 
able series  of  "benefit  concerts,"  interspersed  with  eloquent  addresses, 
and  the  writing  and  publication  of  excellent  articles — these  activities, 
together  with  the  expenditure  of  his  personal  fortune,  bear  true  witness 
to  a  sincere  devotion  on  behalf  of  this  lofty  ideal.  After  more  than 
three  years  of  such  yeoman's  service,  Paderewski  left  America,  on 
November  23,  1918,  for  England,  arriving  at  Warsaw,  finally,  as  ob- 
served, on  New  Year's  Day,  1919. 

He  himself  declares  that  he  carried  with  him  a  power  of  attorney 
to  act  for  all  the  Polish  Committees  in  the  United  States,  representing 
some  4,000,000  Poles,  also  that  he  was  empowered  to  make  loans  to  the 
Polish  Government.  It  is  alleged,  furthermore,  that  full  authority  was 
conferred  upon  him  by  Austrian  and  Prussian  Poles  "through  legally 
organized  organs  of  Polish  opinion  which  had  been  created  by  regularly 
appointed  delegate  conventions  in  both  territories"  to  speak  and  act 
for  them,  and  that  he  bore  messages  from  the  Allies  to  the  effect  that 
the  Pilsudski  Government  was  not  to  be  recognized,  as  it  represented 
less  than  one-tenth  of  the  people. 

Despite  such  powerful  assets,  however,  the  accomplishment  of 
Paderewski's  purpose,  namely  the  organization  of  a  coalition  Govern- 
ment in   Poland  which  should  be  more  broadly  representative  of  all 

.12 


parties  there,  was  a  difficult  task.  Both  of  the  great  leaders  were 
apparently  suspicious  of  each  other's  motives;  Pilsudski,  too,  was  fearful 
lest  any  readjustment  oi  the  government  at  such  a  critical  time  should 
precipitate  a  revolution.  Unfortunately  a  modus  vivendi  was  not  ex- 
pedited by  an  abortive  attempt  on  the  part  of  Conservatives  and 
Liberals,  under  the  leadership  of  Count  Eustache  Sapieha,  to  overthrow 
the  Pilsudski  regime  by  force,  on  January  5:  a  hazardous  undertaking 
af  best,  and  entirely  thwarted  by  the  loyalty  of  the  troops,  with  ludicrous 
and  very  disconcerting  developments  for  the  perpetrators. 

And  then,  just  as  the  Journalistic  Prophets  everywhere  were  getting 
up  a  lachrymose  unison  "We  told  you  so"  —  the  horizon  cleared.  After 
all,  on  the  deeper  issue  —  an  independent,  united  Poland  —  both 
patriots  were  agreed;  the  threatening  dangers  to  the  nascent  State 
likewise  urged  compromise,  which  both  Pilsudski  and  Paderewski  say 
they  desired.  Therefore,  about  the  middle  of  January,  Paderewski's 
plan  for  the  formation  of  a  new  Ministry,  representing  Russian,  Prus- 
sian, and  Austrian  Poland,  began  to  materialize.  In  fact,  Pilsudski 
signed  an  agreement  to  reorganize  the  Government  at  midnight  on 
January  16,  while  the  new  Ministry,  then  in  formation,  was  definitely 
announced  on  January  19,  Paderewski  being  the  Premier  and  holding 
the  portfolio  for  foreign  affairs,  while  Pilsudski  remained  still  "head" 
of  the  Nation  and  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  army. 

Complete  recognition  of  this  new  provisional  Government  by  the 
United  States  was  officially  announced  on  January  22,  this  brisk  act 
being  re-inforced  by  a  similar  Allied  pronouncement  on  February  21. 
Meanwhile,  the  elections  for  a  Polish  Constituent  Assembly,  held  late 
in  January,  gave  Paderewski's  party  a  considerable  victory,  the  National 
Democrats  claiming  ninety-one  seats  out  of  two  hundred  odd  in  the 
first  meeting  of  the  Assembly,  held  February  9. 

Such,  then,  is  the  coalition  Government  in  Poland  which  is  now 
grappling  with  a  great  round  of  decidedly  baffling  and  dangerous  prob- 
lems, intensely  interesting,  but  too  detailed  and  intricate  for  even  survey 
consideration  here.  Among  these  problems,  however,  the  question  of 
new  Poland's  frontiers,  while  all  told  the  most  perplexing,  is  of  such 
vast  importance  to  the  entire  world,  as  well  as  to  Poland,  that  a  brief 
consideration  of  its  principal  features  is  essential  in  concluding  this 
narrative. 

It  is  not  difficult  to  ascertain  the  desires  of  leading  Poles  everywhere, 
in  regard  to  this  all-important  matter;  they  have  expressed  themselves 
fully;  and  to  the  great  jeopardy  of  their  best  interests,  forces  among 

13 


them  have  gone  out  to  secure  what  they  desire,  quite  on  their  own  ad- 
vices, it  appears.  Even  before  the  armistice  was  signed,  Poles  and  Ruthe- 
nians  flew  to  arms  over  the  disposition  of  Lemberg  and  Eastern  Galicia, 
and  they  are  still  fighting.  Since  November  11,  the  world  at  large 
has  been  following  sympathetically,  or  with  irate  disapproval,  the  alter- 
nate advance  and  retreat  of  Polish  forces  at  all  points  of  the  compass 
about  their  distracted  land,  not  only  in  bitter  contest  with  Germans  in 
the  Prussian  Polish  provinces  of  East  Prussia,  Posen,  and  Silesia,  to 
the  north  and  northwest,  and  in  Lithuania  to  the  northeast,  but  also 
with  the  newly  liberated  Czecho-Slovaks  on  their  southv/estern  border, 
where  the  tiny  region  of  Teschen,  with  its  coal  fields,  is  in  hot  dispute 
between  the  two  peoples.  There  is  also  conflict  with  Bolshevik  Russians 
wherever  the  two  encounter,  and  under  cover  of  this  Red  bugaboo, 
new  Poland  announces  that  at  the  request  of  the  President  of  the  new 
Lithuanian  Republic,  Poland  has  taken  over  "provisionally"  the  admin- 
istration of  Lithuania. 

Thus  the  impetuous  energy  of  the  Poles  forges  a  fiery  circuit  of  Mars 
about  them  welded  complete  and  fast  but  for  that  uncongenial  segment 
in  the  due  north  —  the  Baltic  Sea!  And  for  the  most  part  this  militant 
aggressiveness  is  on  behalf  of  that  "large,  strong  Poland,"  economically 
independent,  capable  of  sustaining  the  powerful  forces  which  must  in 
future  be  brought  to  bear  on  a  buffer  state  so  strategically  placed  — 
nay,  in  the  magnified  imaginations  of  the  truly  far-visioned,  a  state 
virile  enough  to  assume  henceforth  great  Russia's  mighty  role  as  leader 
of  the-Slavic  peoples! 

More  specifically,  what  of  the  New  Poland  as  the  now  dominant 
party  group  would  have  it?  Paderewski  himself  expresses  the  opinion 
of  a  very  large  number  of  his  fellow-countrymen  when  he  writes  as 
follows: — "The  interests  of  peace  require  a  large,  powerful,  and  eco- 
nomically independent  Poland.  This  can  be  attained  through  a  com- 
plete union  of  all  provinces  once  belonging  to  the  Polish  crown.  Only 
a  Poland  with  access  to  the  sea  through  Danzig  will  be  able  to  maintain 
direct  relations  with  England,  France,  and  America.  .  .  .  And  only 
with  the  mines  of  Silesia,  her  ancient  province,  will  Poland  be  able  to 
acquire  economic  independence  of   Germany,   to  support  her  surplus 

population,  and  to  check  excessive  emigration A   New    Poland 

should  be  a  continuation  of  that  which  she  has  been,  otherwise  she  can- 
not find  again  the  ideal  which  she  has  in  her  own  soul.  If  one  should 
plan  to  cut  out  a  certain  part  of  the  former  Poland  to  make  a  new  one, 
if  instead  of  erasing  the  artificial  confines,  one  should  only  modify  their 

14 


I 


direction,  it  would  be  creating  irredentism  which  would  fatally  lead  to 
a  new  crisis.  If  we  are  to  have  a  lasting  and  durable  peace,  we  must 
reunite  in  the  New  Poland  all  the  Polish  land." 

Can  such  a  Poland  as  is  here  envisioned  be  re-established?  Emphat- 
ically no!  Not  if  the  now  classic  norm  of  President  Wilson  be  used  as 
the  gauge  in  rehabilitation.  Founded  strictly  on  the  basis  of  massed 
majority  Polish  population  the  New  Poland  would  constitute  a  country 
roughly  one-third  the  size  of  Poland  at  the  time  oi  the  first  partition. 
Or,  in  terms  of  Russian-Prussian-Austrian  political  geography,  such  a 
new  State  of  Poland  v/ould  include  the  so-called  Congress  Kingdom  of 
Poland,  Russian  since  1815,  Western  Galicia  and  a  small  part  of 
Silesia,  formerly  Austrian,  together  with  territory  formerly  Prussian  — • 
the  southern  part  of  East  Prussia,  a  considerable  area,  the  heart  of  West 
Prussia  (but  without  the  land  about  the  mouth  of  the  Vistula,  conse- 
quently without  Danzig),  by  far  the  largest  part  of  Posen,  and  a  section 
of  upper  Silesia.  This  more  modest  Poland  would  not  include  any  such 
large  number  of  other  nationals  as  Paderewski's  state  must  control  if 
it  were  established,  all  of  which  aliens  are  determined  to  be  independent, 
and  strong  enough  to  breed  a  considerable  amount  of  trouble  if  their 
desires  for  separate  statehood  are  thwarted. 

Furthermore,  the  re-establishment  of  an  indisputably  Polish  Poland 
will  be  difficult  enough  to  erect  and  maintain.  One  resultant  alone, 
the  separation  of  German  East  Prussia  from  the  mother  country,  presents 
a  very  grave  menace  for  the  future  —  to  say  nothing  of  the  threat 
involved  in  the  violent  German  opposition  to  the  loss  of  any  Prussian 
territory  whatever,  Polish  or  not.  Paderewski  calls  East  Prussia  the 
centre  and  stronghold  of  Hohenzollern  support,  and  the  it  is  German  he 
says,  "...  to  lop  this  limb  from  the  German  body-politic,  would  be  a 
political  surgery  of  the  highest  order.  Until  that  major  operation, is 
performed,  we  can  hardly  hope  to  witness  any  true  democratization  of 
the  German  system."  He  proposes  to  perform  this  operation  by  unit- 
ing West  Prussia  together  with  Danzig  to  Poland,  and  suggests  several 
proposals  for  the  future  status  of  isolated  East  Prussia.  It  might  be 
erected  into  a  small  independent  Republic,  "connected  to  Poland  by 
a  customs  union,  and  amply  safe-guarded  as  to  its  administrative  integ- 
rity," or  it  might  be  united  to  Poland  on  the  basis  of  home  rule. 

What  an  assumption  of  inordinate  responsibility  for  Poland  this 
solution  of  the  problem  would  involve!  Paderewski,  with  all  respect 
for  his  great  enthusiasm,  fails  to  recollect  that  under  the  best  of  cir- 

.   15 


cumstances  75,000,000  Germans  versus  22,000,000  Poles  may  become  a 
most  sinister  ratio! 

Finally,  in  view  of  these  considerations,  what  shall  be  said  for  the 
mounting  ambitions  of  the  Polish  leaders,  surely  not  desirable  in  their 
entirety?  Indeed  their  glorious  vision  of  a  mighty  Poland  is  very 
comprehensible.  A  proud  race,  capable  of  the  best  achievement,  so 
long  submerged,  has  turned  the  while  for  solace  and  bright  hope's  sake 
to  an  ardent  study  of  its  ancient,  more  auspicious  past.  Polish  leaders 
well  know  what  old  Poland  was.  How  can  the  new-born  State  be 
less  than  the  old! 

This  sentimental  force  is  obviously  strong  in  their  calculations; 
but  these  are  shaped  again,  and  colored  by  many  other  forces,  less  worthy 
perhaps,  but  vigorously  insistent,  notwithstanding.  Since  the  partitions 
all  the  Poles  built  up  instinctively  a  powerful  strength  of  opposition 
against  their  oppressors;  suddenly  the  dominant  alien  Governments 
are  crashed  down,  and  forthwith  the  unrestrained  tide  of  long-pent 
Polish  rancor  breaks  like  a  devastating  flood  sweeping  all  before  it,  and 
scarce  to  be  checked. 

Again,  Polish  patriots,  without  exception,  declare  that  they  face 
in  their  country  "black  with  famine  and  utter  destruction"  the  near  and 
constant  menace  of  Bolshevism,  a  terror  to  them  all  with. their  vehement 
Catholicism  and  their  peasant  lust  for  land  ownership;  this  real  danger 
from  their  point  of  view  seems  to  them  to  warrant  the  large  armies  and 
the  Allied  support  which  they  so  insistently  demand. 

Lastly,  purely  selfish  interests  play  also  their  lusty  role.  Wealthy 
Polish  landlords  in  Lithuania  and  East  Galicia,  heretofore  the  dominant 
class  in  a  peasant  population,  see  with  dismay  their  all  on  the  brink  of 
ruin  in  the  developing  independence  oi  these  regions. 

Surely  when  these  elemental  currents  are  sounded,  and  it  is  borne 
in  mind  that  by  no  means  all  of  the  Poles  are  carried  away  by  them, 
unthought,  harsh  criticism  of  this  truly  great  but  threatened  and  be- 
wildered people  dies  on  the  lips.  Poland  to-day,  like  all  of  the  new-born 
nations  of  Europe,  must  have  the  unselfish  support  and  firm  guidance  of 
a  sympathetic  world.  Only  a  true  League  of  Nations  can  guarantee 
her  that  beneficent  future  of  which  her  peculiar  genius  is  so  eminently 
deserving! 

In  this  paper  free  use  has  been  made  ot  materials  taken  chiefly  from  the  following 
sources: — New  York  Times,  London  Times,  The  New  Europe  and  Current  History 
(documents  and  articles)  the  British  magazines,  especially  the  excellent  articles  by 
O.  de  L.  in  The  Contemporary  and  by  J.  E.  Baker  in  the  Nineteenth  Century,  and 
modern  books  on  Poland  like  the  compact  little  volume  by  W.  A.  Phillipsjn  the  Home 
University  Library. 

16 


OKe 

AIMS  and  CLAIMS  of  GERMANY 

B>>  DAVID  KINLEY 


PUBLISHED  BY  THE 

COLLEGE  OF  AGRICULTURE 
FEBRUARY,  iqi8 


Tlie  following  address  was  delivered  ty  Dr.  David  Kinley, 
Vice-President  of  the  University  of  Illinois,  upon  tlis  occa- 
sion of  the  War  Conference  called  at  the  University  hy  the 
State  Council  of  Defense,  the  Corn  Growers'  and  Stockmen's 
Convention,  and  the  College  of  Agriculture,  for  the  purpose  of 
discussing  the  relations  of  the  farmer  to  the  war  and  arrang- 
ing a  program  of  production  to  he  recommended  to  the  state. 

January  31,  1918 


THE  AIMS  AND  CLAIMS  OF  GERMANY 

By  DAVID  KINLEY 

Three  times  since  western  civilization  was  established  has 
it  been  in  danger  of  overthrow  and  its  light  in  danger  of  being 
blotted  out  under  the  attacks  of  more  barbaric  social  orders. 
The  first  was  by  the  invasion  of  the  Huns  who,  in  the  fourth 
century  after  Christ,  appeared  on  the  eastern  borders  of 
Europe  and  drove  the  inhabitants  in  thousands  across  the 
Danube.  Pushing  westwards  they  later  crossed  the  Rhine.  All 
that  had  been  accomplished  by  Roman  civilization  in  the  west 
was  endangered;  but,  in  the  providence  of  God,  the  embattled 
armies  of  the  Goths  and  Romans  combined,  on  the  plains  of 
Chalons  in  France, overthrew  the  Hunnish  army  of  700,000  and 
turned  back  the  deluge  of  barbarism.  The  second  great  crisis  in 
the  life  of  that  civilization  of  which  we  are  the  heirs  occurred 
when  the  Saracens,  after  a  wonderful  career  of  victory,  estab- 
lished the  banner  of  Mohammedanism  through  all  Western 
Asia  and  Northern  Africa  and  finally  carried  it  across  the 
Straits  of  Gibraltar  with  the  avowed  purpose  that  the  Cres- 
cent which  they  bore  was  to  float  over  a  Universal  Empire 
built  upon  the  ruins  of  Christendom.  "The  dream  of  Mithri- 
dates  and  of  Caesar  was  to  be  realized  in  the  actual  achieve- 
ments of  the  lieutenants  of  the  Caliphs.  The  Saracen  chief 
now  upon  the  soil  of  Gaul  was  to  subjugate  the  Franks  and 
their  confederates,  cross  the  Rhine  and  crush  the  tribes  beyond 
that  stream,  and  then  follow  down  the  course  of  the  Danube 
to  its  mouth.  Upon  the  shores  of  the  Hellespont  the  bands 
of  the  Faithful  were  to  join  hands  and  together  give  thanks 
to  Allah  for  the  conquest  of  the  World."  But  in  732  A.  D.  the 
heirs  of  the  civilization  of  the  Roman  Empire,  the  defenders 
of  progress  and  of  Christianity,  met  the  Moslems  on  the  battle- 
field of  Tours  and,  after  a  seven  days'  terrific  conflict,  delivered 
the  civilization  of  Europe  from  a  danger  which  had  not  threat- 
ened it  since  the  invasion  of  Attila  and  his  Huns. 


Today  a  plan  of  conquest  for  the  domination  of  Europe,  as 
the  first  step  towards  the  domination  of  the  world,  very  similar 
to  that  of  the  Saracens,  has  endangered  once  more  the  progress 
of  centuries  of  civilization.  The  ultimate  aim  of  the  German 
Empire  in  the  present  war  is  no  less  the  conquest  of  the  world 
than  was  the  ultimate  aim  of  the  Saracens.  In  the  intervals 
between  these  great  crises  men  and  nations  have  fought  for 
various  causes.  They  have  warred  for  creeds,  for  commerce, 
for  land,  for  prestige,  and  for  no  reason  at  all  except  the  bid- 
ding of  princes  and  kings ;  but  never  before  in  the  history  of 
the  modern  world  has  any  nation,  any  people,  any  govern- 
ment, deliberately  set  about  the  destruction  of  their  fellow 
peoples,  fellow  nations,  fellow  governments,  for  the  purpose 
of  crushing  out  their  separate  national  existences,  on  the 
theory  that  all  people  but  themselves  were  inferior  races  de- 
serving only  extinction  or  complete  subordination.  That  this  is 
the  purpose  and  spirit  of  the  German  nation  as  avowed  by  its 
Government  and  its  leaders  in  literature,  education  and  public 
life,  we  find  abundant  evidence  from  their  own  testimony,  to 
which  I  shall  shortly  advert.  But  before  doing  so  it  will  help 
us  to  inquire  somewhat  into  the  character  and  growth  of  a 
government  which,  in  the  twentieth  century,  could  precipitate 
upon  the  world  so  great  a  danger  and  avow  itself  an  agent  of 
Almighty  God  to  destroy  all  that  other  peoples  have  accom- 
plished and  other  civilizations  have  achieved. 

For  centuries  the  land  that  is  now  Germany  had  been  torn 
asunder  by  constant  dissensions  and  wars  among  the  princes 
and  small  groups  of  people  which  formed  the  various  duchies 
and  kingdoms  that  made  up  the  so-called  Holy  Roman  Empire 
after  imperial  Rome  had  lost  her  grip  upon  the  rest  of  Europe. 
Through  generations  there  existed  a  longing  among  these 
peoples,  frequently  expressed  in  their  literature,  for  a  combi- 
nation or  union  into  one  great  country.  The  unity  of  Germany 
was  a  dream  for  the  realization  of  which  every  patriotic  Ger- 
man worked  and  prayed.  But  rivalries  and  disputes,  due  to 
one  cause  and  another,  delaj/^ed  the  realization  of  the  dream 
until  the  middle  of  the  19th  century.  For  a  hundred  years  or 
more  the  military  power  of  Prussia,  the  most  powerful  of  the 


separate  German  states,  had  been  growing  and  it  was  with 
this  as  a  tool  that  the  project  was  finally  accomplished.  After 
Bismarck  became  prime  minister  of  Prussia  in  1862  a  definite 
policy  of  militarizing  the  whole  Prussian  nation  was  adopted 
and  thereby  an  army  created  which,  when  the  time  came, 
would  be  effective  for  the  purposes  of  Bismarck  and  his  mas- 
ter. King  William.  Cynical  and  unscrupulous,  recognizing 
no  law  nor  right  of  God  or  man  that  stood  in  the  way  of  his 
purposes,  using  cajolery,  treachery  or  force  as  suited  the  occa- 
sion, Bismarck,  first  appealing  to  the  ambitions  of  Austria, 
made  war  on  Denmark  and  took  from  her  the  provinces  of 
Schleswig-Holstein  which  Germany  has  retained  ever  since. 
Then  he  quarrelled  with  Austria  over  the  spoils,  made  war 
upon  his  late  ally,  and  inflicted  upon  her  a  humiliating  defeat 
which  deprived  her  of  all  influence  over  the  German  states 
and  left  Prussia  their  acknowledged  leader.  Four  years  later, 
in  1870,  he  struck  at  France  and  took  from  her  the  two  prov- 
inces of  Alsace  and  Lorraine,  together  with  an  indemnity  of 
about  one  billion  dollars  with  which  to  strengthen  and  improve 
the  German  military  machine.  Aside  from  aversion  to  the 
methods,  or  some  of  the  methods,  employed  by  Bismarck  to 
accomplish  his  purposes,  the  civilized  world  at  large  sympa- 
thized with  the  German  people  in  their  desire  for  national 
unity.  No  one  appreciated  the  deep  laid  plan  of  the  master- 
hand  of  blood  and  iron  and  his  coadjutors  whereby  these 
preliminary  conquests  and  this  accomplished  national  unity 
were  to  be  made  but  stepping-stones  to  larger  conquests  and 
wider  domination. 

The  thirty  years  which  succeeded  the  Franco-Prussian  war 
were  utilized  to  develop  the  military  system  which  made  Ger- 
many the  foremost  military  power  in  the  world.  Meantime, 
the  Government  of  the  Empire  set  about  devising  conditions 
of  social  and  economic  life  which  would  remove  internal  agita- 
tion and  develop  the  Empire  industrially  and  commercially. 
The  progress  of  Germany  became  the  wonder  of  the  world. 
In  industry  and  trade,  in  literature  and  education,  in  military 
growth  and  civil  administration  she  assumed  to  take  the  place 
of  leadership  and  was  acknowledged  as  leader  not  only  in  these 


matters,  not  only  among  the  peoples  of  Europe,  who  feared 
to  cross  her  will,  but  by  thousands  of  our  own  people  who, 
too  busy  to  look  below  the  surface,  or  too  shallow  in  their 
appreciation  of  German  political  philosophy  and  its  goal, 
preached  and  taught  for  years  the  doctrines  of  German  supe- 
riority and  German  efficiency. 

American  students  and  American  university  professors 
went  for  higher  education  to  Germany,  and  without  realizing 
the  trend  of  the  philosophical  ideas  which  underlay  the  educa- 
tion they  received,  came  back  in  scores  and  hundreds  to  spread 
the  story  of  German  efficiency  and  intellectual  progress.  Some 
of  them  were  slavish  followers  of  the  doctrines  of  their  teach- 
ers, and  have  been  unable  ever  to  rid  themselves  of  the  impe- 
rialistic point  of  view  which  they  acquired  at  these  German 
seats  of  learning.  They  have  unconsciously  spread  doctrines 
that  are  pernicious  in  a  democracy.  They  have  urged  the 
adoption  of  German  methods,  standards  and  plans,  apparently 
without  any  consciousness  of  the  fact  that  these  methods  and 
plans  were  adopted  in  Germany  for  the  sake  of  furthering 
certain  purposes  which  have  no  place  in  the  life  of  a  demo- 
cratic people.  They  have  become  in  many  cases  apologists 
for  things  German,  even  some  of  the  worst  things  that  have 
disgraced  humanity  in  the  present  war.  They  have  become 
centers  of  influence  for  the  promotion  of  German  Kultur 
in  university  classrooms,  in  the  school  room  and  in  the  press. 
They  have  gone  so  far  in  some  cases  as  to  be,  whether  pur- 
posely or  not,  agents  of  the  propaganda  of  German  Kultur. 
Some  of  them  have  made  themselves  ridiculous  by  publishing 
works  trying  to  establish  the  doctrine  that  everything  of  im- 
portance in  the  United  States  had  a  German  origin ;  that  some 
of  the  greatest  writers  in  English  literature  and  philosophy 
were  indebted  exclusively  to  Germans  for  their  inspiration  and 
their  principal  doctrines ;  that,  in  short,  the  roots  of  all  that  is 
good  among  the  English-speaking  peoples,  and  indeed,  among 
others,  lead  back  to  German  sources. 

The  doctrine  of  efficiency  has  been  much  preached  of  late 
years,  and  German  example  in  this  respect  has  been  held  up 


for  the  world  to  follow.  We  must  remember,  however,  that 
efficiency,  after  all,  is  a  relative  matter.  Efficiency  is  desirable 
only  if  its  purpose  is  approvable.  Efficiency,  or  perfection  in 
the  performance  of  a  given  act,  is  worth  while  only  if  the  act 
is  worth  while.  To  make  a  thief  efficient  is  not  a  good  thing. 
To  be  an  efficient  liar,  or  robber,  or  murderer  is  not  a  good 
thing.  Now  it  is  true  that  in  industry  and  trade,  in  the  art 
of  war  and  the  machinery  of  education,  as  well  as  in  other 
lines,  the  German  people  in  the  past  two  generations  have 
attained,  in  some  respects,  a  greater  perfection  or  efficiency 
than  most  of  the  rest  of  the  world.  They  have  done  so,  how- 
ever, because  they  have  been  bending  all  their  energies  for  a 
definite  specific  purpose:  preparation  for  war.  Any  people 
could  become  efficient  if  they  devoted  themselves  to  a  par- 
ticular end  for  a  long  enough  time.  The  rest  of  the  world  has 
thought  other  things  better  worth  while.  Moreover,  this  effi- 
ciency about  which  we  talk  so  much  has  proven,  after  all,  a 
broken  reed.  In  less  than  four  years  since  the  outbreak  of  the 
war  the  nations  which  the  German  Government  regarded  as  pe- 
culiarly inefficient  in  military  matters  have  beaten  Germany  at 
her  own  game.  In  the  supply  of  munitions,  in  the  command 
of  the  air,  in  the  command  of  the  sea,  in  the  art  of  trench  mak- 
ing and  keeping,  in  the  number  and  power  of  great  guns,  in 
the  use  of  that  devil's  device,  poisonous  gas,  and  in  nearly 
every  other  respect,  the  military  technique  of  the  Germans 
has  been  attained  and  surpassed  by  the  French  and  British.  In 
the  so-called  chemical  industries,  of  which  it  was  supposed 
that  Germany  had  an  unconquerable  monopoly,  especially  in 
such  matters  as  the  manufacture  of  dyes  and  certain  kinds  of 
glass,  both  the  British  and  we  have  already  put  ourselves  in 
a  position  to  supply  our  own  wants.  In  other  words,  we  have 
not  done  these  things  hitherto,  because  we  had  other  things 
of  more  importance  to  do.  As  soon  as  it  was  necessary  for 
us  to  turn  our  attention  to  these  we  did  them.  There  is  now 
no  dye  of  importance  formerly  imported  from  Germany,  that 
we  are  not  making.  We  have  the  secrets  of  more  kinds  of 
optical  glass  than  Germany  ever  made.  The  same  is  true  in 
other  lines.    The  hollowness  of  the  whole  organization  could 


not  have  been  better  shown  than  by  the  rapidity  with  which 
the  rest  of  the  world  has  adapted  itself  to  the  conditions  forced 
upon  it  by  this  long-conceived  and  slowly-worked-out  plan  for 
military  ascendency. 

For  education,  art,  religion,  industry,  trade,  philosophy, 
public  administration,  all  have  been  directed  to  the  attainment 
of  that  end — the  perfection  of  military  power.  German  mili- 
tary methods  became  the  standard  for  the  armies  of  other  na- 
tions. The  world  watched  and  did  not  understand  that  the 
awful  engine  of  war  was  constructed  for  the  purpose  of  terror- 
izing and  dominating  the  world.  Few  saw  clearly  and  fewer 
still  believed.  But  it  is  evident  now  that  it  was  all  part  of  a 
deliberate  plan  of  preparation  for  a  war  which  it  was  believed 
would  establish  German  supremacy  over  a  beaten,  mutilated, 
murdered  world.  Briefly  put,  the  present  war  was  begun  by 
the  German  Government  in  order  to  effectuate  a  third  in  a 
series  of  steps  planned  since  the  days  of  Bismarck.  The  first 
was  the  accomplishment  of  German  unity ;  the  second  the  cre- 
ation of  the  strongest  military  power  in  Europe ;  the  third,  the 
attainment  of  a  military  position  sufficiently  strong  to  dominate 
the  world.  Men  ask,  and  History  will  ask,  what  claims,  what 
defense,  does  Germany  offer  in  explanation  of  such  a  crime. 

Some  German  public  men  and  writers  claim  that  they  are 
engaged  in  a  war  of  defense,  and  that  the  responsibility  for  the 
present  world  catastrophe  does  not  rest  on  them.  It  is  hardly 
worth  while,  in  view  of  all  the  testimony  and  evidence  that 
/lave  been  published  on  this  matter,  to  discuss  this  now.  The 
claim  was  not  advanced  until  the  advance  of  the  German  army 
was  checked.  It  may  be  said,  how^ever,  that  there  are  few  in- 
cidents in  history  for  which  the  responsibility  can  be  fixed  as 
definitely  as  can  the  responsibility  for  beginning  this  war. 
Following  Bismarck's  policy,  the  German  Government  had  in 
its  diplomacy  always  tried  to  shape  events  so  that  it  would 
seem  not  to  be  the  aggressor.  This  was  the  case  with  Den- 
mark in  1862.  It  was  the  case  with  Austria  in  1866.  It  was 
the  case  with  France  in  1870,  Bismarck  even  going  so  far  as 
to  falsify  a  telegram  in  order  to  make  his  position  more  plau- 
sible.   So  in  the  present  case.    Germany  accepted  the  murder 


of  the  Austrian  Archduke  as  the  opportunity  for  her  to  strike 
at  her  neighbors  and  enlarge  her  power.  We  know  now  on 
German  testimony  that  a  conference  was  held  as  early  as  July 
5,  1914,  at  which  it  was  decided  that  there  would  be  war.  We 
know  now  as  well  as  we  know  anything,  that  the  German  Gov- 
ernment knew  and  approved  beforehand  the  Austrian  ultima- 
tum to  Serbia.  Germany  knew  that  Russia  was  unprepared  for 
war,  and  that  France  was  not  fully  prepared.  She  knew  that 
Great  Britain  was  wholly  unprepared.  That  she  knew  these 
things  we  know  from  the  testimony  of  her  own  statesmen. 
The  very  diplomatic  statements  made  to  excuse  their  conduct 
in  the  early  days  of  the  war  show  that  they  felt  that  they  must 
strike  both  Russia  and  France  because  Germany  was  ready 
and  they  were  not.  She  herself,  as  somebody  has  remarked, 
was  ready  to  the  last  cannon,  the  last  reservist,  and  the  last 
railroad  car.  In  the  great  mass  of  diplomatic  correspondence 
between  the  middle  of  July  and  the  second  of  August,  1914, 
there  is  not  a  telegram  or  a  communication  of  any  kind  to  show 
that  Germany  made  the  slightest  effort  to  secure  delay  by 
Austria.  In  short,  Germany  not  only  planned  the  war  but 
seized  the  opportune  time  and  planned  the  stroke. 

Some  Americans  apologizing,  before  we  entered  the  war, 
for  Germany's  action,  have  assumed  to  take  the  high  intellec- 
tual ground  that  the  great  conflict,  historically  speaking,  was 
inevitable ;  that  it  is  the  inevitable  result  of  the  clashing  inter- 
ests of  rival  peoples.  True,  the  conflict  was  in  a  sense  inev- 
itable. When  a  criminal  breaks  into  a  man's  house  at  night 
and  is  discovered,  a  conflict  is  inevitable.  When  a  band  of 
pirates  or  robbers  undertakes  to  interfere  with  the  livelihood 
and  orderly,  peaceable  living  of  honest  men,  a  conflict  is  inev- 
itable. If,  therefore,  by  this  statement  it  is  intended  to  say 
that  a  conflict  was  inevitable  because  a  group  of  people  in  one 
part  of  the  world  were  wrongfully  planning  to  attack  another 
group,  the  statement  is  correct.  If,  however,  it  is  intended  to 
mean,  as  undoubtedly  its  sponsors  have  wished  it  to  mean,  that 
the  clashing  "interests"  of  the  aggressor  were  morally  justifi- 
able, or  that  the  aggressors  were  unconscious  of  the  iniquity  of 
their  claims,  or  that  the  so-called  inevitableness  of  the  conflict 


removes  responsibility  for  it  from  the  shoulders  of  those  who 
plotted  it  and  started  it,  the  statement  is  neither  correct  nor 
worthy  of  argument  by  honest  minded  men.  A  conflict  has 
been  inevitable  whenever  in  the  history  of  the  world  brigands, 
robbers  or  wild  beasts  have  attacked  the  peaceful  settlements 
and  homes  of  men  who  were  trying  to  live  their  own  lives  in 
their  own  way.  As  long  as  courage  remains,  conflicts  under 
such  circumstances  will  be  inevitable.  But  there  is  no  room 
in  the  code  of  men  of  honor  for  an  excuse  or  apology  of  this 
kind  set  up  as  a  defense  of  the  most  outrageous  violation  of  the 
laws  of  humanity,  and  the  most  tremendous  transgression  of 
the  principles  of  morality  and  of  national  conduct  that  the 
world  has  ever  seen. 

One  argument  to  justify  themselves,  advanced  by  the  pres- 
ent leaders  of  German  thought,  is  that  might  makes  right ;  that 
therefore  the  German  nation  may  possess  itself  of  the  posses- 
sions of  the  weaker;  and  that  the  moral  law  which  obtains 
among  individuals  does  not  hold  as  between  states,  which  are, 
so  to  speak,  beings  of  a  different  order  of  morality.  We  need 
not  go  far  to  find  evidence  of  the  truth  of  this  statement  from 
the  mouths  of  the  Germans  themselves.  For  example,  we  are 
told  by  the  author  of  Gross-Deutschland,  published  in  1911, 
that:  "in  the  good  old  times  it  happened  that  a  strong  people 
thrust  a  weak  one  out  of  its  ancestral  abode  by  wars  of  exter- 
mination. Today  everything  goes  on  peaceably  on  this 
wretched  earth,  and  it  is  those  who  have  profited  who  are  for 
peace.  The  little  peoples  and  the  remnants  of  a  people  have 
invented  a  new  word — that  is  international  law.  In  reality  it 
is  nothing  else  than  their  reckoning  on  our  good-natured  stu- 
pidity  Room !  they  must  make  room ! Since  we  are 

the  stronger  the  choice  will  not  be  difficult/' 

Again  we  are  told,  in  a  volume  published  in  1895,  that: 

"Germans  alone  will  govern They  alone  will  exercise 

political  rights;  however,  they  will  condescend  so  far  as  to 
delegate  inferior  tasks  to  foreign  subjects  who  live  among 
them."  Still  again,  we  are  told :  "Let  no  man  say  every  peo- 
ple has  a  right  to  its  existence,  its  speech,  etc.  With  this 
saying  in  one's  mouth  one  can  easily  appear  civilized,  but  only 

10 


so  long  as  the  respective  peoples  remain  separated  from  one 
another  and  do  not  stand  in  the  way  of  a  mightier  one."  The 
writer  of  this  fine  piece  of  ethics  goes  on  to  say  that  if  people 
are  not  Germanic,  and  they  are  essentially  aliens  to  Germanic 
culture,  the  only  question  is :  Are  they  in  our  way?  "If  they 
are,"  he  says,  "to  spare  them  would  be  folly." 

We  are  told  that  "between  states  regarded  as  intelligent 
beings  disputes  can  be  settled  only  by  force."  This  idea  was 
advanced  by  Lasson  as  early  as  1868.  He  was  one  of  the  pro- 
fessors of  philosophy  at  the  University  of  Berlin,  under  whom, 
doubtless,  many  American  students  have  sat.  He  tells  us,  too, 
in  the  same  volume,  that  the  state  can  realize  itself  only  by  the 
destruction  of  other  states,  which,  logically,  can  be  brought 
about  only  by  violence. 

Of  course,  in  this  conflict  of  states,  the  German  is  always 
the  best.  Professor  Haeckel,  whose  name  was  once  honored 
throughout  the  world,  but  who  has  joined  the  band  of  degraded 
intellectuals  who  have  thrown  morality,  common  sense  and 
honesty  to  the  winds,  tells  us  that  "One  single,  highly  culti- 
vated, German  warrior  of  those  who  are,  alas,  falling  in  thou- 
sands, represents  a  higher  intellectual  and  moral  life  value 
than  hundreds  of  the  raw  children  of  nature  whom  England, 
France,  Russia  and  Italy  oppose  to  them."  The  same  ethics, 
or  lack  of  ethics,  is  shown  in  the  remark  of  Karl  Kuhn,  of 
Charlottenburg,  who  in  philosophical  ecstacy  exclaims :  "Must 
kultur  rear  its  domes  over  mountains  of  corpses,  oceans  of 
tears  and  the  death  rattle  of  the  conquered?  Yes ;  it  must, . . . 
The  might  of  the  conqueror  is  the  highest  law  before  which 
the  conquered  must  bow." 

The  state,  we  are  told,  need  pay  no  attention  to  the  moral 
law.  As  long  ago  as  1906  the  German  doctrine  was  expounded 
by  various  writers  from  whom  I  quote,  as  the  right  of  might. 
"By  right  of  war  the  right  of  strange  races  to  migrate  into 
Germanic  settlements  will  be  taken  away.  By  right  of  war  the 
non-Germanic  [population]  in  America  and  Great  Australia 

must  be  settled  in  Africa By  right  of  war  we  can  send 

back  the  useless  South  American  romance  peoples  and  the 
half-breeds  to  North  Africa." 

11 


Again,  we  are  told  that  "There  [in  Livonia  and  Kurland] 
no  other  course  is  open  to  us  but  to  keep  the  subject  race  in  as 
unciviHzed  a  condition  as  possible,  and  thus  prevent  them  from 
becoming  a  danger  to  the  handful  of  their  conquerors." 

In  short,  the  inferior  races,  and  all  races  are  inferior  to  the 
German,  are  to  be  excluded  from  political  life.  Their  individ- 
uality, their  political,  their  lingual  and  their  moral  existence  is 
to  be  crushed. 

At  times  they  have  been  out-spoken  and  frank  concerning 
their  designs  on  other  countries.  Twenty  years  ago,  in  1897, 
one  writer,  Bley,  told  his  compatriots :  "You  cannot  talk  and 
sing  about  an  indefensible  watch  on  the  Rhine  as  long  as  the 
Dutch  and  the  Swiss  do  not  sing  the  same  tune." 

"As  for  Belgium  and  Holland,"  Frymann  told  us  in  1911,^ 
"it  must  be  clear  to  both  that  this  [coming]  war  will  deter- 
mine their  future.  As  matters  in  Europe  have  come  to  a  head 
one  may  freely  avow  that  such  little  states  have  lost  their  right 
to  exist.  For  only  that  state  can  make  a  claim  to  indepen- 
dence which  can  make  it  good,  sword  in  hand."  And  with 
shame  be  it  said,  there  are  Americans  who  have  endorsed  this 
doctrine  by  writing  essays  to  prove  that  Belgium  is  economi- 
cally only  an  appanage  of  Germany  and  should  be  absorbed. 

In  1901  we  were  told  by  another  German  that  "Holland 
must  eventually  be  amalgamated  with  Germany,  as  both  coun- 
tries stand  and  fall  together;  the  same  language,  ideals  and 

ideas  distinguish  both  peoples,  v/ho  must  be  one But 

Germany  is  in  the  position  to  dictate  terms  and  to  force  Hol- 
land economically  to  seek  union  and  absorption."  Still  again,, 
a  distinguished  German  economist,  speaking  of  Belgium,  tells 
the  world  that  the  "destinies  of  the  immortal  great  nations 
stand  so  high  that  they  cannot  but  have  the  right,  in  case  of 
need,  to  strike  every  existence  that  cannot  defend  themselves, 
but  support  themselves  shamelessly  upon  the  rivalries  of  the 
great." 

Under  the  policy  of  Bismarck,  as  I  have  said,  German  na- 
tional unity  was  achieved  through  the  establishment  of  the 
Empire.  After  that  his  plan  was  to  consolidate  the  various 
German  states,  promote  their  unity  of  interests  and  ideals,  and 

12 


to  live  on  good  terms  with  his  neighbors.  Germany  was  sat- 
isfied with  the  accomplishment  of  her  unity,  and  Bismarck's 
influence  was  largely  and  strongly  thrown  against  extra-terri- 
torial ambitions.  But  when  the  present  Emperor  came  to  the 
throne  and  forced  Bismarck's  retirement,  a  change  gradually 
came  over  the  mind  of  the  German  nation.  As  one  writer, 
Frymann,  put  it  some  years  ago :  "Since  Bismarck  retired 
there  has  been  a  complete  change  of  public  opinion.  It  is  not 
longer  proper  to  say  Germany  is  satisfied.  Our  historical  de- 
velopment and  our  economic  needs  show  that  we  are  once 
more  hungry  for  territory,  and  this  situation  compels  Germany 
to  follow  paths  unforeseen  by  Bismarck." 

The  ambition  of  the  nation  became  the  domination  of  Eu- 
rope, on  the  ground  that  they  needed  more  land  for  their  grow- 
ing population.  They  proceeded  to  argue  that  the  land  of  the 
world  was  practically  all  occupied.  Everywhere  we  go,  they 
tell  us,  we  find  that  the  Englishman  has  been  before  us ;  and, 
they  added,  we  know  that  America  has  begun  the  same  land- 
grabbing  policy,  by  your  seizure  of  the  Philippines,  your  tute- 
lage of  Cuba  and  Central  America.  Therefore,  they  concluded, 
we  must  tear  the  land  from  the  possession  of  those  who  have  it. 
A  simple  illustration  will  make  clear  the  ethics  of  this  wonder- 
ful proposition.  In  this  country,  since  the  adoption  of  the  Con- 
stitution until  now,  there  has  been  abundance  of  land  open 
to  settlement  on  easy  terms,  or  for  nothing.  Hundreds  of 
thousands  of  enterprising  citizens  have  gone  in  and  occupied 
the  land,  so  that  now  our  population  reaches  in  an  unbroken 
stretch  from  ocean  to  ocean.  Now  there  are  no  more  oppor- 
tunities. The  present  generation  and  the  next  and  the  next, 
and  all  succeeding  generations,  will  be  born  only  to  find  the 
land  all  occupied.  They  want  it,  however,  as  ardently  as  you 
wanted,  or  as  your  fathers  or  grandfathers  wanted  it,  when 
they  took  up  the  government  patent  for  the  acres  that  now  are 
yours.  What  shall  we  think  of  a  proposition  that  we  who 
have  come  later  and  find  the  land  all  occupied,  shall  now  drive 
you  off  because  we,  forsooth,  in  our  opinion,  can  make  a  better 
use  of  it?  Yet  this  precisely  is  the  proposition  of  the  German 
Empire. 

13 


It  became,  then,  an  accepted  doctrine  of  German  foreign 
policy,  that  neighboring  small  countries,  Belgium,  Denmark, 
Holland  and  Switzerland  should  become  a  part  of  the  German 
Empire.  Their  lands  were  to  be  seized,  whether  the  people 
were  willing  or  not.  In  addition,  northern  France  was  to  be 
taken  so  as  to  give  the  German  Empire  a  sea  line  running  from 
Havre  to  the  east  end  of  Prussia.  This  perhaps  was  the  first 
form  that  their  thoughts  took, — an  empire  running  therefore 
from  the  western  boundary  of  Russia  south  to  Vienna  and 
west  to  the  Atlantic  ocean. 

For  one  reason  or  another  obstacles  which  they  could  not 
or  dared  not  try  to  surmount  at  the  time  prevented  the  early 
fulfillment  of  this  plan.  But  one  of  the  remarkable  features  of 
German  policy  is  its  elasticity.  It  was  possible  to  accomplish 
the  purpose  of  domination  in  some  other  way.  If  an  empire 
cannot  be  established  reaching  from  the  Gulf  of  Riga  to  the 
Bay  of  Biscay,  one  running  from  the  North  Sea  to  the  Persian 
Gulf,  as  the  world  has  recently  become  aware,  will  serve  the 
purpose  as  well,  —  perhaps  better!  "The  territory  open  to 
future  German  expansion,"  Professor  Hasse  tells  us,  "must 
extend  from  the  North  Sea  to  the  Baltic  and  the  Persian  Gulf, 
absorbing  the  Netherlands,  Luxemburg,  Switzerland,  the 
whole  basin  of  the  Danube,  the  Balkan  Peninsula  and  Asia 
Minor."  So  now  the  phrase  "from  the  North  Sea  to  the  Per- 
sian Gulf"  has  become  the  rallying  cry  of  the  Pan-Germans. 

But  one  thing  was  only  a  stepping-stone  to  another.  If,  in 
the  first  murderous  onrush  of  her  army  in  1914,  Germany  had 
succeeded  in  overrunning  all  of  Belgium,  and  seizing  the  north- 
ern part  of  France  as  far  as  Havre,  or  even  Dieppe,  she  would 
have  been  content  for  a  time.  For  such  an  increase  in  terri- 
tory, if  she  could  keep  it,  would  give  her  the  means  for 
strengthening  her  army  and  navy  for  the  next  onslaught.  For 
rest  assured,  there  is  to  be  a  next  onslaught,  as  I  will 
show  in  another  place,  unless  the  world  succeeds  in  destroying 
German  military  autocracy.  This  territory  would  have  served 
as  a  stepping-stone  for  an  aggression  to  realize  the  dream  of  an 
empire  to  the  Persian  Gulf,  and  that  in  turn  would  have  laid 
the  foundation  for  a  new  grip,  reaching  into  Asia,  for  the  con- 

14 


trol  of  India  and  China.  These  are  avowed  purposes,  as  may 
be  learned  from  the  works  of  many  German  writers.  Failing 
for  the  present  to  accomplish  the  seizure  of  the  Atlantic  lit- 
toral from  Antwerp  west ;  check-mated  in  the  dream  of  "Berlin 
to  Bagdad" ;  thrown  out  of  the  colonial  empire  which  he  pos- 
sessed ;  the  German  militarist  now  turns  for  enlargment  of  the 
Empire  by  the  seizure  of  Poland  and  of  Russia  territory  as  far 
as  the  Gulf  of  Riga.  It  makes  little  difference  where  the  foot- 
hold is,  so  long  as  it  is  a  larger  foothold  that  will  enable  him 
to  prepare  himself  to  deliver  his  next  blow  with  mightier  force. 
"Land,  more  land,"  as  the  cry  is  expressed  by  Maximilian 
Harden,  who  is  now  so  frequently  quoted  by  pacifist  poltroons 
among  our  own  countrymen  who  are  seeking  peace  at  the  ex- 
pense of  principle.  Harden  was  one  of  the  loudest  shriekers 
for  blood  at  the  beginning  of  the  war,  when  prospects  seemed 
favorable  to  complete  German  success.  Lately  he  has  been 
advocating  what  he  calls  a  moderate  policy,  holding  up  to  his 
country  the  moderation  of  President  Wilson  and  Lloyd- 
George.  Now  that  he  sees  that  the  purposes  which  he  sup- 
ported cannot  be  attained  he  is  whining  for  the  best  mode  of 
escape. 

But  the  establishment  of  this  European  empire  was  for  the 
purpose  of  furnishing  another  stepping-stone  on  which  to 
stand  and  dictate  to  the  world.  "Germany,"  we  are  told  by 
Pastor  Lehmann,  "is  the  center  of  God's  plans  for  the  world." 
"Germany,"  another  tells  us,  "as  the  preponderant  power  in  a 
Great-German  league  will  v/ith  this  war  attain  world  suprem- 
acy." And  still  again,  Nietzsche,  writing  thirty-three  years 
ago,  tells  us  that  "the  time  for  petty  politics  is  past,  the  next 
century  will  bring  the  struggle  for  the  dominion  of  the  world." 
It  was  in  keeping  with  this  purpose  and  plan  that  the  Kaiser 
declared  some  years  ago  to  his  people:  "Our  future  lies  on 
the  sea" ;  that  he  and  his  associates  in  government  planned  a 
great  colonial  empire.  As  another  German  professor  tells  us, 
writing  some  years  ago :  "If  we  do  not  soon  acquire  new  ter- 
ritory a  frightful  catastrophe  is  inevitable.  It  signifies  little 
whether  it  be  in  Brazil,  in  Siberia,  in  Anatolia,  or  in  South 
Africa."     Anywhere  in  the  world  they  were  ready  to  seize  the 

15 


best.  They  recognized  no  rights  on  the  part  of  the  existing 
population.  The  fact  that  Germany  wanted  land  gave  her  a 
moral  right  to  take  it  at  the  expense  of  the  property  and  lives 
of  its  present  occupants,  or  of  anybody  else.  "Let  us,"  says 
Karl  Wagner,  "let  us  bravely  organize  great  forced  migrations 

of  the  inferior  peoples The  inefficient  must  be  hemmed 

in  and  at  last  driven  into  reserves  where  they  have  no  room  to 

grow and  where,  discouraged  and  rendered  indifferent 

to  the  future  by  the  spectacle  of  the  superior  energy  of  their 
conquerors,  they  may  crav/1  slowly  towards  the  peaceful  death 
of  weary  and  hopeless  senility." 

But  the  dough  must  be  leavened  before  it  can  be  baked. 
Therefore  Germans  must  be  scattered  over  the  world  and 
wherever  possible  brought  together  into  localities  which  will 
develop  a  German  spirit  and  German  point  of  view,  and  secure 
a  dominating  influence  on  the  public  opinion  and  politics  of  the 
country.  Later  on  these  groups  will  serve  admirably  as  cen- 
ters around  which  to  organize  new  colonies  under  the  German 
flag! 

These,  then,  are  the  main  outlines  of  the  plan  of  the  Ger- 
man autocracy  to  bring  the  world  into  subjection.  Can  any 
man  understand  this  plan  and  fail  to  see  that  its  attainment 
would  strike  at  the  roots  of  liberty,  free  government  and  de- 
mocracy everywhere?  The  insidious  influence  and  power  of 
autocracy  v/ould  be  established  in  a  multitude  of  centers  scat- 
tered over  the  globe,  like  the  suckers  on  the  tentacles  of  a 
mighty  devilfish,  whose  body  rested  on  and  drew  its  suste- 
nance and  strength  from  the  main  part  of  the  autocratic  em- 
pire. Sensitive  to  every  touch,  its  body  v/ould  react  to  throw 
its  strength  wherever  there  was  an  opportunity  to  attach  a 
tentacle,  or  a  sucker  on  a  tentacle,  to  a  new  object  that  it  could 
absorb,  and  whose  life  it  could  destroy.  There  would  be  no 
safety  for  a  freedom-loving  people  anywhere  on  the  globe,  be- 
cause these  tentacles  of  influence  and  power  would  be  contin- 
ually reaching  out  and  constantly  growing.  No  nation,  not 
even  our  own,  would  have  been  able  to  stand  up  alone  with  any 
assurance  of  ultimate  success  against  such  a  power.  At  any 
rate,  ultimate  success  by  us  in  such  a  struggle,  when  it  came, 

16 


would  have  had  to  be  attained  at  a  cost  of  life,  form  of  govern- 
ment, and  all  that  democracies  hold  dear,  which  would  have 
made  men  pause  and  ask  whether  the  struggle  were  worth 
vv^hile. 

Laying  down  as  their  fundamental  and  unchallengeable 
premise  that  what  the  Germans  want  is  right,  and  that  since 
they  wish  to  expand,  to  seize  other  people's  land  and  dominate 
the  world,  they,  as  the  chosen  people  of  Almighty  God,  have 
a  right  to  do  it;  that  no  such  word  as  ''wrong"  can  be  recog- 
nized in  their  vocabulary;  the  defendants  of  the  monstrous  pro- 
gram of  German  autocracy  make  certain  claims  in  their  own 
defense  and  certain  complaints  which  we  will  proceed  briefly 
to  examine. 

Being  very  scientific,  by  a  perversion  of  reasoning,  they  ar- 
gue that  what  they  call  the  biological  law  of  life,  the  right  of 
the  fittest  to  survive,  confers  upon  the  strong  the  right  to  ex- 
tirpate the  weak.  They  do  not  ask  who  is  fittest  to  survive. 
They  beg  the  question  by  taking  it  for  granted  that  the  only 
being  fit  to  survive  is  the  one  endov/ed  with  brute  strength. 
They  then  confuse  the  exertion  of  brute  force  with  moral  right. 
In  short,  in  this  matter  they  have  followed  the  custom  which 
runs  through  all  German  political  and  philosophical  as  well  as 
psychological  arguments.  They  first  have  made  up  their 
minds  what  they  want  to  establish,  and  then  they  interpret  the 
data  which  they  have  at  hand  in  such  a  way  as  to  sustain  their 
point.  I  have  read  a  good  deal  of  German  political  and  eco- 
nomic literature  in  the  past  fifteen  years,  and  have  been  im- 
pressed every  time  with  this  fact.  They  prove  what  they  want 
to  prove,  and  show  either  a  real  indifference  to  the  facts,  or  a 
complete  failure  to  realize  that  they  are  not  on  their  side. 

Concerning  the  German  claim  of  their  right  to  expand,  it 
may  be  said,  in  reply,  that  no  country  has  ever  objected  to 
receiving  desirable  members  of  the  fatherland  who  in  years 
past  have  left  her  shores.  No  better  citizens  of  our  own  coun- 
try have  come  from  any  part  of  the  world  than  those  of  Ger- 
man stock.  It  would  have  been  a  great  thing  for  German 
moral  and  educational  influence  to  spread  over  the  civilized 
world  through  the  impress  of  the  character  and  training  of  her 

17 


sons  and  daughters.  But  this  was  not  enough  to  satisfy  the 
autocratic  government  of  the  Empire.  Wherever  a  German 
goes  he  must  still  remain  a  German,  and  retain  his  connections 
with  the  home  government!  The  flag  must  be  established 
and  the  language  spoken  wherever  Germans  go!  The  right 
to  expansion  in  this  sense  is,  of  course,  a  right  that  the  world 
cannot  grant. 

With  reference  to  the  German  claim  that  they  are  waging 
a  war  of  defense  and  not  of  conquest,  it  would  be  laughable  if 
it  were  not  tragic,  to  see  how  they  have  shifted  their  ground. 
The  utterances  of  every  spokesman  of  the  Teutonic  Empire  at 
the  outbreak  of  the  war,  the  literature  of  Germany  for  more 
than  a  generation,  her  state  of  preparedness  to  wage  war,  and 
her  utter  neglect  to  attempt  to  stay  the  beginning  of  war,  are 
all  evidence  that  she  entered  the  conflict  with  a  desire,  and  pur- 
pose, and  intention,  for  conquest.  To  be  sure,  when  she  found 
herself  hemmed  in  and  unable  to  advance  further,  especially 
on  the  western  front  and,  indeed,  on  the  eastern,  until  the  Rus- 
sian collapse,  then  we  find  a  change  of  tone.  Through  the 
utterances  of  her  spokesmen  now  there  runs  the  note  of  that 
whine  which  characterizes  them  in  defeat.  Some  people  "can- 
not stand  the  gaff."     They  lack  the  spirit  of  sport. 

Germany  claims,  as  she  has  claimed  for  a  generation,  that 
she  has  been  forced  to  become  a  military  state,  to  develop  the 
strongest  army  in  the  world  in  self-defense.  "On  the  one 
side,"  she  says,  "we  are  threatened  with  the  eruption  of  the 
barbarian  hordes  of  Russia ;  while  on  the  other  hostile  peoples 
hem  us  in.  We  must  always  be  in  a  position  to  defend  our- 
selves." If  Germany  had  developed  her  military  strength  only 
far  enough  to  enable  her  to  repel  attacks,  the  world  might  take 
this  view  and  sympathize  with  this  argument,  but  she  went 
far  beyond  this.  Of  the  danger  of  the  Russian  bogey  and 
French  revenge,  I  shall  speak  later. 

Again,  Germany  declares  that  one  nation  after  another  has 
blocked  her  program  of  expansion,  has  kept  her  from  finding 
her  "place  in  the  sun."  This  tune  has  been  harped  on  very 
strongly,  especially  with  reference  to  Great  Britain,  largely  for 
consumption  in  this  country.     We  have  been  told  with  an  iter- 

18 


ation  that  has  become  tiresome,  that  Great  Britain  was  trying 
to  prevent  German  commercial  expansion,  and  throttle  German 
trade.  There  is  not  a  scrap  of  proof  in  diplomatic  correspon- 
dence or  political  history  since  Germany  became  an  empire 
that  lays  a  sufficient  warrant  for  such  a  statement.  Great 
Britain  is  and  has  been  a  free-trade  nation.  Her  ports  have 
been  open  to  the  ships  of  all  the  world  on  the  same  terms  as 
to  her  own.  The  ports  of  her  independent  colonies  have  been 
open  to  the  ships  of  all  the  world,  including  those  of  the 
mother-country,  on  the  same  terms.  All  that  the  Germans 
had  to  do  was  to  do  the  service  better  and  cheaper  than  the 
British,  and  they  could  have  the  carrying  trade  of  Canada,  Aus- 
tralia or  Great  Britain  herself.  The  only  possible  ground  for 
taking  any  other  view  is  that  certain  lines  of  British  ships  re- 
ceived high  pay,  which  some  called  subsidies,  in  return  for 
mail  service,  in  order  that  the  government  might  be  at  liberty 
to  take  them  over  as  cruisers  in  event  of  war.  But  these  so- 
called  subsidies  were  for  a  few  passenger  lines  traveling  cer- 
tain routes,  and  had  no  reference  to  the  great  mass  of  British 
shipping.  German  steamship  companies  had  docks  in  various 
parts  of  the  British  Empire,  including  India,  as  well  as  in  the 
British  Isles  themselves.  When,  however,  the  German  com- 
plainants of  alleged  British  monopoly  forgot  themselves,  as 
they  did  once  in  a  while,  they  told  the  world  that  Germany  was 
driving  British  commerce  from  the  seas ;  that  the  world  over 
German  trade  was  driving  out  British.  Now  both  statements 
could  not  be  true.  That  is,  it  could  not  be  true  that  Great 
Britain  was  throttling  German  commercial  expansion  and  at 
the  same  time  that  German  commerce  was  driving  out  British 
all  over  the  world.  The  truth  is  that  neither  statement  was 
correct.  British  trade  during  the  years  when  her  foreign  crit- 
ics and  some  of  her  own  renegade  people  called  her  a  decaying 
nation,  was  advancing  by  leaps  and  bounds,  as  statistics  will 
show.  So  was  that  of  Germany.  And  no  one  welcomed  the 
German  expansion  more  frankly  and  cheerfully  than  did  the 
statesmen  of  Great  Britain.  When  Germany  was  beginning 
her  colonial  program  in  1884,  Mr,  Gladstone  said:  "If  Ger- 
many is  to  become  a  colonizing  power  all  I  can  say  is  God 

19 


speed  her."  And  Mr.  Chamberlain  added:  "If  foreign  na- 
tions are  determined  to  pursue  distant  colonial  enterprises  we 
have  no  right  to  prevent  them."  In  1911  Sir  Edward  Grey 
said  the  same  thing  in  almost  the  same  words.  Similar  state- 
ments are  on  record  from  authoritative  British  statesmen  and 
publicists  with  reference  to  German  commerce. 

No  evidence  has  ever  been  produced  to  show  that  any  one 
or  all  of  these  countries  had  any  designs  upon  the  peaceful  de- 
velopment of  the  German  Empire.  The  Entente  Alliance  be- 
tween Great  Britain,  France  and  Russia  was,  on  the  other 
hand,  a  measure  entered  into  as  a  protection  against  threatened 
German  aggression.  The  policy  of  Germany  was  to  sow  dis- 
sension among  the  other  states  of  Europe,  keeping  them  apart 
while  she  herself  maintained,  through  the  Triple  Alliance,  a 
solid  barrier  of  force  separating  eastern  Europe  from  western. 

In  order  to  create  prejudice  in  her  favor,  German  writers 
have  dwelt  strongly  upon  the  bogey  of  navalism,  and  when 
militarism  has  been  criticised  have  immediately  brought  out 
this  jack-in-the-box  to  make  an  impression.  Unthinking  or 
prejudiced  individuals  among  ourselves,  not  fully  acquainted 
with  the  facts,  have  been  caught  by  the  phrase.  The  world 
has  objected  to  German  militarism  in  the  sense  that  it  was  a 
mighty  military  organization,  created  for  the  purposes  of  ag- 
gression, and  in  ways  that  made  its  use  for  aggression  not  only 
possible  but  almost  certain.  No  such  statement  can  be  made 
of  the  alleged  British  navalism.  Search  the  history  of  the  past 
hundred  years  and  you  will  find  that  the  preponderant  British 
navy  has  been  used  not  for  the  subjugation  of  alien  peoples  and 
the  imposition  of  foreign  law  upon  unwilling  subjects,  but  has 
been  engaged  in  suppressing  piracy,  in  advancing  the  interests 
of  science,  and  in  no  case  has  been  an  aggressor.  Nor  can  a 
great  naval  power  dominate  in  the  same  sense  that  a  great 
military  power  can  do  so.  For  it  has  been  proven  over  and 
over  again,  the  latest  instance  being  the  Gallipoli  campaign, 
that  navies  cannot  overcome  land  defenses  and  military  power. 
But  the  country  which,  with  a  strong  navy,  backed  by  a  mighty 
army,  is  able  to  effect  a  landing,  can  then  use  its  military 
strength  for  subjugation.     The  term  "freedom  of  the  seas" 

20 


has  been  used  to  conjure  with,  and  to  attack  British  policy. 
But  the  seas  have  been  open  and  free,  the  British  navy  to  the 
contrary,  to  the  ships  of  every  nation  for  more  than  a  hundred 
years.  Indeed,  they  have  been  open  because  of  the  British 
navy.  I  have  been  often  puzzled  to  understand  just  what  the 
Germans  meant  by  the  freedom  of  the  seas.  Lately,  however, 
I  have  run  across  the  explanation.  Here  it  is  as  recently  given 
in  one  of  our  newspapers :  "In  March,  1917,  Count  Reventlow 
explained  the  phrase  at  a  great  meeting  in  the  Berlin  Phil- 
harmonic Hall.  On  the  authority  of  the  Naval  and  Military 
Record  of  England  this  bloodthirsty  person  thus  put  himself 
on  record :  'What  does  Germany  understand  by  the  freedom 
of  the  seas?  Of  course  we  do  not  mean  by  it  the  free  use  of 
the  seas,  which  is  the  common  privilege  of  all  nations  in  time 
of  peace,  or  the  right  to  the  open  highways  of  international 
trade.  That  sort  of  freedom  of  the  seas  we  had  before  the  war. 
What  we  understand  today  by  this  doctrine,'  he  continued,  *is 
that  Germany  should  possess  such  maritime  territories  and 
such  naval  bases  that  at  the  outbreak  of  war  we  should  be  able 
with  our  navy  reasonably  ready,  to  guarantee  ourselves  the 
command  of  the  seas.  We  want  such  a  jumping-off  place  for 
our  navy  as  would  give  us  a  fair  chance  of  dominating  the  seas 
and  of  being  free  on  the  seas  during  a  war.'  " 

Again,  the  Germans  have  tried  to  create  a  prejudice  against 
Great  Britain  by  harping  upon  the  mightiness  of  the  British 
Empire.  They  have  found  it,  in  their  writings  and  speeches, 
rotten  and  ready  to  fall  apart — because  that  was  what  they 
wanted.  It  was  amusing  to  me  when  I  was  in  Germany  to  see 
the  assurance  with  which  the  Germans  talked  of  misrule  of 
Great  Britain  in  her  colonies,  and  of  the  certainty  with  which 
these  colonies  would  desert  her  in  her  hour  of  trial.  Their 
conversation  and  their  writings  showed  that  they  knew  noth- 
ing at  all  about  the  real  facts  of  the  situation.  They  had  lis- 
tened, as  even  some  in  our  neighborhood  here  had  listened  and 
taken  at  one  hundred  per  cent  value,  the  diatribes  of  a  few  dis- 
contented foreigners.  The  answer  to  the  criticism  that  the 
British  Empire  should  be  broken  up  because  it  was  a  tyranny 
has  been  found  in  the  glorious  response  of  the  Empire  in  this 
war.  9-j^ 


As  I  have  already  said,  another  claim  of  the  Germans  in  de- 
fense of  their  program  of  expansion  was  that  Russia  was  a 
menace  to  her.  Slav  barbarism  threatens  to  overwhelm  us, 
they  said.  Our  ignorance  of  real  conditions  in  Russia  made  it 
easy  for  us  to  believe  this.  But  the  claim  could  be  shown  to 
be  in  large  measure  untrue.  Without,  however,  entering  into 
the  merits  of  that  question,  it  is  sufficient  to  point  out  that  on 
this  point  as  on  others  the  German  statements  were  inconsis- 
tent. While  professing  a  fear  of  Slav  domination,  they  con- 
stantly expressed  contempt  for  Russia's  military  strength. 
They  had  no  reason  to  fear  her  if  they  were  not  afraid  of  her 
army. 

At  another  time  it  was  France  that  blocked  the  way  of  this 
chosen  people  of  God  in  their  program  of  robbery  and  murder. 
Therefore,  France  must  be  punished,  and  in  their  phrase  "bled 
white"  beyond  recovery.  I  will  not  insult  your  intelligence 
by  answering  this  claim. 

Finally,  in  order  that  the  world  and  posterity  might  be  sat- 
isfied that  she  was  a  much  abused  and  deeply  wronged  nation 
by  all  the  rest  of  the  world,  Germany  told  us  that  the  United 
States  of  America  has  been  in  recent  years  following  a  policy 
that  blocked  her  way.  "What  do  you  people  want  with  the 
Philippines?"  is  the  question  that  was  frequently  asked  of 
Americans  in  the  days  immediately  following  the  Spanish  war. 
Germany  went  as  far  as  she  dared  during  our  Spanish  war  to 
impede  our  operations,  and  to  secure  the  Philippine  Islands 
for  herself.  She  secured  a  foothold  in  the  Samoan  Islands,  and 
attempted  to  secure  one  in  Venezuela. 

In  short,  in  seeking  to  attain  her  aim  of  world  domination 
Germany  has  planned  to  absorb  her  small  neighbors  and  de- 
stroy the  British  Empire,  to  inculcate  propaganda  favorable  to 
herself  in  every  country  where  her  interests  could  be  subserved 
thereby.  She  has  established  agencies  for  corrupting  and  un- 
dermining public  opinion  in  every  country  of  the  globe  where 
her  plans  could  thereby  be  furthered.  She  has  established 
through  her  emigrants  in  different  countries  groups  strong 
enough  to  dominate  opinion  and  action,  or  to  try  to  set  up  in 
time  a  new  state  under  German  Government,  as  in  Brazil.     She 

22 


3ias  used  the  gains  of  every  war  and  every  diplomatic  struggle 
as  the  basis  for  future  aggression.  She  has  permitted  nothing 
to  be  done  in  world  politics  for  twenty  years  without  insisting 
on  having  her  "share,"  whether  she  had  an  interest  in  the  par- 
ticular matter  or  not.  She  shook  her  mailed  fist  at  Morocco 
and  rattled  her  sword  at  Manila.  She  has  insidiously  tried  to 
destroy  the  industrial  and  commercial  plants  of  other  coun- 
tries, and  undermine  their  economic  and  social  organization. 
She  has  stirred  up  internal  dissensions  by  bribery  and  the  dis- 
semination of  falsehoods,  and  has  even  gone  so  far  as  to  stir 
up  foreign  enemies  against  countries  which  supposed  she  was 
their  friend. 

Not  only  has  the  German  autocracy  thrown  the  shadow  of 
its  sinister  designs  across  the  path  of  the  world's  progress,  but 
in  its  immediate  methods  of  carrying  out  its  purposes,  it  has 
crucified  humanity  and  has  violated  every  principle  of  kindli- 
ness and  righteousness.  Under  the  instruction  of  their  mili- 
tary staff,  the  German  army  went  into  Belgium  and  northern 
France  with  the  avowed  purpose  of  so  terrorizing  the  inhabi- 
tants that  the  world  would  be  afraid  to  oppose  the  Germans. 
The  belief  on  their  part  that  such  was  human  nature  not  only 
casts  a  reflection  on  their  good  sense,  but  makes  one  v/onder 
v/hether  they  themselves  are  the  kind  of  people  they  thought 
the  rest  of  us  were.  In  their  conduct  of  the  war  they  have 
defied  and  broken  treaties  and  international  law  whenever  and 
wherever  it  suited  their  purpose,  and  they  stand  today  before 
the  judgment  bar  of  God  and  men  as  a  people  forsworn.  They 
have  violated  every  moral  principle,  in  the  commission  of  rob- 
bery, murder  and  rape.  Neither  age,  sex  nor  condition  has 
been  a  protection  against  their  violence.  Old  men,  women 
and  even  babes  in  arms — -it  made  no  difference,  all  must  be 
trampled  in  the  march  of  their  glorious  army.  It  would  have 
been  bad  enough  if  such  conduct  had  gone  only  so  far  as  it 
could  be  defended  reasonably  on  military  grounds,  if  ever  mili- 
tary grounds  require  such  conduct;  but  no  shadow  of  excuse 
that  will  stand  the  test  of  a  moment's  thought  can  be  brought 
forward  that  v/ill  justify  the  treatment  of  Belgium  and  of 
northern  France.     The  evidence  is  abundant  and  unimpeach- 

23 


able.  We  need  not  seek  the  testimony  of  outsiders.  We  need 
rely  only  on  the  private  diaries  of  German  soldiers  and  officers, 
official  proclamations  and  the  photographs  of  the  outraged,  the 
dead  and  the  dying. 

They  have  destroyed  private  property  and  desolated  the 
country  that  they  have  occupied — even  while  prating  about 
the  sacredness  of  private  property  at  sea !  No  one  who  knows 
them  and  their  program  doubts  for  a  moment  that  this  is  done 
in  accordance  with  official  plans  for  the  very  purpose  of  mak- 
ing it  impossible  for  a  desolated  land  to  be  their  competitors  in 
the  future.  "Anybody  who  knows  the  present  state  of  things 
in  Belgian  industry  will  agree  with  me,"  says  Deputy  Beumer 
of  the  Prussian  Diet,  "that  it  must  take  at  least  some  years — 
assuming  that  Belgium  is  independent  at  all — before  Belgium 
can  even  think  of  competing  with  us  in  the  world  market.  And 
anybody  who  has  traveled,  as  I  have  done,  through  the  occu- 
pied districts  of  France,  will  agree  with  me  that  so  much  dam- 
age has  been  done  to  industrial  property  that  no  one  need  be 
a  prophet  in  order  to  say  that  it  will  take  more  than  ten  years 
before  we  need  think  of  France  as  a  competitor  or  of  the  re- 
establishment  of  French  industry."  Here,  then,  we  have  the 
real  motive  of  the  utter  desolation  which  the  Germans  have 
wrought  in  the  occupied  territory. 

Again,  contrary  to  international  law  and  the  custom  of  war, 
for  generations,  they  have  resorted  to  the  practices  of  the  Mid- 
dle Ages  by  imposing  fines  on  conquered  and  occupied  cities. 

They  have  violated  the  treaties  of  generations,  the  conduct 
of  honorable  soldiers,  the  law  of  nations,  and  the  tenets  of 
modern  civilization  by  seizing  hostages,  making  them  respon- 
sible for  the  acts  of  other  people,  and  murdering  them  to  suit 
their  pleasure. 

They  have  violated  military  law  by  killing  unofficial  civil- 
ians. They  have  violated  military  law,  international  law,  their 
own  specific  pledges,  and  the  law  of  humanity,  by  using  civil- 
ians, including  even  women  and  children,  as  screens  before 
their  advancing  soldiers  in  battle.  They  have  outraged  the 
conscience  of  the  world,  violated  international  agreement  and 
set  civilization  back,  by  restoring  slavery  through  the  deporta- 

'24 


tion  of  defenseless  inhabitants  of  conquered  territory,  tearing 
them  from  their  families  and  transporting  them  to  work  in  Ger- 
many or  elsewhere. 

Through  their  piratical  submarine  attacks  they  have  vio- 
lated international  law,  restored  piracy  and  committed  murder, 
even  of  neutrals  on  peaceful  ships,  innocent  travelers, — men, 
women,  girls,  boys  and  babes  in  arms. 

They  have  gone  back  to  the  war  practices  of  five  centuries 
ago  by  their  cowardly  use  of  poison  gases  that  inflict  the  most 
awful  tortures,  so  that  their  opponents  are  more  than  justified 
in  the  moderate  criticism  which  they  have  made,  that  the  Ger- 
mans are  "not  clean  fighters." 

They  have  been  guilty  of  inhumanity  and  violating  law  by 
killing  the  wounded,  by  attacking  hospitals  and  Red  Cross  am- 
bulances, and  by  attacking  undefended  cities.  They  have 
placed  themselves  in  the  same  class  with  the  fanatical  Turks, 
by  condoning  the  massacre  of  Armenians.  Do  you  doubt  the 
truth  of  these  statements?  Out  of  their  own  mouths  again, 
judge  them. 

I  give  a  single  instance  out  of  many  in  each  case.  As  to 
robbery :  "After  living  about  a  week  in  a  chateau  near  Liege, 
His  Royal  Highness,  Prince  Eitel  Fritz,  the  Duke  of  Bruns- 
wick, and  another  nobleman  of  less  importance,  had  all  the 
dresses  that  could  be  found  in  the  wardrobes  belonging  to  the 
lady  of  the  house  and  her  daughters  packed  before  their  own 
eyes  and  sent  to  Germany." 

As  to  incendiarism :  "The  village  was  surrounded  and  the 
soldiers  posted  one  yard  apart  so  that  no  one  could  escape. 
Then  the  Uhlans  set  fire  to  the  place  one  house  after  another. 
No  man,  woman  or  child  could  possibly  escape.  Any  one  try- 
ing to  escape  was  shot." 

As  to  murder,  here  is  one  case:  "All  the  villagers  fled. 
The  dead  were  all  buried,  numbering  60.     Among  them  were 

many  old  men  and  women Three  children  were  clasped 

in  each  others  arms  and  had  died  thus." 

As  to  outrages  on  women  and  children,  I  dare  not  quote. 

As  to  killing  the  wounded,  I  need  but  recall  the  order  of 
General  Stenger :  "No  prisoners  are  to  be  taken.  All  prison- 
ers, whether  wounded  or  not,  must  be  slaughtered." 

25 


As  to  sheltering  themselves  behind  women  and  others  ins 
battle,  hear  Lieut.  Eberlein:     **I  made  them  sit  on  chairs  in; 

the  middle  o£  the  street The  civilians  whom  they  had. 

put  in  the  same  way  in  the  middle  of  the  street  were  killed  by^ 
French  bullets.     I  saw  their  dead  bodies." 

As  to  killing  prisoners,  I  have  already  quoted  General 
Stenger. 

As  to  being  liars  about  their  conduct,  I  need  not  quote- 
Read  almost  any  statement  of  their  military  chiefs  or  of  any 
pro-German. 

As  to  the  deportation  of  civilians,  and  the  restoration  of 
slavery  on  a  scale  unparalleled  since  the  days  of  the  Calmuck 
Tartars,  read  the  statements  of  your  own  Ambassador  Gerard 
and  other  Americans  who  were  on  the  ground. 

Then  as  to  the  general  character  of  their  procedure  in  the 
conduct  of  the  war,  listen  to  the  testimony  of  one  of  our  own 
distinguished  fellow-citizens,  Mr.  F.  C.  Walcott,  one  of  Mr. 
Hoover's  staff  in  Belgium. 

A  year  ago  I  went  to  Poland  to  learn  its  facts  con- 
cerning the  remnant  of  a  people  that  had  been  deci- 
mated by  war.  The  country  had  been  twice  devas- 
tated. First  the  Russian  army  swept  through  it  and 
then  the  Germans.  Along  the  roadside  from  Warsaw 
to  Pinsk,  the  present  firing  line  230  miles,  near  half  a 
million  people  had  died  of  hunger  and  cold.  The  way 
was  strewn  with  their  bones  picked  clean  by  the 
crows.  With  their  usual  thrift,  the  Germans  were 
collecting  the  larger  bones  to  be  milled  into  fertilizer, 
but  finger  and  toe  bones  lay  on  the  ground  with  the 
mud  covered  and  rain  soaked  clothing. 

Wicker  baskets  were  scattered  along  the  way — 
the  basket  in  which  the  baby  swings  from  the  rafters 
in  every  peasant  home.  Every  mile  there  were  scores 
of  them,  each  one  telling  a  death.  I  started  to  count, 
but  after  a  little  I  had  to  give  it  up,  there  were  so 
many. 

That  is  the  desolation  one  saw  along  the  great 
road  from  Warsaw  to  Pinsk,  mile  after  mile,  more 
than  two  hundred  miles.  They  told  me  a  million 
people  were  made  homeless  in  six  weeks  of  the  Ger-         ^ 

26 


man  drive  in  August  and  September,  1916.  They 
told  me  four  hundred  thousand  died  on  the  way 

In  the  refugee  camps,  300,000  survivors  of  the 
flight  were  gathered  by  the  Germans,  members  of 
broken  families.  They  were  lodged  in  jerry-built 
barracks,  scarcely  water-proof,  unlighted,  unwarmed 
in  the  dead  of  winter.  Their  clothes,  where  the  but- 
tons were  lost,  were  sewed  on.  There  were  no  con- 
veniences, they  had  not  even  been  able  to  wash  for 
weeks.  Filth  and  infection  from  vermin  were  spread- 
ing. They  were  famished,  their  daily  ration  a  cup  of 
soup  and  a  piece  of  bread  as  big  as  my  fist 

In  that  situation,  the  German  commander 

issued  a  proclamation.  Every  able-bodied  Pole  was 
bidden  to  Germany  to  work.  If  any  refused,  let  no 
other  Pole  give  him  to  eat,  not  so  much  as  a  mouthful, 
under  penalty  of  German  military  law. 

This  is  the  choice  the  German  Government  gives 
to  the  conquered  Pole,  to  the  husband  and  father  of  a 
starving  family :  Leave  your  family  to  die  or  survive 
as  the  case  may  be.  Leave  your  country  which  is  de- 
stroyed, to  work  in  Germany  for  its  further  destruc- 
tion. If  you  are  obstinate,  we  shall  see  that  you  surely 
starve. 

Staying  with  his  folk,  he  is  doomed  and  they  are 
not  saved ;  the  father  and  husband  can  do  nothing  for 
them,  he  only  adds  to  their  risk  and  suffering.  Leav- 
ing them,  he  will  be  cut  off  from  his  family,  they  may 
never  hear  from  him  again  nor  he  from  them.  Ger- 
many will  set  him  to  work  that  a  German  workman 
may  be  released  to  fight  against  his  own  land  and  peo- 
ple. He  shall  be  lodged  in  barracks,  behind  barbed 
wire  entanglements,  under  armed  guard.  He  shall  be 
scantily  fed  and  his  earnings  shall  be  taken  from  him 
to  pay  for  his  food. 

That  is  the  choice  which  the  German  Government 
offers  to  a  proud,  sensitive,  high-strung  people.  Death 
or  slavery. 

When  a  Pole  gave  me  that  proclamation,  I  was 
boiling.  But  I  had  to  restrain  myself.  I  was  prac- 
tically the  only  foreign  civilian  in  the  country  and  I 
wanted  to  get  food  to  the  people.  That  was  what  I 
was  there  for  and  I  must  not  for  any  cause  jeopardize 

27 


the   undertaking.      I   asked    Governor    General   von 
Beseler,  "Can  this  be  true?" 

"Really,  I  cannot  say,"  he  replied,  "I  have  signed 
so  many  proclamations ;  ask  General  von  Kries." 

So  I  asked  General  von  Kries.  "General,  this  is  a 
civilized  people.    Can  this  be  true?" 

"Yes,"  he  said,  "it  is  true" — with  an  air  of  adding. 
Why  not? 

I  dared  not  trust  myself  to  speak;  I  turned  to  go. 
"Wait,"  he  said.  And  he  explained  to  me  how  Ger- 
many, official  Germany,  regards  the  state  of  subject 
peoples. 

This,  then,  men  and  women  of  America,  is,  so  far,  the  story. 
Let  us  turn  back,  quietly  still,  and  read  a  little  history. 

The  writings  of  many  Germans  make  it  clear  that  the  an- 
ticipated success  in  the  present  war  was  to  be  a  basis  for  future 
action  against  ourselves.  Sixteen  years  ago  a  professor  of 
history  in  the  Royal  Academy  in  Posen  and  the  Academy 
in  Berlin,  Dr.  Hotsch,  wrote:  "The  most  dangerous  foe  of 
Germany  in  this  generation  will  prove  to  be  the  United 
States."  Lieut.  Edelscheim  wrote,  in  1901 :  "Operations  against 
the  United  States  of  North  America  must  be  entirely  different. 
With  that  country  in  particular  political  friction  manifest  in 
commercial  aims  has  not  been  lacking  in  recent  years,  and  has 
until  now  been  removed  chiefly  through  acquiescence  on  our 
part.  However,  as  this  submission  has  its  limit,  the  question 
arises  as  to  what  means  we  can  develop  to  carry  out  our  pur- 
pose with  force  in  order  to  combat  the  encroachments  of  the 
United  States  upon  our  interests If  the  German  invad- 
ing force  were  equipped  and  ready  for  transporting  the  mo- 
ment the  battle  fleet  is  dispatched  under  average  conditions, 
these  corps  can  begin  operations  on  American  soil  within  at 

least  four  weeks The  United  States  at  this  time  is  not 

in  a  position  to  oppose  our  troops  with  an  army  of  equal  rank. 

As  a  matter  of  fact,  Germany  is  the  only  great  power 

which  is  in  a  position  to  conquer  the  United  States." 

Still  another  writer,  in  1897,  expressed  the  opinion  that 
"the  Monroe  doctrine  lacks  as  yet  a  justification  in  the  unified 

,       28 


character  of  the  people" !  Still  another  tells  us :  "It  is  there- 
fore the  duty  of  every  one  who  loves  languages  to  see  that  the 
future  language  spoken  in  America  shall  be  German." 

In  1903  Vollert  wrote :     "From  all  this  it  appears  that  the 

Monroe  doctrine  cannot  be  justified And  so  it  remains 

only  what  we  Europeans  almost  universally  consider  it,  an 
impertinence."  So  distinguished  an  authority  as  the  econo- 
mist Schmoller  wrote  some  years  ago :  "We  most  desire  that 
at  any  cost  a  German  country  containing  some  20  or  30  million 

Germans  may  grow  up  in  the  coming  century  in  Brazil 

Unless  our  connection  with  Brazil  is  always  secured  by  ships 
of  war,  and  unless  Germany  is  able  to  exercise  pressure  there 
our  development  is  threatened." 

Another  professor  of  political  economy  (Schulze-Gaever- 
nitz)  wrote  in  1898 :  "The  more  Germany  is  condemned  to 
an  attitude  of  peaceful  resistance  toward  the  United  States, 
the  more  emphatically  must  she  defend  her  interests  in  Central 
and  South  America  where  she  today  occupies  an  authoritative 

position For  this  purpose  we  need  a  fleet  capable  not 

only  of  coping  with  the  miserable  forces  of  South  American 
states  but  powerful  enough  if  the  need  should  arise  to  cause 
Americans  to  think  twice  before  making  any  attempt  to  apply 
an  economic  Monroe  doctrine  in  South  America.  Still  again, 
we  are  told  by  another  that  it  depends  on  the  political  situation 
when  Germany  shall  take  possession  of  a  harbor  in  Venezuela. 
Before  doing  so,  however,  this  writer  tells  his  fellow-country- 
men that  they  should  determine  first  whether  they  are  to  ac- 
quiesce in  the  American  order  of  "hands  off  in  South  America." 

In  1904  Friedrich  Lange  asserted  that  all  the  republics  of 
South  America  would  accept  the  advice  of  the  German  Govern- 
ment and  listen  to  reason,  either  voluntarily  or  under  coercion, 
while  two  years  later  another  wrote  that  not  only  North  Amer- 
ica but  the  whole  of  America  must  become  perhaps  the  strong- 
est fortress  of  the  Germanic  races.  This  is  one  of  the  writers 
who  advocated  the  sending  of  people  of  non-Germanic  blood 
now  living  in  South  America  to  Africa  so  as  to  have  "a  free 
South  America  for  those  of  Germanic  blood."  This  was  twelve 
years  ago.     At  about  the  same  time  another  aspirant  for  his 

29 


country's  expansion  told  the  world  that  Germany  would  take 
under  her  protection  the  republics  of  Argentina,  Chile,  Uru- 
guay and  Paraguay,  and  other  parts  of  South  America  where 
Germans  had  settled  predominantly. 

Still  again,  in  1915,  Professor  Hettner  of  Heidelberg  told 
his  countrymen  that  in  treating  with  America  German  public 
opinion  was  to  some  extent  lacking  in  courage.  "Just  because 
the  United  States  has  set  up  the  Monroe  doctrine  to  exclude 
Europeans  from  America  it  does  not  follow  that  we  should 
acquiesce  in  that  doctrine." 

Throwing  a  flood  of  light  on  the  opinions  which  I  have 
quoted  concerning  the  attitude  of  Germany  towards  the  United 
States,  is  the  story  told  by  Major  N.  A.  Bailey  and  published 
in  the  New  York  Tribune,  August  11,  1915.  It  is  as  follows: 
"At  the  close  of  the  Spanish-American  War,  I  was  returning 
on  the  Santee — I  think  it  was — from  Santiago,  Cuba,  to  Mon- 

tauk  Point On  board  there  was  a  military  attache  from 

Germany,  Count  von  Goetzen,  a  personal  friend  of  the  Kaiser. 
Apropos  of  a  discussion  between  Count  von  Goetzen  and  my- 
self on  the  friction  between  Admiral  Dewey  and  the  German 
Admiral  at  Manila,  von  Goetzen  said  to  me:  'About  15  years 
from  now  my  country  will  start  her  great  war.  She  will  be  in 
Paris  in  about  two  months  after  the  commencement  of  hostil- 
ities. Her  move  on  Paris  will  be  but  a  step  to  her  real  object 
— the  crushing  of  England.  Everything  will  move  like  clock- 
work. We  will  be  prepared  and  others  will  not  be  prepared. 
I  speak  of  this  because  of  the  connection  which  it  will  have 
with  your  own  country.  Some  months  after  we  finish  our 
work  in  Europe  we  will  take  New  York  and  probably  Wash- 
ington and  hold  them  for  some  time.  We  will  put  your  coun- 
try in  its  place  with  reference  to  Germany.  We  do  not  pur- 
pose to  take  any  of  your  territory,  but  we  do  intend  to  take  a 
billion  or  more  dollars  from  New  York  and  other  places.  The 
Monroe  doctrine  will  be  taken  charge  of  by  us,  as  we  will 
then  have  put  you  in  your  place,  and  we  will  take  charge  of 
South  America,  as  far  as  we  want  to.'  " 

Finally,  we  have  to  bear  in  mind  the  remark  of  the  gentle- 
man who  has  several  times  proclaimed  that  he  took  his  stand 

30 


beside  his  allies  in  shining  armor,  the  Emperor  himself.  Am- 
bassador Gerard  tells  us  that  in  conversation  with  him  the 
Emperor  repeatedly  said :  "America  had  better  look  out  after 
this  war,"  and  "I  shall  stand  no  nonsense  from  America  after 
the  War." 

The  sentiments  that  have  been  described  above  have  come 
to  the  surface  on  several  occasions  in  the  history  of  the  past 
two  decades.  The  story  of  the  attitude  and  interference  of  the 
German  Admiral  Diedrichs  with  the  operations  of  Admiral 
Dewey  and  his  attempt,  without  success,  to  persuade  the  Brit- 
ish Admiral  to  take  the  same  view,  are  well  known.  Yet 
Chancellor  von  Bulow,  speaking  in  the  Reichstag  in  1899  evi- 
dently approved  the  truculent  attitude  of  his  Admiral.  He 
said  among  other  things,  that  the  need  of  Germany  for  coaling 
stations  was  most  clearly  indicated  at  the  time  of  the  Spanish- 
American  war,  and  that  the  introduction  in  the  Reichstag  of  a 
bill  for  the  increase  of  the  German  navy  was  justified  by  the 
occurrences  of  the  Spanish-American  war,  the  disturbances  in 
Samoa  and  the  war  in  South  Africa. 

In  connection  with  the  Spanish  war,  not  only  did  the  Ger- 
man Admiral  by  his  actions  show  contempt  for  the  American 
fleet,  but  he  gave  indirect  aid  to  our  enemy ;  he  interfered  as  far 
as  he  dared  in  an  obstructive  way  in  the  operations  of  Dewey's 
fleet,  and  tried  the  patience  of  our  Admiral  almost  to  the  break- 
ing point.  Later  on  the  same  commander  in  the  same  cruiser, 
the  Panther,  slipped  into  a  harbor  of  Venezuela  and  en- 
deavored to  get  a  foothold  there.  German  influence  has  been 
thrown  against  the  construction  and  the  control  of  the  Panama 
Canal  by  ourselves  and  against  the  purchase  by  us  of  the 
Danish  West  India  Islands. 

In  spite  of  this  fearful  indictment,  in  spite  of  this  long  series 
of  truculent  acts  against  every  people  in  the  world  who  were 
imagined  by  German  leaders  to  stand  in  their  way,  we  still 
find  some  of  our  people  asking  why  we  went  into  the  war !  We 
went  in  for  a  variety  of  reasons. 

In  the  first  place,  we  were  called  on  as  one  of  the  leaders 
of  humanity  to  take  a  stand  in  defense  of  civilization,  right- 
eousness and  law.    When  our  forefathers  published  the  Decla- 

31 


ration  of  Independence  they  said  that  among  other  reasons  for 
issuing  their  statement  was  a  decent  respect  for  the  opinions 
of  mankind.  No  such  respect  has  been  shown  by  the  German 
Government  in  this  war,  or  the  incidents  that  preceded  it.  Has 
a  man  no  duty  when  he  sees  his  neighbor  beaten,  robbed  or 
murdered?  Has  a  people,  a  country,  a  nation  no  duty  to  act 
when  it  sees  the  principles  for  which  it  stands  trampled  to  the 
earth;  and  its  neighbors  maltreated,  robbed  and  murdered? 
Has  a  nation  no  duty,  nay,  has  a  nation  no  interest  to  protect, 
when  it  sees  principles  and  practices  antagonistic  to  its  own  ex- 
istence established  in  a  neighboring  community?  The  answer 
is  given  in  our  own  Declaration  of  Independence  when  the 
writers  said  that  one  of  the  causes  for  rebelling  was  the 
attempt  of  the  king  of  Great  Britain  to  establish  in  a  neighbor- 
ing province  a  government  that  would  be  inimical  to  our  own. 
Every  principle  and  precept  of  humanity,  the  duty  to  defend 
righteousness  and  law  among  nations,  every  interest  involved 
in  the  maintenance  of  our  own  democratic  form  of  govern- 
ment, called  us  to  join  in  this  war. 

Again,  were  we  to  stand  apart  when  the  moral  sense  of  the 
world  was  outraged  by  the  murder  and  oppression  of  the  peo- 
ple of  Belgium  and  northern  France?  What  defense  can  a 
man  or  a  nation  offer  if  he  stands  passive  and  silently  acquies- 
ces in  such  deeds  as  the  massacre  of  the  Armenians,  the  Ser- 
bians and  the  Poles,  and  the  enslavement  of  the  Belgians?  Is 
it  worthy  of  a  free  people  to  refuse  to  resent  such  things  as  the 
murder  of  Edith  Cavell,  or  Captain  Fryatt,  or  the  innocent 
travelers  on  the  Lusitania? 

We  said  we  went  to  war  with  Spain  to  free  the  people  of 
Cuba  from  tyranny  and  misery  and  give  them  an  opportunity 
to  live  as  freemen.  That  is  a  humanitarian  motive.  Did  we 
lie?  If  we  did  not,  then  such  a  motive  justifies  our  entry  into 
this  war. 

But  there  are  more  important  reasons  for  our  intervention. 
Our  pride  and  national  dignity  have  been  insulted  by  the 
system  of  propaganda  which  has  undertaken  to  corrupt  and 
undermine  our  public  opinion,  to  falsify  and  to  destroy  our 
political  and  moral  ideals,  to  interfere  with  our  industry  and 

32 


trade  by  the  destruction,  at  the  risk  of  life,  of  industrial  and 
other  establishments.  As  a  far-seeing  people  we  are  called 
on  to  interpose  ourselves  to  prevent  the  growth  of  an  auto- 
cratic government  to  a  point  of  strength  where  at  its  leisure 
and  pleasure  it  can  defy  that  Monroe  doctrine  which  we  have 
regarded  as  one  of  the  greatest  safeguards  of  liberty  in  the 
western  hemisphere. 

But  even  more  specifically :  We  were  insultingly  told  that 
we  must  not  sell  munitions  of  war.  Apparently  it  was  the  high 
prerogative  of  the  German  nation  to  do  this  to  any  belligerent, 
but  we  might  not  do  it  if  it  injured  or  even  displeased  the 
German  autocracy.  We  patiently  pleaded  our  cause,  showing 
the  reasons  for  our  action.  The  German  Government  tried  to 
stir  up  internal  sentiment  against  us.  She  then  issued  her 
edicts  about  shipping.  We  protested  against  attacks  on  neutral 
ships  by  submarines  and  particularly  against  the  sinking  of 
neutral  vessels  or  of  any  vessel  in  ways  contrary  to  maritime 
international  law  endangering  the  lives  of  the  crew  and  pas- 
sengers. Pretending  to  acquiesce,  the  German  Government 
waited  for  an  opportune  time,  when  she  had  increased  the 
number  of  her  submarines,  and  then  defied  the  request  and  the 
wish  of  the  United  States.  She  sent  to  an  untimely  death  inno- 
cent children  and  women  as  well  as  men,  and  in  too  many 
instances  her  submarine  commanders  sank  vessels  in  such  a 
way  as  to  make  it  almost  impossible  for  passengers  or  crew 
to  survive.  "Sink  them  so  that  not  a  trace  will  be  left  behind" 
seems  to  have  been  the  order  of  other  representatives  of  the 
German  Government  than  the  fool  who  spoke  for  it  in  Buenos 
Aires.  "Public  policy  prompted  by  the  emotions  is  stupidity. 
Humanitarian  dreams  are  imbecility.  Diplomatic  charity  be- 
gins at  home.  Statesmanship  is  business.  Right  and  wrong 
are  notions  indispensable  in  private  life.  The  German  people 
are  always  right  because  they  number  87,000,000  souls." 

But  why  prolong  the  horrible  story?  If  in  the  face  of  the 
evidence  easily  accessible  to  all,  and  only  part  of  which  I  have 
touched  upon,  there  is  any  one  among  us  who  still  is  in  doubt 
about  the  wisdom  and  necessity  of  our  entering  the  war,  then 
he  would  not  listen  if  the  country  were  covered  with  the  in- 

33 


vaders  and  we  were  experiencing  the  same  ruthlessness  that 
has  befallen  the  people  of  Belgium,  Serbia,  Poland,  Armenia 
and  France.  If  any  one  now  does  not  believe  that  it  has  been 
the  set  purpose  of  the  imperial  German  Government  to  domi- 
nate the  earth,  to  destroy  democracy  and  establish  autocracy, 
then  he  too  must  be  one  of  those  87  million  German  people 
who  are  always  right  because  they  are  German. 

Therefore,  fellow-citizens,  in  going  to  Europe  to  fight  side 
by  side  with  glorious  Britain,  heroic  France  and  courageous 
Italy,  we  are  simply  defending  our  own  shores,  our  own  lives, 
our  own  families.  For  it  is  as  clear  as  the  sunlight  that  if 
German  autocracy  succeeds  in  establishing  its  aims  on  the  con- 
tinent of  Europe,  the  Republic  of  America  will  be  the  next 
victim.  And  if  we  had  not  undertaken  to  stem  the  rising  tide 
of  slavery  and  terror  on  the  other  side  of  the  Atlantic  we  would 
have  found  it  necessary  to  do  it  on  this  side  alone.  It  would 
not  have  been  only  the  burning  of  New  York,  or  Boston,  or 
Washington,  or  Charleston ;  it  would  not  have  been  only  the 
imposition  of  fines  and  indemnities  of  billions  of  dollars;  it 
would  not  have  meant  merely  the  destruction  of  our  property 
and  the  robbery  of  our  sustenance ;  it  would  have  meant  the 
dishonor  or  the  death,  or  both,  of  those  who  are  dear  to  us; 
it  would  have  meant  the  destruction  of  that  great  national 
spirit  and  national  organization  which  has  been  established 
and  cemented  by  the  blood  of  our  fathers ;  it  would  have  meant 
the  turning  back  of  the  liberty  of  the  individual  and  the  world 
to  the  conditions  of  five  centuries  ago ;  it  would  have  meant  the 
blotting  out  of  that  spirit  of  freedom,  that  spirit  of  indepen- 
dence, that  spirit  of  duty,  that  spirit  of  high  idealism,  which 
we  like  to  characterize  as  American ;  it  would  have  meant  that 
instead  of  America's  being,  as  she  always  has  been,  the  hope 
of  the  world,  she  would  take  her  place  among  the  beaten  and 
degraded  and  enslaved  nations  under  the  heel  of  an  emperor 
who  claims  to  represent  God,  and  whose  shining  armor,  no 
longer  shining,  but  begrimed  with  the  blood  of  the  innocent 
and  the  weak,  is  still  waving  his  sword  in  defiance  of  law  and 
order  and  right. 


84 


Think  about  these  things.  Go  home,  look  at  your  barns, 
and  remember  that  if  "This  Thing"  comes  to  our  shores  it  will 
be  well  for  you  to  burn  them  before  the  invader  does.  Look  at 
your  crops  and  your  trees.  If  he  reaches  our  shores  cut  them 
down  and  burn  them.  It  will  be  better  to  do  that  than  to  let 
them  fall  into  his  hands.  Look  at  your  wife  and  your  daugh- 
ters, and  be  ready  to  follow  the  example  of  Virginius,  in  an- 
cient Rome.  For  it  were  better  that  they  were  dead.  Think 
of  the  liberty  you  have  enjoyed,  and  choose  to  lie  dead  rather 
than  give  it  up.  Think  of  the  country  of  which  you  are  a  part 
and  which  your  fathers  and  yourself  have  helped  to  build  up, 
and  make  up  your  mind  to  lay  it  desolate  in  universal  ruin 
according  to  your  own  way,  because  if  you  do  not  and  are 
beaten  it  will  be  done  in  the  invader's  way. 

To  prevent  these  things  is  our  task.  "To  such  a  task,"  in 
the  words  of  our  great  President,  "we  can  dedicate  our  lives 
and  our  fortunes,  everything  that  we  are,  and  everything 
that  we  have,  with  the  pride  of  those  who  know  that  the  day 
has  come  when  America  is  privileged  to  spend  her  blood  and 
her  might  for  the  principles  that  gave  her  birth  and  happiness 
and  the  peace  which  she  has  treasured.  God  helping  her,  she 
can  do  no  other." 

I  see  a  vision!  "I  see  a  drumhead  court-martial.^  I  see  an 
English  woman,  tall,  sweet-faced  and  pale.     I  see  her  calm 

under  the  lash  of  words  of  torment I  see  her  led  away. 

I  see  her  blindfolded  as  six  men  with  rifles  step  away. 

I  see  the  garments  torn,  exposing  her  left  breast  so  that  they 
v/ill  need  no  other  white  mark  to  reach  her  heart.  I  hear  a 
command.  I  hear  a  report.  A  form  crumples  into  a  grave,  and 
a  soul  takes  flight  to  the  God  that  gave  it." 

But  wait.  My  eye  turns  back  to  our  own  land.  A  mes- 
senger boy  with  a  thin  yellow  envelope  in  his  hand  has  just 
entered  a  quiet  cottage  in  central  Illinois.  The  messenger 
leaves.  The  father  and  mother  sit  alone  dry  eyed  and  still. 
By  and  by  the  woman,  rising,  goes  to  her  husband  and  taking 
one  lapel  of  his  coat  in  each  hand  she  shakes  him  fiercely,  and 


Trom  "The  Cross  of  Gold,"  by  C.  F.  Johnson,  Twin  Falls,  Idaho. 

35 


says :  "John,  they  have  killed  my  boy  in  France,  and  I  want 
you  to  DO  SOMETHING."  So  when  500,000  more  or  less 
are  murdered  in  France,  and  parents  begin  to  go  all  over  the 
nation  saying  "They  have  killed  my  boy  in  France,  won't  you, 
and  you,  and  you,  do  something?"  we  will  plow,  and  dig,  and 
mine,  and  nail,  and  work,  and  think,  and  pray  and  fight.  And 
still  the  call  will  ring  in  our  ears :  They've  killed  my  boy  in 
France;  won't  you  do  something?  and,  by  the  Eternal  God, 
we  will! 


36 


MOBILIZATION  FOR  FOOD  PRODUCTION 

A  PLAN  FOR 

CIVIL-MILITARY  SERVICE 

TO  INSURE  AN  ADEQUATE  FOOD  SUPPLY  FOR  THE  UNITED 
STATES  AND  WESTERN  EUROPE 

Proposed  by  the  University  of  Illinois 

Prepared  by  the  Faculty  of  the  College  of  Agriculture  and  the 
Department  of  Economics 


This  Plan  is  based  upon  the  following  facts: 

1.  The  present  production  of  food  in  the  United  States  is  not 
increasing  in  proportion  to  the  increase  in  population. 

2.  In  going  to  war,  the  production  of  food  is  our  strongest  asset, 
particularly  in  view  of  the  reduced  food  production  in  Canada  and  in 
western  Europe, 

3.  The  experience  of  all  time  indicates  that  every  nation  in  going 
to  war  puts  men  into  active  military  service  without  regard  to  the 
disturbance  of  basic  industrial  conditions,  even  the  production  of  the 
food  of  the  people. 

4.  Indiscriminate  enlistment  from  the  farms  with  no  plan  for 
labor  replacement  is  certain  to  reduce  food  production  below  the  level 
of  positive  need,  for  we  already  have  two  lean  years  behind  us  and 
under  present  conditions  of  a  hungry  world  continued  shortage  may 
mean  disaster. 

5.  If  an  adequate  food  supply  is  to  be  assured,  tJie  military  plan 
must  include  an  enlistment  for  food  production  as  definite  as  for  service 
at  tJie  front.  From  the  first  the  Department  of  War  should  as  rigor- 
ously protect  the  food  production  as  it  does  any  other  means  of 
national  defense. 

6.  Anything  like  limiting  the  food  of  the  people  is  wholly  un- 
necessary if  reasonable  attention  be  given  to  the  business  of  produc- 
tion.   America  has  land  enough,  if  it  is  properly  handled,  to  feed  both 


herself  and  w estem  Europe ;  besides,  more  men  would  be  required  to 
enforce  a  police  restriction  of  food  than  would  be  required  to  turn  a 
scarcity  into  an  abundance. 

7.  For  years  labor  has  been  deserting  the  land  and  building  up 
conditions  of  employment  that  the  farmer  cannot  meet,  for  it  is  impos- 
sible to  conduct  a  farm  upon  the  eight-hour  plan  and  according  to 
union  rules.  The  typical  family  of  five  cannot  work  to  the  best  ad- 
vantage the  typical  farm  of  one  hundred  and  twenty  to  two  hundred 
and  forty  acres,  and  the  farmer  has  reached  the  limit  in  the  use  of 
machinery  and  in  the  employment  of  his  children  to  replace  the  hired 
help  that  has  gone  to  the  city.  Any  plan  to  be  safe,  therefore,  must 
not  only  make  good  the  enlistment  from  the  country,  but  must  actually 
add  to  the  present  labor  supply  of  the  farmer. 


DETAIL  PROCEDURE 

I.  Registration. — Register  every  farm  operator,  whether  owner, 
tenant,  or  manager,  together  with  the  number  of  acres  of  tillable  land, 
pasture,  and  timber ;  the  men  he  usually  employs,  including  his  sons, 
and  the  number  of  men  he  would  need  to  employ  in  order  to  insure 
maximum  crops, 

II.     Enlistment. — Enlist  in  the  Civil-Military  Service  and  under 
military  pay  the  following  classes : 

1.  Men  above  military  age,  especially  with  farm  experience. 

2.  Men  of   military   age   and   of   good   health   but   either 

permanently  or  temporarily  unfit  for  war  service  at 
the  front. 

3.  Boys  from  fifteen  to  eighteen  years  of  age,  whether  from 

the  country  or  from  the  city. 

ni.    Training  Camp  Farms 

1.  Establish  at  convenient  points  on  land  rented  by  the 
government  and  suitable  for  intensive  farming,  military  camps  where 
the  enlisted  men  not  otherwise  employed  (see  under  Employment)  may 
be  gathered  and  housed,  such  farms  to  be  devoted  to  the  raising  of 
crops  requiring  a  maximum  amount  of  hand  labor,  such  as  vegetables, 
small  fruits,  cotton,  and  tobacco. 

2.  Erect  at  these  centers  facilities  for  drying  and  canning 
Buch  food  products  for  preservation  and  for  transportation. 


IV.    Employment 

1.  On  farms:  The  largest  asset  for  food  production  is  the 
thousands  of  farms  already  organized  under  the  management  of  ex- 
perienced farmers,  each  with  an  independent  business  operating  thru 
established  channels  of  trade.  Here  should  go  the  maximum  of  the 
enlisted  men,  and  the  camps  should  be  ready  at  all  times  to  furnish 
lists  of  available  help,  it  being  understood  that  men  under  employment 
by  the  farmer  are  on  furlough  and  off  government  pay,  receiving  from 
the  farmer  the  ''going  wage"  of  the  locality,  dependent  upon  the  work 
the  man  or  the  boy  is  able  to  do.  All  such  enlisted  men  should  be  re- 
ported from  time  to  time  as  may  be  required  by  the  military  authorities. 

It  should  be  understood  as  a  part  of  the  plan  that  an  en- 
listed man  having  taken  service  with  a  farmer  and  becoming  dissatis- 
fied may  return  to  the  camp  and  the  lower  wage,  or  if  he  is  unable  to 
give  satisfaction  he  may  be  discharged,  in  which  case  he  must  return 
at  once  to  camp. 

2.  Enlisted  men  not  employed  on  private  farms  should  be 
at  the  camp  farms  under  military  discipline,  but  under  agricultural 
leadership ;  such  men  to  devote  their  first  attention  to  the  production 
of  food  under  the  direction  of  an  agricultural  leader,  chosen  in  each 
case  for  his  ability  in  the  particular  kind  of  farming  followed  at  this 
special  camp. 

The  plan  of  farming  should  be  such  as  to  afford  time  for 
regular  military  drill  for  those  of  military  age  and  below,  not  only 
for  the  welfare  of  the  camp,  but  in  order  to  afford  preparation  for  such 
as  are  going  to  the  front  as  soon  as  their  age  limitations  or  physical 
disabilities  are  removed.  In  general,  men  of  military  age  and  above 
without  farm  experience  should  be  quartered  in  regions  engaged  in 
intensive  farming  where  oversight  is  possible. 

As  the  camp  is  depleted  by  members  entering  the  active 
military  service,  its  numbers  should  be  systematically  replenished  by 
new  enlistments. 


Registration  or  enlistment  for  Civil-Military  Service 
should  be  considered  as  truly  patriotic  as  any  service,  and  such  enlist- 
ment should  be  made  attractive  thru  formal  recognition,  as  by  uni- 
forms and  the  use  of  special  organizations,  ranks,  and  degrees  of 
efficiency,  even  promotion  and  commissions.  Especially  is  this  true  for 
the  younger  men  and  boys. 


UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS  i 

Agricultural  Experiment  Station 


URBANA,  ILLINOIS,  FEBRUARY,  1918 


CIRCULAR  No.  210 


THE  FARM  MACHINERY  SITUATION 

By  E.  A.  WHITE^ 

In  answer  to  the  call  for  more  food,  the  citizens  of  Illinois  will 
plant  every  square  foot  of  ground  possible  in  1918.  To  accomplish 
this  end,  farm  machinery  is  a  necessity,  and  it  becomes  a  patriotic 
duty  as  never  before  to  give  attention  to  the  early  purchasing  and 
care  of  implements.  The  United  States  Government  has  ol^cially 
recognized  the  necessity  of  farm  machinery  by  giving  to  the  raw  ma- 
terials for  its  manufacture  a  rating  in  Class  Bl,  next  to  the  materials 
for  munitions.  It  noAv  devolves  upon  us  to  rise  to  the  occasion  and  do 
our  "best"  to  insure  that  w^e  go  into  the  fields  this  coming  spring 
mechanically  equipped  for  the  great  drive. 

An  Adequate  Supply  of  Machinery  Is  Necessary. — The  present 
labor  shortage  can  be  partially  offset  by  an  adequate  supply  of  ma- 
chinery to  insure  the  proper  planting,  cultivating  and  harvesting  of 
a  large  crop.  Stock  should  be  taken  of  the  machines  on  hand,  keeping 
in  mind  the  labor  conditions  and  the  crops  wdiich  should  be  planted. 
If  there  is  any  possible  doubt  of  a  sufficient  supply  being  on  hand, 
take  a  trip  to  the  dealers  and  order  what  may  be  necessary.  Look 
over  new  machines,  and  see  if  there  is  not  some  new  implement 
which  could  be  used  to  advantage.  ;  ■    ■'  ' 


^Assistant  Professor  of  Farm  Mechanics,  College  of  Agriculture. 


2  Circular  No.  210  {February, 

Order  New  Machines  Now. — If  a  new  machine  is  needed,  pur- 
chasing should  not  be  put  off  until  the  season  opens.  Order  it  now. 
The  best  authorities  agree  that  prices  will  not  be  lower.  Transporta- 
tion is  very  slow.  The  dealers,  fearing  retrenchment  on  the  part  of 
the  users,  are  reluctant  to  lay  in  their  usual  supplies.  The  purchaser 
can  render  a  patriotic  service  by  placing  his  orders  early,  thereby 
taking  advantage  of  present  prices,  relieving  the  dealer  of  unneces- 
sary risks,  giving  the  manufacturer  an  idea  of  the  number  of  ma- 
chines required,  relieving  the  transportation  situation  later  in  the 
year,  and  insuring  that  the  machines  will  be  on  hand  when  needed. 

Order  Repairs  Now. — All  machines  on  hand  should  be  gone 
over  and  the  repair  parts  which  will  be  needed  this  next  season  listed. 
List  not  only  broken  parts  and  worn  parts,  but  also  parts  which  are 
known  to  wear  out  and  break.  Take  this  list  to  the  dealer.  If  he  has 
the  parts  on  hand,  take  them  home ;  if  not,  place  an  order  immediately 
for  the  same.  Express  service  can  not  be  relied  upon  as  in  the  past. 
Waiting  to  order  until  a  machine  breaks,  may  prove  disastrous. 

We  should  go  into  the  field  this  coming  spring  prepared  for  emer- 
gencies. A  machine  with  one  part  broken  is  useless.  The  ordering  of 
repair  parts  now^  will  insure  an  adequate  supply  in  the  hands  of  the 
user,  thereb}^  reducing  to  a  minimum  the  time  lost  in  breakdowns. 
The  home  army  must  be  just  as  thoro  and  ei!icient  in  its  work  as  the 
army  on  the  firing  line ;  it  behooves  us  to  be  forehanded. 

Begin  Now  to  Put  the  Machines  in  the  Best  Possible  Working 
Condition. — Under  present  conditions  neglecting  to  care  properly 
for  farm  machinery  is  certainly  unpatriotic.  Go  over  every  imple- 
ment, putting  on  repair  parts,  tightening  the  bolts,  and  replacing 
wooden  parts  which  are  worn  out.  Sharpen  all  soil-preparation  ma- 
chines, such  as  plows,  disk  harrows,  and  spike-toothed  harrows.  G-ive 
the  cultivators  an  overhauling.  Put  the  mowers  and  binders  in  re- 
pair. Clean  out  all  the  oil  holes.  Secure  new  bearings  where  they  are 
needed.  Have  this  work  done  on  the  farm  or  at  the  local  blacksmith 
shop.  The  efficiency  of  farm  machinery  can  be  greatly  increased  for 
the  coming  season  by  careful  attention  to  the  above  points.  All  this 
should  be  taken  care  of  hefore  the  spring  work  opens.  "Do  it  now"  is 
the  motto  for  repairing  farm  machinery. 

Care  of  Machinery. — When  using  a  tillage  implement,  make  an 
especial  effort  to  have  the  wearing  surfaces  scour,  and  then  keep 
them  in  this  condition.  No  such  implement  works  properly  when  it 
does  not  scour.  This  is  especially  true  of  soil-preparation  implements 
and  ciiltivators.  When  thru  with  one  of  these  implements,  coat  the 
bright  surfaces  with  axle  grease  or  a  mixture  of  axle  grease  and 
Venetian  red. 


1918]  The  Farm  Machinery  Situation  3 

It  is  a  common  saying  that  "machinery  does  not  wear  out ;  it  rnsts 
out" — a  condition  that  can  be  largely  prevented.  Every  implement 
should  be  housed  if  possible.  Wherever  stored,  implements  should  be 
off  the  ground,  away  from  contact  with  dirt,  straw,  manure,  or  trash. 
Keep  the  chickens  away  from  them. 

Go  over  every  machine  at  the  end  of  the  season  and  list  the  repairs 
which  it  will  require  for  another  season  on  a  tag  attached  to  the  ma- 
chine. Then  place  an  immediate  order  for  any  new  parts  which  will 
be  needed. 

It  is  imperative  at  tlie  present  time  tliat  every  precaution  possible 
he  taken  to  lengtlien  tJie  life  of  macJiinery.  Raiv  materials  are  scarce, 
labor  difficult  to  secure,  and  in  addition  to  tlie  domestic  demands  the 
American  manufacturer  must  supply  our  allies  ivitli  farm  implements. 
In  some  lines,  orders  from  England  and  France  liave  increased  500 
per  cent  since  the  war  started.  Here  is  an  opportunity  to  render  direct 
service!  Care  for  the  American  machinery,  thereby  making  available 
an  adequate  supply  for  our  allies  across  the  sea. 

The  Tractor. — The  gas  tractor  has  arrived  in  the  corn  belt.  In 
the  hands  of  successful  farmers  it  has  proved  to  be  a  most  desirable 
source  of  farm  power.  It  works  day  and  night,  if  necessary.  It  en- 
ables the  farmer  with  a  minimum  of  help  to  do  a  large  amount  of  heavy 
work,  such  as  the  preparation  of  the  soil,  in  a  short  time.  It  is  not 
susceptible  to  the  effects  of  flies  and  hot  weather.  "Where  winter  wheat 
is  grown,  it  has  proved  to  be  a  desirable  source  of  power,  as  it  permits 
the  proper  preparation  of  a  seed  bed  when  ploAving  is  difficult  and  the 
soil  hard  to  work. 

To  insure  more  efficient  use  of  the  tractor  this  coming  season, 
especial  attention  should  be  given  to  two  things :  First,  take  steps  to 
put  the  tractor  in  the  best  possible  condition  now ;  and  second,  leam  as 
much  as  possible  about  the  fundamentals  of  tractor  operation. 

The  tractor  requires  more  attention  than  any  other  machine  which 
the  farmer  owns.  Do  not  expect  it  to  work  without  this  attention. 
Before  spring  work  opens,  every  tractor  should  be  gone  over  by  an  ex- 
pert. If  the  operator  understands  his  machine  thoroly,  he  is  the  man 
to  do  the  work.  If  not,  try  to  secure  a  local  mechanic  who  is  to  be 
trusted,  or  obtain  the  services  of  a  representative  from  the  companj^ 
which  manufactured  the  machine. 

The  fundamental  principles  upon  which  a  tractor  operates  are  new 
to  most  of  us.  This  fact  has  led  to  an  endless  amount  of  trouble,  which 
can  be  remedied  only  when  each  and  every  one  who  operates  a  tractor 
makes  a  special  effort  to  become  thoroly  familiar  Avith  the  fundamentals 
of  cycles,  ignition,  carburization,  etc.  There  is  available  much  litera- 
ture on  these  subjects.  Books  and  newspaper  and  magazine  articles 
furnish  a  wealth  of  information.     Read  carefully  the  instruction  book 


4  Circular  No.  210 

which  should  be  furnished  with  every  tractor ;  if  it  has  been  lost,  secure 
another.  If  possible,  attend  one  of  the  tractor  schools  which  will  be 
conducted  this  Avinter.  Leave  nothing  undone  that  will  fit  you  to  be- 
come a  more  proficient  tractor  operator. 

Service  from  the  Dealer  and  the  Manufacturer. — Some  dealers 
and  most  manufacturing  companies  maintain  a  corps  of  experts  whose 
services  are  available  to  farmers  whose  machines  are  not  working 
properl}^  Before  calling  for  such  services,  be  certain  that  the  trouble 
cannot  be  remedied  by  a  local  mechanic.  If  it  cannot,  put  in  a  request, 
thru  the  dealer,  for  help  from  the  company.  If  a  machine  gave  trouble 
last  season,  put  in  such  a  request  now,  thereby  giving  the  manufactur- 
ers an  opportunity  to  become  familiar  with  the  trouble  and  to  plan 
for  taking  care  of  it  before  the  rush  season  opens. 

Thus,  ive  'must  take  better  care  of  our  macliinery.  We  must  an- 
ticipate our  needs.  We  must  use  our  macliinery  more  efficiently,  reduc- 
ing in  every  way  possible  tlie  man  labor  required  for  producing  maxi- 
mum crops. 

To  put  tJie  production  and  use  of  macliinery  on  a  war  footing 
requires  co-operation  and  foretliougJit  on  tlie  part  of  manufacturers, 
dealers  and  farmers.  Ordinary  methods  of  doing  business  in  tliis  field 
are  not  sufficient  to  meet  tlie  demands  of  a  nation  at  war. 


March,  1918  Extension  Circular  No.  20 

UNIVERSITY    OF    ILLINOIS 
COLLEGE   OF   AGRICULTURE 

Extension  Service  in  Agriculture  and  Home  Economics 

IN   COOPERATIOX   WITH  THE   UNITED   STATES   DEPARTMENT  OF  AGRICULTURE 
V,'.    F.    HANDSCHIN,    VICE-DIRECTOR 

Urbana,  Illinois 


-      THE  USE  OF  FARM  LABOR 
DURING  THE  WAR 

By  W.  F.  HANDSCHIN'  and  J.  B.  ANDREWS^ 

The  war  has  brought  to  our  farmers  an  increased  demand  for 
food  and  a  decreased  supply  of  labor.  Under  these  conditions  it 
seems  plain  that  if  food  production  is  to  be  maintained  or  increased, 
there  must  be  a  considerable  change  in  the  methods  of  production 
on  the  majority  of  our  farms. 

The  suggestions  made  in  this  circular  are  based  mainly  upon  the 
following  sources  of  information :  first,  upon  detailed  cost-account- 
ing studies  made  during  the  past  five  years  on  some  twenty  to  twenty- 
five  farms  located  in  various  parts  of  the  state  ;'^  second,  upon  gen- 
eral accounts  kept  on  approximately  four  hundred  farms  in  ten 
counties  in  northern  and  central  Illinois  during  the  past  two  to  three 
years;  and  third,  upon  a  considerable  amount  of  first-hand  experi- 
ence, by  the  authors,  in  handling  farm  labor  in  several  middle  west- 
ern states.  The  suggestions  are  offered  in  the  hope  that  they  may, 
in  a  measure,  help  to  meet  the  labor  problems  that  confront  our 
farmers.  Unless  we  can  solve  these  problems  reasonably  well,  we 
shall  not  be  able  to  feed  ourselves  and  our  allies  in  1919,  to  say  noth- 
ing of  1920  and  later,  should  the  war  continue  that  long. 

To  any  one  who  knows  anything  of  farmers  and  farm  life,  it  is 
useless  to  suggest  that  farmers  work  harder.  The  majority  of  farm- 
ers are  already  working  up  to  the  limit  of  their  ability,  at  least 
during  all  of  the  cropping  season.  The  only  hope  of  meeting  the 
demand  for  increased  food  production,  so  far  as  labor  is  concerned, 
must  come  thru  the  better  utilization  of  the  labor  at  hand.  It  is  now 
almost  certain  that  such  labor  will  be  reduced  either  in  amount  or  in 


'Assistant  Professor  of  Farm  Organization  and  Management. 

-Instructor  in  Farm  Organization  and  Management. 

^These  studies  were  carried  on  by  the  Animal  Husbandry  Department  in 
its  investigations  of  systems  of  live-stock  farming  during  the  years  1913  to 
1916  inclusive. 


2  Extension  Circular  No.  20  [March, 

quality,  or  more  likely  in  both,  during  the  period  of  the  war.  In 
view  of  these  facts  it  seems  plain  that  the  situation  at  best  will  be 
very  difficult.  It  is  therefore  all  the  more  important  that  we  make 
every  possible  effort  to  solve  the  labor  problem  in  so  far  as  we  can. 
In  increasing  the  efficiency  of  the  labor  we  have,  the  following 
factors  will  probably  be  the  most  important: 

The  more  even  distribution  of  labor  thruout  the  growing  season  by  means 
of  a  good  rotation  of  crops 

The  equipping  of  every  laborer  with  enough  horse  power  and  with  the 
size  and  type  of  machinery  that  will  enable  him  to  do  the  greatest  possible 
amount  of  work 

The  planning  of  all  the  farm  work  so  that  every  operation  that  is  not 
definitely  fixed  as  to  time  or  season  may  be  fitted  in  between  the  busiest,  or 
"peak-load"  periods,  when  every  minute  may  be  of  special  importance  in 
producing  or  saving  a  crop 

The  practice  of  letting  live  stock  harvest  crops  and  feed  themselves  in 
so  far  as  is  practicable 

The  use  of  a  careful  follow-up  system  to  help  in  planning  and  executing 
the  work  from  week  to  week  and  from  day  to  day 

In  any  plan  to  make  the  best  use  of  labor,  no  one  of  the  factors 
mentioned  is  likely  to  entirely  solve  the  problem.  Each  one,  how- 
ever, will  help  use  labor  to  somewhat  better  advantage,  and  the  com- 
bined effect  of  several  or  all  of  the  six  factors  will  certainly  go  a 
long  way  toward  getting  the  necessary  work  done  with  the  labor 
at  hand. 

Plan  a  Good  Rotation.^ — A  very  large  part  of  the  man  labor  nec- 
essary in  the  production  of  farm  crops  is  used  during  relatively 
short  periods.  For  example,  much  of  the  labor  required  in  produc- 
ing a  corn  crop  is  used  during  a  period  of  about  two  months,  from 
May  1  to  July  1,  approximately.  The  major  part  of  the  labor  neces- 
sary for  most  other  farm  crops  is  used  over  still  shorter  periods. 
Most  of  the  labor  they  require  is  used  during  a  period  of  from  ten 
to  fifteen  days  at  planting  time  and  a  similar  period  during  harvest. 
For  different  crops,  however,  the  "peak-load"  of  labor  comes  at  dif- 
ferent times.  If,  then,  crops  can  be  selected  which  will  spread  the 
labor  needed  as  evenly  as  possible  thruout  the  growing  season, 
instead  of  piling  it  up  for  short  periods,  the  labor  available  can  be 
better  used ;  or  stated  in  another  way,  one  man  can  grow  more  acres 
of  crop,  or  a  given  number  of  crop  acres  can  be  handled  by  a  lesser 
number  of  men,  which  is  the  chief  aim  during  the  period  of  the  war. 

Groiu  Wheat  and  Rye. — Corn  is  in  general  our  most  profitable 
crop  and  produces  relatively  larger  amounts  of  food  per  acre  than 
most  crops  grown  in  this  section.  We  shall  therefore  not  likely  want 
to  greatly  reduce  our  corn  acreage.  Less  than  5  percent  of  the 
corn  crop  is  consumed  directly  by  people,  however,  and  only  a  small 
portion  of  it  can  be  so  consumed  as  long  as  we  produce  from  25  to 
30  bushels  per  capita.  From  the  standpoint  of  producing  food  crops 
that  are  consumed  directly  by  people  in  any  large  way,  wheat  is  far 


WIS]  The  Use  of  Farm  Labor  During  the  War  3 

more  efficient  in  the  use  of  land  than  any  other  of  the  crops  common 
to  the  corn  belt.  For  this  reason  wheat  should  be  grown  at  least  to 
a  reasonable  extent  in  all  sections  where  soil  and  climate  are  at  all 
well  adapted  to  its  production.  In  the  corn  belt  this  means  largely 
winter  wheat.  Fortunately  this  crop  is  one  of  the  best  fitted  to  help 
in  the  more  even  distribution  of  labor.  Preparing  the  ground  and 
seeding  does  not  conflict  to  any  great  extent  with  other  important 
crop  work,  and  harvesting  usually  comes  when  corn  cultivation  is 
fairly  well  along.  The  same  is  also  true  of  rye,  which  is  better 
adapted  to  some  sections  than  wheat. 

Many  corn-belt  counties  normally  grow  from  50  to  65  percent  of 
their  improved  acreage  in  corn  and  from  20  to  25  percent  in  oats. 
In  these  counties  wheat  or  rye  should  make  up  from  10  to  20  percent 
of  the  improved  area,  from  the  standpoint  both  of  the  use  of  farm 
labor  and  of  the  production  of  food  for  human  consumption.  These 
crops  should  replace  oats  mainly,  but  also  corn  to  some  extent,  es- 
pecially where  the  latter  occufjies  more  than  50  percent  of  the  im- 
proved acreage. 

Grow  More  Legumes. — The  proportion  of  legume  crops,  such  as 
medium  red,  alsike,  and  sweet  clover,  and  alfalfa,  needs  also  to  be 
considerably  increased  in  many  corn-belt  counties,  first  from  the 
standpoint  of  maintaining  soil  fertility,  and  second  from  the  stand- 
point of  a  better  distribution  of  labor.  Many  Illinois  counties  still 
have  from  75  to  85  percent  of  their  improved  area  in  corn  and  oats, 
with  less  than  ten  percent  in  legumes.  A  fairly  good  rule  in  plan- 
ning a  rotation  for  our  best  corn-growing  sections  is,  40  to  50  per- 
cent in  corn,  20  to  25  percent  in  small  grain,  and  20  to  25  percent 
in  legumes.  Unless  especially  heavy-producing  legumes  are  grown, 
the  rotation  must  include  at  least  20  to  25  percent  of  some  legume  if 
the  nitrogen  content  of  the  soil  is  to  be  kept  up. 

The  accompanying  charts  showing  the  distribution  of  man  labor 
for  diiTerent  crops  indicate  how  various  crops  may  be  selected  in 
order  to  distribute  more  evenly  the  man  labor. ^ 

Use  Enough  Horse  Power;  Work  Horses  in  Shifts. — It  seems  now 
tliat  the  supply  of  labor  will  determine  to  a  large  extent  how  much 
food  we  can  produce  during  the  war.  Every  laborer,  therefore, 
should  be  provided  with  as  much  horse  power  as  he  can  use  to  good 
advantage,  especially  during  the  period  when  the  crops  are  being 
put  in — that  is,  from  about  April  1  to  May  15.  This  is  the  period 
which  taxes  farm  horse  power  to  the  limit.  It  is  seldom  that  any 
other  period,  except  occasionally  that  of  fall  plowing,  demands  really 
the  maximum  use  of  the  horse  power  at  hand. 


*When  these  distributions  of  man  labor  are  studies  in  connection  with  the 
distributions  of  horse  labor  for  these  crops,  the  importance  of  a  good  rotation 
of  crops  is  still  further  emphasized. 


MWS  Mcin  lobor  rt^uirnd  jo  produce  ona  ocrgof  cofn.Tb4al  houc5  -  18 


HOURS  Man loborrmuircd  k)prodi;cg one ocrg,  of  clover- Toj^qj  hour.3-  I4ii 


MAN 
HOURS 


YVINTCR  WHtAT 


ri<^A 


JAN  FEB|MAR|APR|MAY|JUN|JUL  |AUG|SEP  |OCT  |NOV|D£C 


[^an\c^orrtci(iirc6^oprodu<ji one  pert  of  winder  wh<af. Total  hour^  -    15 

Sail  p'^porerHon  ond  i*.tdiina  labor  vc<io'iiTcd  *or  ^ollowino  cjtori  crop. 


Figs.  1-4. — Number  and  distribution  of  man  hours,  by  months,  used  in 
producing  four  common  corn-belt  crops.  The  clover  crops  shown  include  second 
crops  harvested  for  seed.  This  somewhat  increases  the  man  labor  used  on  these 
crops.  If  no  second  crop  were  harvested,  or  if  a  part  of  the  crop  were  pastured, 
the  man  labor  used  would  be  considerablj^  reduced. 

Fig.  5.^-Poor  distribution  of  man  labor  resulting  from  the  common  corn- 
belt  rotation  consisting  of  two  years  of  corn  followed  by  one  year  of  oats. 

Fig.  6. — Distribution  of  man  labor  in  growing  a  rotation  of  two  years  of 
corn,  one  year  of  oats,  one  year  of  clover,  and  one  year  of  wheat.  The  "peak- 
load,"  or  highest  labor  requirement,  is  considerably  less  than  for  the  rotation 
shown  in  Fig.  5,  and  the  distribution  thruout  the  season  is  considerably  better. 


6  Extension  Circular  No.  20  [March, 

It  is  often  possible  to  save  man  labor  by  doubling  up  horse 
power.  ^  This  is  sometimes  done  by  using  enough  horses  to  draw  a 
harrow  attachment  on  a  gang  plow,  or  by  having  a  man  who  is 
disking  lead  another  team  hitched  to  a  harrow  or  to  a  second  disk. 
While  this  has  been  done  only  occasionally  in  normal  times,  it  may 
be  possible  to  effect  a  saving  of  man  labor  more  generally  in  this 
way,  especially  where  the  kind  of  men  and  horses  used  make  it  prac- 
ticable. Some  saving  in  man  labor  is  often  made  by  working  horses 
in  shifts,  changing  teams  perhaps  every  quarter  day.  This  is  done 
during  very  hot  periods,  especially  for  such  operations  as  corn 
plowing  and  wheat  and  oats  harvesting.  Most  farms  usually  carry 
enough  horses  to  make  the  shift  for  such  operations.  While  many 
farmers  have  practiced  shifting  horses  for  the  work  mentioned,  more 
will  find  it  profitable  during  the  present  crisis. 

Use  Large-Type  Machinery. — Corn-belt  farmers  are  already  quite 
generally  using  large-type  machinery.  It  is  desirable,  however,  that 
the  practice  of  combining  large  units  of  machinery  and  horse  power 
be  carried  still  further  wherever  it  is  practicable  to  do  so.  This 
should  be  done  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  farm  machinery  generally 
is  costing  just  about  twice  as  much  as  before  the  war.  Such  changes 
in  the  type  of  machinery  should  be  made  for  two  reasons :  first,  be- 
cause it  promises  to  be  profitable,  and  second,  because  it  makes  pos- 
sible the  greatest  production  per  man. 

The  purchase  of  a  few  items  of  larger-type  machinery,  even  at 
double  the  normal  price,  will  not  increase  the  total  machinery  charge 
per  acre  by  more  than  from  10  to  20  percent,  even  if  the  entire  in- 
crease in  cost  is  charged  off  the  first  year.  It  is  safe  to  assume  that 
the  increase  in  the  price  received  for  farm  products  will  be  consid- 
erably greater  than  this  expense.  Entirely  aside  from  the  question 
of  profit,  however,  is  the  question  of  maintaining  and  increasing  the 
food  production.  This  is  of  far  greater  importance  and  must  be 
given  first  consideration  by  every  loyal  American  farmer.  It  is  im- 
portant, therefore,  that  in  just  so  far  as  it  can  be  used  to  advantage, 
and  can  be  obtained,  farmers  buy  large-type  machinery.  It  would 
be  both  unwise  and  unpatriotic  not  to  buy  really  needed  machinery 
just  because  it  is  high  in  price.         .  , 

Plan  the  Farm  Work.^ — In  general  all  farm  work  may  be  divided 
roughly  into  three  classes:  fixed,  semi-fixed,  and  movable. 

Fixed  Work. — Good  farmers  know  that  a  large  part  of  the  work 
of  the  farm  must  be  done  at  definite  periods.  Each  of  the  planting, 
cultivating,  and  harvesting  operations  must  be  done  usually  within 
a  few  days  or  a  week  of  a  definite  date  if  l)cst  results  are  to  be  ob- 
tained.   These  dates  may  vary  somewhat  from  one  year  to  another, 

^The  tractor,  especially  of  the  larger  size,  is  one  of  the  chief  means  of 
doubling  up  horse  power.     This  will  be  discussed  in  detail  in  a  later  publication. 


I 


I 


LABOR    CAL-END/ 

PREPARED    BY  THE  DEPARTMENT  OF  FARM-OR<^AN| 


JANUARY     FEBRUARY     MARCH       APRIL- 


MAY 


(0 

a 

0 
0 


Buy  necessarij  seed  (M) 

lest  5eed  corn  (M) 

Clean  &tesl^lloiher  seed  (M) 

Break  corn  sfa I ki  (M) 


Haul --manure^M) 

I    ' 

Haul limestone(M) 


DisK  Disk  for  com(F: 

corn  slalkstS) 

Row     for    corntS) 

Dtsk      tor    cxihlf) 

IPIantpoioioeiin 
Treot8i5owoah(r) 
Sow  c  lover  (Fi 

Sow  bflrley(f) 
Sow  TXipe(n 
Sow  wheoilF) 
5av  grtus  seed  (f) 
Sow  alfalfa  (F; 

5owton3<je  crops  for  live  ^fock 


Rant  corn  If)  0| 

HaiTOWoi 

Ro\lcornC5l     Us! 
roi 

5ow  3oy  b 

5ow     c 

Qj 


I 


0 
0 

h 

> 


to 

D 
O 
Id 

z 
< 

_l 
_l 
u 
u 


Break - 


■colts(Ml 


Lambing  (T) 

Too  I'm <j  IF) 


5hear5hcepf) 

Costraie  lombstS) 
Dock  lombs(5) 


reed 

I 
feeding  and  general 
core  or  live  sfock 


Overhoul  all  machineri) 
"tools  A  equipment  (M) 

Repair build  [095     (M) 

Cui  wood(M) 


FVuoe  frees  (M) 
FVune  vines  fM) 


Sproy  for  (MI 
5onJose  scale 


Farrow  Market  Cajlnafe 

5prin<3pigs(F)       fall  p»(js(S)         5pnrjg  pi^($) 

Clip  hor^es^Sl 

Beef  coitle 
colvin^JF) 

Marke-f sfeer^-* 

s{cers  Turn  stock 

I  on  pasiore(5^ 

Hofch  &  cans  for  ijoung  chick^nslF) 


Cleanup 
farfnsteod(  M) 

OiUwerhoul 
harness  fM) 


Cleanup  3| 
repoir  tile(M; 

Makcganden  -  conlinucKjardet 

Spray- .  fruUff  1  Spray  f 

Cut- 


Fen  ce(M^ 


G-ENERAL  REPAIRING  OF  BUILD!  N&5,  MACHINERY, T00L5.F 

WHEN  THE  REGULAR  f/ 

J I L= 


This  calendar  is  based  on  the  condiVtons  found  on  the  g«r 
Many  operations  listed  will  varif  with  lQ+i4ode  on 
The  Ictter5follo/ving  the  operofion^  listed  above  ore  used +0  ind 


IE.    CORN      BELT 

^^AMA<=rEMENT  -  UNIVERSITY 


OF    ILLINOIS 


-V 


AUGUST      SEPTEMBER      OCTOBE.R      NOVEMBER 


DECEMBER 


if] 
rheaf(F) 

I      Shock  (5; 


harvest  50IJ  bain^FJ 
Harvest  covy  peas  (H 


Drill  wheaiiD 
Drill  rije  (/=) 


thres  hing 


GaHier(n 
5e^a  corn 

I 
Hull  clover 
seed  (S) 


Sloe  k(5» 
thresh  i  05 

aiiarfalfa(F) 

Gjiclovcr(n 

3r  olfalfafS)    5owQtfQtffll$>foMharrowlSl 

HaulmanurelMl  f^^'^»5^^      ^' 

Haul     rock   P'^^'^P^^^^/^'sllaae? 
Haul lime5tone''Mr    1       ' 


Husk corn(F) 


uihaf] 


ilF) 


C51 


Thresh  501;  beanslS) 
Thresh  covy  p&as^S) 
Di^  roots  (5  > 


Haul  monurcfM) 


imbs(5^ 


MarJieF    '  Houje  liveiiock 

sprino  piq5(3^ 

HoulCSM  .tonkagc^A  millf  c€d(M  ] 


.farrow 

fall  pig5(r) 


ca 


itfle 


5haep(S) 


on    qross 


I  €  roosters  frem  hcfls(5) 


i(j  fiiitfF) 


Marked 


HaulcoalfM) 


Buv)  slcersl?)        feed skeers 

Sell  old  hcnsis; 


pit  &  repair 
^'PP'^i^Tiie -Tile(M>     ^'^'■""^ 

Mak£   I »  ...      111-,,. 

Qper7ti/edrain(M) 


|RcpoirbuiU/n^j(M 

House '5> 

machin«ru 

sViltoui 


weed  s(M) 


fall  buildinqiM) 
Cbncrek  work(M) 


Feedirw  3i  general 
core  or  live  ;k>c.k 


HquI  gravel  m) 
Hoolcind«ri(M) 


hedge  (M) 

Rain^     farm   buiidinasfM] 
LLANE0U5  EQUIPMENT  ON  RAINY  DAYS&  5T0RMY  WEATHER, 

NNOTVYELLBE  DONE 

I I 


the  corn    belt ,  mom  lu,    Cen  tra  f  111  in  o\  5  , 
i,  +0  some  extent ,   with    individual   farms. 
■  if  ic<af>on-(f ), -torfixedwork/S),s<2.mi-f  ixed;Qnd  (M),fop  movable  work. 


lOlS]  The  Use  of  Farm  Labor  During  the  War  7 

but  the  time  allotted  to  each  operation  cannot  usually  be  extended 
beyond  a  few  days,  without  serious  injury  or  loss  to  the  crop. 

Because  of  this  fact,  it  is  very  important  that  the  crop  work 
especially  be  pushed  with  the  greatest  possible  energy  at  these  crit- 
ical periods.  This  can  be  done  only  by  carefully  planning  so  that 
the  entire  time  of  every  man  and  horse  may  be  used  to  the  best  ad- 
vantage. This  means  that  every  machine  and  tool  be  on  hand,  thoroly 
overhauled,  and  in  as  nearly  perfect  working  condition  as  possible 
before  the  critical  time  comes.  It  means  that  seed  be  secured, 
cleaned,  tested,  and  treated  if  necessary  beforehand  during  less  busy 
periods. 

So  also  has  been  somewhat  definitely  fixed,  altho  perhaps  to  a 
lesser  extent,  much  of  the  work  connected  with  live-stock  opera- 
tions, such  as  feeding,  breeding,  and  general  management. 

Seyni-fixed  work  can  usually  be  shifted  from  one  to  three  or  four 
weeks.  Beyond  this  it  cannot  ordinarily  be  moved  without  loss  or 
disadvantage.  Fall  plowing  and  shock  threshing  are  good  illustra- 
tions of  semi-fixed  work. 

Movable  work  can  usually  be  shifted  over  considerable  periods, 
usually  from  one  to  two  or  three  months,  and  frequently  it  can  be 
shifted  to  almost  any  time  during  the  year,  depending  on  the  time 
when  it  can  best  be  fitted  in.  Hauling  manure  and  other  fertilizers 
and  overhauling  and  repairing  farm  machinery,  are  good  examples 
of  movable  work.  This  classification,  however,  can  be  at  best  only  a 
general  one.  What  would  be  at  one  time  and  place  movable  work 
might  be  at  another  semi-fixed,  and  vice  versa. 

Plan  to  Fit  Together  tlie  Tliree  Classes  of  Work. — In  the  planning 
of  the  farm  work,  the  operator  should  aim  to  have  the  semi-fixed 
work  fit  in  between  the  fixed  work  just  as  largely  as  possible.  The 
movable  work  should  be  fitted  in  between  the  other  two  classes.  If 
this  can  be  done,  it  will  go  a  long  way  toward  securing  the  greatest 
amount  of  work  from  the  labor  at  hand.  The  most  successful  farm- 
ers already  carry  out  this  scheme  to  a  considerable  extent,  but  even 
they  will  need  to  study  their  operations  and  make  every  possible 
improvement  during  the  period  of  war.  Such  improvements  will  be 
of  special  importance,  however,  on  the  large  number  of  farms  where 
the  matter  has  received  all  too  little  attention  up  to  date. 

Study  tJie  Farm  Work  Calendar. — The  accompanying  work  calen- 
dar listing  practically  all  of  the  operations  that  are  likely  to  occur 
on  any  corn-belt  farm,  and  showing  the  approximate  dates  when 
they  should  be  done,  may  be  helpful  in  planning  the  farm  work.  The 
important  aim  in  planning  all  farm  work  is  to  make  sure  that  no 
semi-fixed  or  movable  work  will  need  to  be  done  when  the  critical 
crop  or  live-stock  operations  must  have  the  labor  or  suffer.  Enough 
unavoidable  delays  will  still  come  in  even  with  the  best  made  plans, 
but  without  such  plans  such  delays  are  certain  to  be  much  greater. 


8  Extension  Circular  No.  20  [March, 

Let  Live  Stock  Harvest  Crops. — ]\Iuch  labor  can  be  saved  by  let- 
ting- live  stock  harvest  crops  instead  of  harvesting  them  by  hand. 
This  is  especially  true  of  the  practice  of  growing  pork  on  forage 
crops  and  also  of  hogging-down  corn  and  other  crops,  and  of  grow- 
ing and  fattening  market  hogs  on  the  self-feeder.  All  of  these  prac- 
tices are  already  common  on  the  most  successful  hog  farms  in  the 
corn  belt,  but  they  should  be  much  more  generally  practiced,  in 
order  first,  to  save  man  labor,  and  second,  to  make  possible  the  use 
of  more  legume  forage  and  less  corn  and  other  grain  in  making  pork. 

Swine  alone,  however,  cannot  consume  so  large  an  acreage  of  the 
legume  crops  as  is  necessary  to  maintain  the  soil  nitrogen.  Beef  cat- 
tle and  sheep  are  especially  fitted  to  consume  these  crops  with  the 
minimum  use  of  man  labor.  If  legume  pasture  mixtures^  make  up  a 
considerable  part  of  the  necessary  legume  area,  the  man  labor  re- 
(juirements  for  the  entire  farm  may  be  materially  cut  down.  If  hogs 
produced  on  forage  require  less  corn,  more  corn  will  be  left  for  beef 
cattle  and  sheep.  Beef  cattle,  sheep,  and  hogs  require  relatively  little 
labor.  A  combination  of  either  beef  cattle  or  sheep,  or  both,  with 
hogs  would  therefore  be  wxll  adapted  to  the  consumption  of  our 
corn-belt  crops  and  the  best  utilization  of  our  man  labor.  Practically 
all  of  the  corn  crop  must  be  consumed  by  animals.  Unless  plowed 
under  directly,  all  of  the  legume  crop  commonly  grown  must  also 
be  fed  to  animals.  At  least  a  portion  of  these  can  be  pastured  off 
to  good  advantage.  It  is  important  to  let  the  live  stock  do  the  work 
as  far  as  possible.  ■     -  v 

Plan  All  Work  Some  Time  Ahead. — The  best  farmers  carefully 
plan  all  farm  work  for  a  considerable  time  ahead.  Most  of  the  fixed 
work  can  be  planned  for  only  a  day  or  two  or  a  week  at  most. 
Changes  in  weather  may  make  replanning  necessary  from  day  to  day 
or  even  from  hour  to  hour.  The  chief  advantage  of  a  carefully 
made  plan  at  the  beginning  of  the  year  and  of  a  follow-up  system  to 
keep  tab  on  the  work  from  day  to  day  is  that  it  keeps  before  the 
operator  the  things  that  need  to  be  done.  This  will  help  him  in 
deciding  which  need  to  be  done  first,  and  in  fitting  the  various  jobs 
together  in  such  a  way  that  the  greatest  amount  of  work  may  be 
done  with  the  time  and  energy  available. 

The  most  important  farm  operations  either  with  crop  or  animals 
are  seldom  overlooked.  Much  time  is  often  lost,  however,  by  not 
keeping  careful  tab  on  the  miscellaneous  work,  such  as  overhauling 
and  repairing  machinery  and  tools,  fixing  fences,  getting  seed  ready 
beforehand,  castrating  and  ringing  pigs,    castrating    and    docking 


^Bueli  mixtures  should  contain  a  considerable  proportion  of  legumes,  in- 
cluding some  of  tlie  rank-growing  ones.  The  latter  are  important  from  the 
standpoint  both  of  adding  nitrogen  to  the  soil  and  also  of  resisting  dry  sea- 
sons. One  of  the  most  promising  pasture  mixtures  being  used  is  a  seeding  of 
4  pounds  of  alsike.  4  pounds  of  alfalfa,  4  pounds  of  sweet  clover,  and  4  pounds 
of  timothy. 


191S]  The  Use  of  Farm  Labor  During  the  War  9 

lambs,  and  breeding  animals  at  the  proper  season.  Thru  being  neg- 
lected at  the  proper  time  (i.  e.,  usually  between  the  busiest  seasons 
and  on  rainy  days  and  bad  weather),  these  matters  often  conflict 
with  the  most  important  work  at  the  rush  periods.  Every  such  mis- 
cellaneous job  that  could  have  been  done  at  some  other  time  means 
practically  a  waste  of  time  at  the  most  critical  periods,  when  every 
hour  is  of  greatest  importance  in  producing  or  saving  a  crop. 

Keep  Tab  on  the  Farm  Work. — A  small  notebook  carried  in  the 
pocket  or  a  pad  kept  in  some  convenient  jjlace  may  be  used  to  jot 
down  from  day  to  day  such  items  as  come  to  the  attention  of  the 
operator.  Such  notes  help  greatly  in  providing  profitable  work  for 
rainy  days  and  at  odd  moments  during  the  cropping  season.  Used 
in  connection  with  the  work  calendar,  such  notes  will  add  much  to 
the  most  efficient  use  of  man  labor. 

Farm  Labor  Must  be  Drawn  from  Other  Sources. — In  order  to 
maintain  as  nearly  as  possible  the  normal  supply  of  farm  labor,  the 
farmer  must  draw  upon  other  than  the  usual  sources.  The  most  im- 
portant of  these  will  probably  be  the  following : 

1.  Eetired  farmers  from  the  small  towns  and  villages,  especially  at  the 
critical  periods,  such  as  planting  and  harvesting. 

2.  Merchants  and  other  business  men  from  the  country  towns  and  villages. 
These  can  usually  get  away  from  their  business  for  a  few  days  at  a  time, 
especially  during  the  farmers'  rush  seasons,  when  business  is  very  quiet  in  town. 

3.  Boys  of  high  school  age  who  do  not  normally  work  on  farms. 

4.  Women  workers  for  some  of  the  lighter  work  of  the  farm. 

5.  Other  workers,  especially  those  who  have  had  more  or  less  farm 
experience,  who  are  engaged  in  less  essential  industries,  many  of  which  will  no 
doubt  be  curtailed  if  the  war  continues  for  any  length  of  time. 

Retired  Farmers  Make  Skilled  Hands. — Many  so-called  retired 
farmers  normally  do  some  farm  work,  either  on  their  own  farms  or 
elsewhere.  Last  season  many  more  of  them  responded  to  the  call 
for  service  in  raising  crops.  During  the  coming  season  every  retired 
farmer  who  is  physically  able  should  be  on  the  "firing  line"  again. 
Most  of  these  men  have  been  not  only  high-class  farm  hands,  but 
also  skilled  farm  managers,  and  can  now  be  of  great  service  both 
in  doing  actual  farm  work  and  in  helping  to  direct  unexperienced 
labor,  such  as  will  necessarily  be  used  to  a  greater  extent  than  usual. 

It  is  especially  impoi'tant  that  the  retired  farmers  help  at  the 
rush  seasons,  such  as  planting  and  harvesting.  It  will  also  help 
greatly  to  have  these  men  actually  agree  in  advance,  in  so  far  as 
they  can,  to  take  the  job  of  "tending"  thirty  or  forty  acres  of  corn. 
This  could  be  done  in  many  cases,  and  it  would  help  greatly  in  assur- 
ing the  farm  operator  that  he  can  put  in  somewhere  near  his  normal 
acreage  of  corn  and  have  it  taken  care  of.  The  able-bodied  retired 
farmer  is  going  to  have  an  opportunity  to  render  a  really  important 
service  during  the  present  emergency. 


10  Extension  Circular  No.  20  [March, 

Merchants  and  Others  Can  also  Help. — Many  merchants  and  other 
business  men  and  their  assistants  in  small  towns  and  villages  have 
had  farm  experience.  Most  of  them  are  occupied  with  their  own 
business,  but  they  can  often  spare  some  help,  and  that  at  the  periods 
when  it  is  of  the  most  importance.  During  the  rush  season  on  the 
farm,  very  few  farmers  go  to  town.  This  is,  in  fact,  the  dull  season 
in  the  rural  village.  If  the  need  for  farm  help  should  be  really 
critical  at  such  periods,  the  men  from  the  small  town  will  have  an 
opportunity  to  render  a  very  important  service  in  crop  production, 
especially  if  they  are  somewhat  experienced  in  farm  work.^ 

Town  Boys  Soon  Learn. — The  past  season  has  already  dem- 
onstrated the  value  of  boys  of  high-school  age  for  doing  farm  work. 
Even  tho  they  have  no  experience  in  farming,  many  of  these  hoys 
will  develop,  under  proper  direction,  into  really  valuable  hands  in 
the  course  of  a  season.  Many  of  them  will  no  doubt  prove  of  little 
value.  In  the  main,  however,  the  value  of  their  service  will  depend 
in  a  large  measure  upon  the  skill  of  the  farm  operator  in  training 
them.  The  nation-wide  organization  of  the  boys,  thru  the  United 
States  Boys'  Working  Reserve  and  other  agencies,  promises  to  do 
much  for  the  farmer  in  the  way  of  selecting  the  boys  who  are  really 
interested  in  farming  and  in  placing  the  best  ones  on  farms  where 
they  will  have  a  fair  chance  to  make  good.  Farm  boys  have  always 
done  much  of  the  farm  work.  City  boys  carefully  selected  should 
be  an  important  factor  in  solving  the  farm  labor  problems  after  they 
have  had  a  chance  to  get  some  training  in  the  affairs  of  the  farm.  If 
the  war  continues  beyond  the  year  1918,  as  we  must  now  assume  it 
will,  it  is  very  important  that  we  train  as  many  boys  during  the 
coming  year  as  possible.  They  will  be  experienced  farm  help  in 
1919  and  1920. 

Women  Can  Help  at  Rush  Periods. — In  general  American  farm 
women  do  little  work  in  the  field.  In  so  far  as  they  actually  take 
any  part  in  production,  it  is  confined  almost  entirely  to  the  dairy, 
garden,  and  poultry  enterprizes.  To  all  of  these,  women  are  well 
adapted,  and  many  farm  women  and  girls  find  them  both  enjoyable 
and  profitable.  The  farm  work  actually  done  by  women  and  girls 
will  likely  be  confined  to  the  lighter  operations,  such  as  raking  hay, 
mowing,  using  a  riding  cultivator  or  plow,'  and  similar  work,  and 
these  only  in  case  of  the  most  critical  needs  for  a  few  days  at  a  time. 

Farm  Labor  Must  Come  from  Other  Industries. — Our  industrial 
life  as  compared  with  that  of  the  other  nations  at  war,  is  as  yet 


^The  most  critical  period  as  regards  tlie  need  of  skilled  labor  accustomed 
to  handling  machinery  and  teams  comes  perhaps  during  soil  preparation,  plant- 
ing, and  corn  cultivation.  During  haying  and  harvesting,  a  larger  proportion 
of  unskilled  labor  may  be  used. 


1918]  The  Use  of  Farm  Labor  During  the  War  11 

only  slightly  affected.  Should  the  war  continue  for  two  or  three 
years  or  more,  many  forms  of  production  and  service  will  no  doubt 
be  greatly  reduced.  Many  important  industries  not  directly  con- 
nected with  war  production  are  already  running  with  short  crews 
or  are  entirely  shut  down.  This  curtailing  of  industries  will  make 
available  relatively  more  men  for  military  service  and  the  essential 
war  industries,  including  the  manufacture  of  munitions  and  other 
war  materials,  transportation,  shipbuilding,  and  agriculture. 

Farm  Wages  Must  Be  Fair. — In  competing  for  labor  with  other 
industries,  the  farmer  must  naturally  expect  to  pay  wages  which  are 
somewhere  near  comparable  with  those  paid  elsewhere  if  he  is  to 
have  help.  Just  how  far  he  can  go  in  this  competition  is  a  difficult 
question  for  him  to  solve.  The  present  price  of  most  of  our  ordi- 
nary farm  products  is  from  one  and  one-half  to  three  times  as  high 
as  it  was  just  before  the  opening  of  the  war.  The  expense  of  pro- 
duction, however,  has  also  increased,  tho  just  what  this  increase  has 
been  it  is  hard  to  estimate  accurately.  The  chief  items  of  expense 
in  producing  farm  crops  are  rent,  man  labor,  and  horse  labor.  Kent 
or  interest  on  land  investment,  which  makes  up  about  40  to  50 
percent  of  the  cost  of  producing  crops,  has  increased  relatively  little 
during  the  war.  The  cost  of  horse  labor  has  increased  about  50  per- 
cent. Upon  the  whole,  the  increase  in  the  cost  of  production  during 
1917  amounted  to  perhaps  35  to  40  percent  over  the  pre-war  basis. 
If  this  should  be  somewhat  further  increased  in  1918,  it  may  become 
50  percent  greater  than  before  the  war.  The  average  value  of  the 
crops  actually  grown  on  our  corn-belt  farms  has  about  doubled 
during  the  past  three  years. 

On  the  basis  of  these  increases  it  would  seem  that  the  farmer  can 
aiford  to  pay  considerably  more  for  labor  than  he  has  been  paying. 
This  would  be  especially  true  if  he  could  be  assured  of  these  prices 
for  a  year  or  two  after  the  war,  as  he  has  already  been  assured,  to 
some  extent,  of  the  price  of  wheat  and  pork  for  the  period  of  the 
war. 

American  Farmer  Will  Do  his  Duty. — At  the  present  moment  it 
is  difficult  to  see  just  how  the  farmer  is  going  to  get  enough  labor  to 
increase  or  even  to  maintain  his  production.  However,  the  combined 
result  of  the  additional  labor  from  sources  not  usually  counted  upon 
and  the  efficient  use  of  the  total  labor  at  hand,  should  go  a  long  way 
toward  accomplishing  what  appears  to  be  impossible  at  this  date. 
Changes  in  the  usual  systems  of  production  may  have  to  be  made. 
The  situation  at  best  will  be  very  difficult,  but  from  what  is  known 
of  the  American  Farmer,  it  is  safe  to  assert  that  if  he  has  any  rea- 
sonable chance  in  the  way  of  favorable  seasons  and  an  adequate 
labor  supply,  he  will  feed  not  only  us  ])ut  our  allies. 


April,  1918  Extension  Circular  No.  22 

UNIVERSITY    OF    ILLINOIS 

COLLEGE   OF   AGRICULTURE 

Extension  Service  in  Agriculture  and  Home  Economics 

IX    COOPERATION   ^VITH   THE   UNITED   STATES   DEPARTMENT   OF   AGRICULTURE 
W.    P.    HANDSCHIN,    VICE-DIRECTOR 

Urbana,  Illinois 


PROTECT  THE  WHEAT  CROP 

ERADICATE  THE  COMMON  BARBERRY  FROM 

ILLINOIS 


THE  ESSENTIAL  FACTS 

Every  grain  of  wheat  is  needed. 

Wheat  rust  causes  large  loss. 

The  COMMON  BARBERRY  harbors  the  rust,  serves 
as  a  source  of  infection,  and  thus  increases  this  loss. 
The  Japanese  barberry  is  harmless. 

Any  rusted  barberry  bush  is  surely  injurious  to 
wheat,  and  a  barberry  bush  even  if  not  rusted  is  a  pos- 
sible danger. 

The  only  safe  course  is  to  remove  all  the  common 
barberry  on  your  premises. 

Inspectors  will  soon  be  on  the  watch  for  barberry  in 
Illinois,  and  they  will  have  the  authority  to  force  its 
removal  when  infected. 

The  State  Council  of  National  Defense  and  the  State 
Department  of  Agriculture  join  with  the  U.  S.  Depart- 
ment of  Agriculture  in  this  movement. 


SOME  OF  THE  FACTS  IN  MORE  DETAIL 
WHEAT  RUST 

There  are  two  stages  of  the  black  stem  rust  on  wheat ;  the  summer 
stage  comes  first,  as  yellow  spots,  and  is  followed  by  the  winter  stage, 
consisting  of  black  spots  (Fig.  1.) 

The  growth  of  this  rust  in  the  plant  saps  its  vigor,  stunts  its 
growth,  and  results  in  an  inferior  grain.  The  loss  from  severe  rusting 
is  many  bushels  per  acre.  This  loss  is  largest  on  spring  wheat  but  it 
is  also  large  on  winter  wheat. 

THE  BARBERRY  RELATION 

The  spores  of  the  black,  or  winter  stage  of  the  rust,  can  infect 
only  the  common  barberry ;  they  cannot  directly  infect  wheat.  In 
the  spring  they  produce  on  the  barberry  leaves  swollen  spots  bearing 
minute  orange-colored  cups  full  of  another  crop  of  spores.  If  the 
barberry  leaves  are  not  available,  the  crop  of  black  winter  spores  be- 
comes absolutely  harmless  and  one  great  source  of  spring  infection 
is  avoided. 

These  facts  have  been  known  and  scientifically  proved  repeatedly. 
Any  farmer  who  has  observed  a  barberry  bush  to  windward  of  a  wheat 
field  has  had  opportunity  to  see  the  fan-shaped  area  of  rust  arising 
from  the  barberry  bush.  Such  cases  are  obvious  enough.  A  barberry 
busli  that  is  not  near  a  wlieat  field  is  also  to  be  feared  because  the 
spores  from  the  barberry  may  reach  other  susceptible  grasses,  of  which 
there  are  many  kinds,  and  there  produce  crops  of  summer  spores  which 
blow  farther  to  other  fields  and  so  carry  the  disease  to  wheat  fields. 

It  is  an  absolute  fact  that  the  common  barberry  increases  wheat 
rust  and  that  to  remove  the  barberry  would  diminish  wheat  rust. 
Early  law^s  requiring  the  removal  of  the  barberry  were  made,  but 
since  they  were  not  enforced  they  were  not  effective.  The  experience 
of  Denmark,  hoAvever,  proves  the  wisdom  of  barberry  eradication.  The 
law  enforcing  the  eradication  was  made  in  that  country  in  1908  and 
after  eleven  years  we  read : 

"1.  That  the  black  rust  has  disappeared  gradually,  contemporary 
with  the  barberry  bush. 

"2.  That  the  violent,  destructive  black  rust  attacks,  which  af- 
fected the  whole  or  most  of  the  country,  with  two  or  three 
years  interval,  have  now  ceased. 

"3.     That  the  weaker  attacks  which  affected  the  grain  and  grasses 
and  especially  the  oats  in  Jutland  are  now  practically  un- 
heard of,  or  at  least  come  late  in  the  fall. 
2 


Eradicate  the  Common  Barberry  3 

'.'4.     That,  where  there  is  still  found  a  barberry  bush,  the  black 

rust  has  the  power  to  infect  and  cause  strong  attacks  upon 

the  wheat. 

■'We   cannot  deny  that   here  in   Denmark  Ave  have   as   definite 

proofs  as  we  can  obtain  about  the  hand-in-hand  elimination  of  the 

barberry  bush  and  the  black  rust." 

There  are  two  species  of  barberry  commonly  planted  in  Illinois : 

(1)  The  tall,  common,  or  European  barberry   {Berheris  vulgaris)  ; 

(2)  The  Japanese  barberry  {Berheris  Tliunhergii) .  There  is  a  pur- 
ple-leaved variety  of  the  tall  barberry,  know^i  as  Berheris  vulgaris 
purpurea,  which  of  late  years  has  been  planted  more  extensiv^ely 
than  the  green-leaved  form.  The  tall  barberry  is  distinguished  from 
the  Japanese  by  the  following  characteristics : 


Japanese  Barberry 
(Do\es  not  harbor  rust) 

Edge  of  leaf  smooth 

Twigs  of  last  year  reddisli  brown 

Berries  single  or,  rarelv,  in  groii]is 
of  2   or  3 

Thorns  nsnally  single 


Common  (European)  Barberry 
{Harbors  rust) 

Edge  of  leaf  saw-toothed 
Twigs  of  last  year  dun  or  grey 
Berries  in  a  cluster  on  one  main 

stem 
Thorns  usually  three-pointed 


Fig.  1. — Black  Stem  Eust  ox  Wheat 
The    elongated    black    spots    are    the 
spores  in  masses.      (After  Freeman) 


Fig.  2. — Leap  op  the  Common  Bar- 
berry AND  op  the  Japanese 

A — Common  barberry  leaf  infected; 
r,  Eust  spots,  orange  red  in  color. 
Note  saw-toothed  edge  of  leaf. 

B — Japanese  barberry  leaf.  Note 
smooth  edge  of  leaf  and  relative  size 
as  compared  with  A.  This  species  does 
not  harbor  rust. 


Extension  Circular  No.  22 


The  European  barberry  and 
rust,  while  the  Japanese  barberr 


Fw.  3. — Two  Twigs  of  Barberry 
A — Japanese  barberry  (Berheris 
Tliun'bergii)  has  single-podnted  spines. 
It  is  safe  to  plant.  B — European  or 
Common  Barberry  (Berberis  vulgaris) 
has  three-pointed  thorns.  It  harbors 
black  rust  and  should  not  be  planted. 


its  purple-leaved  variety  harbor  the 
y  does  not.  Several  species  of  Ma- 
honia  {Mahonia  ilicipolia,  M.  aqui- 
folia  and  M.  repeiis)  are  also 
known  to  produce  the  rust,  and 
these  should  not  be  planted.  Other 
species  of  barberry  are  rarely 
found  in  ornamental  plantings  in 
Illinois,  and  may  be  passed  over 
with  a  word  of  warning  to  all  who 
desire  to  use  such  species.  All  spe- 
cies Avhich  resemble  the  European, 
or  tall  form,  in  general  habit  are 
susceptible  and  should  not  be 
planted. 

Fortunately  the  common,  or  tall, 
barberry  is  not  wide-spread  in  Illi- 
nois and  is  not  of  any  value  es- 
thetically  or  otherwise.  Look  upon 
it  as  you  do  upon  the  rat  and  ex- 
terminate it.  This  recommendation 
is  made  by  the  U.  S.  Department 
of  Agriculture,  and  concurred  in 
by  the  State  Department  of  Agri- 
culture, and  the  State  Council  of 
National  Defense. 


We  Urge  Your  Cooperation 

Send  to  us : 

1.  Facts  concerning  the  location  of  any  common  barberries  that 

are  not  removed.     State  name  and  address  of  oAvner  or  occu- 
pant of  premises. 

2.  Also  information  concerning  the  existence  of  the  rust  on  such 

bushes. 

P.  L.  Stevens 
H.  W.  Anderson 
Commission  in  Charge  of  Barberry  Extermi- 
nation in  Illinois,  University  of  Illinois 


July,  1918  ■  •  Extension  Circular  No.  24 

UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS 
COLLEGE    OF    AGRICULTURE 

EXTENSION  SERVICE  IN  AGRICULTURE  AND  HOME  ECONOMICS 

IN   COOPERATION   WITH  THE  UNITED    STATES  DEPARTMENT  OF  AGRICULTURE 
W.    F.    HANDSCHIN,    VICE-DIRECTOR 

Urbana,  Illinois 


GROW  MORE  WHEAT  IN  ILLINOIS 

By  W.  L.  BURLISON  and  W.  F.  HANDSCHIN 


If  "FOOD  Will  Win  The  War,"  bread  and  the  men  who 
produce  it  will  play  a  large  part  in  winning  it. 

To  insure  ourselves  and  our  Allies  against  a  serious  shortage 
of  bread  grains,  we  must  plant  a  large  enough  acreage  to  take  care 
of  our  need,  not  only  in  a  favorable  crop  year,  but  in  a  year  of 
poor  crops. 

Our  present  wheat  acreage  is  about  one-third  of  what  we 
should  have  if  farmers  generally  used  a  four-  or  five-year  rotation 
in  which  the  wheat  crop  occurred  once. 

Growing  fall  wheat  in  the  rotation  saves  labor,  because  the 
work  is  then  more  evenly  distributed  thruout  the  cropping 
season. 

The  yield  as  well  as  the  acreage  of  wheat  should  be  increased 
in  every  way  practicable. 

Plow  as  soon  as  the  previous  crops  are  removed.  Prepare  a 
good  seed  bed.  Choose  a  standard  variety  of  seed.  GET  YOUR 
SEED  Now. 


Fig.  1. — ^Wheat  Seeding  Calendar 

The  date  for  the  seeding  of  winter  wheat  so  as  to  avoid  Hessian  Fly  injury 
can  be  determined  for  any  county  by  referring  to  the  dates  given  in  the  above 
figure. 


GROW  MORE  WHEAT  IN  ILLINOIS 

By    W.   L.    BUELISON,    Associate   Chief   in    Crop    Production,   and 
W.  F.  HANDSCHIN,  A^iceDirector  Agricultural  Extension  Service 

Wheatless  days  and  the  use  of  wheat  substitutes  during  the  past 
year  have  taught  us  to  place  new  values  on  wheat.  The  substitutes 
we  have  learned  to  use  in  an  emergency  have  only  helped  to  empha- 
size the  fact  that  there  are  no  really  satisfactory  substitutes  for  this 
standard  bread  grain.  It  is  therefore  important  that  we  produce 
enough  wheat  to  provide  bread  for  our  armies  and  our  Allies  across 
the  water  and  for  our  civil  population  at  home.  If  "Food  Will 
Win  The  War,"  bread  and  the  men  who  produce  it  will  play  a  large 
part  in  winning  it, 

WE  MUST  PLANT  A  LARGER  ACREAGE 

On  the  basis  of  the  best  figures  available  we  shall  need  all  of 
the  wheat  we  can  grow  on  our  normal  acreage  in  a  favorable  crop 
year  in  order  to  thoroly  meet  our  own  needs  and  those  of  our  Allies. 
To  insure  ourselves  and  those  depending  upon  us  against  a  serious 
shortage  of  bread  grains,  we  must  plant  a  large  enough  acreage  to 
take  care  of  our  needs,  not  only  in  a  favorable  crop  year,  but  also 
in  a  year  of  poor  crops.  The  most  important  wheat  producing  areas 
in  the  United  States  are  already  growing  a  large  proportion  of  their 
improved  acreage  in  this  crop.  They  can  increase  their  wheat  acre- 
age only  moderately  without  throwing  their  systems  of  farm  man- 
agement still  further  out  of  balance  from  the  standpoint  of  good 
rotations  and  the  best  use  of  man  and  horse  labor.  The  increase  in 
the  wheat  acreage  should  be  made  mainly  in  those  sections  which 
are  fairly  well  adapted  to  its  production  but  which  ordinarily  grow 
this  crop  in  only  a  limited  way. 

MORE  WHEAT  FOR  ILLINOIS 

The  corn  belt  generally  and  Illinois  in  particular,  perhaps,  should 
increase  considerably  its  wheat  acreage.  This  should  be  done  not 
only  to  supply  the  wheat  that  is  needed  to  win  the  war,  but  also 
in  the  interest  of  good  rotations  and  good  farm  management.  Ac- 
cording to  the  census  of  1910,  Illinois  had  in  1909  slightly  less  than 
8  percent  of  its  improved  acreage  in  wheat.  According  to  the  Year- 
book of  the  United  States  Department  of  Agriculture,  this  state  had 
in  both  1916  and  1917  less  than  6  percent  of  its  improved  acreage 
in  wheat.  These  acreages  could  be  more  than  doubled  without  reach- 
ing the  proportions  we  should  have  in  a  four-year  or  five-year  rota- 
tion in  which  the  wheat  crop  occurred  once. 


4  Extension  CiRCtfLAR  No.  24  [July, 

EOTATIONS  FOR  CENTRAL  ILLINOIS 

111  the  most  important  corn-producing  section  of  the  state,  that 
is,  central  Illinois,  a  five-year  rotation  consisting  of  two  years  of 
corn,  one  year  of  oats,  one  year  of  clover  or  other  legume  crop,  and 
one  year  of  wheat  would  be  fairly  satisfactory  to  meet  the  present 
emergency.  This  rotation  (with  20  percent  of  wheat),  would  pro- 
vide just  about  three  times  the  average  proportion  of  wheat  now 
grown  in  the  state.  In  central  Illinois  it  would  represent  an  even 
greater  increase  over  the  proportions  grown  at  the  present  time. 

A  four-year  rotation  consisting  of  one  year  of  corn,  one  year 
of  oats,  one  year  of  clover  or  other  legume  crop,  and  one  year  of 
wheat  would  also  be  satisfactory  for  this  section,  especially  for  grain 
farmers.  This  rotation  would  still  further  increase  the  proportion 
of  wheat. 

Both  these  rotations  are  coming  into  somewhat  common  use 
among  the  best  farmers  in  the  corn-belt  section  of  the  state.  Both 
make  possible  a  very  satisfactory  distribution  of  man  and  horse  labor 
during  the  cropping  season,  and  both  permit  the  seeding  of  sweet 
clover  in  the  wheat  as  a  cover  crop  to  be  plowed  under  for  corn. 
Farmers  in  central  Illinois  should  plan  to  grow  from  one-fifth  to 
one-fourth  of  their  improved  land  in  wheat. 

Rotations  for  Southern  Illinois 

In  southern  Illinois,  which  grows  a  major  part  of  the  wheat  pro- 
duced in  the  state,  the  proportion  of  wheat  grown  may  be  still 
further  increased.  Rotations  containing  from  one-fourth  to  one-third 
of  wheat  may  be  used  to  good  advantage  in  this  section.  The  four- 
year  rotation  consisting  of  corn,  oats,  clover,  and  wheat  is  usually 
a  satisfactory  one  on  well-limed  land.  By  seeding  wheat  in  the 
standing  corn,  or  after  the  corn  is  cut  for  silage  or  shocked  in  the 
field,  a  three-year  rotation  of  corn,  wheat,  and  clover  may  be  used. 
Other  good  rotations  are :  corn,  cowpeas  or  soybeans,  wheat,  and 
clover;  and  corn,  cowpeas  or  soybeans,  and  wheat  (with  a  cover  crop 
of  sweet  clover,  if  the  land  has  been  well  treated  with  limestone). 

More  Wheat  and  Greater  Profits 

Naturally  the  rotations,  or  the  proportions  of  wheat  here  sug- 
gested, may  have  to  be  varied  somewhat  for  different  soil  areas  or 
for  individual  farmers.  The  two  chief  facts  to  be  kept  in  mind, 
however,  are :  first,  that  we  need  to  increase  our  acreage  of  wheat 
in  order  to .  insure  for  ourselves  and  our  Allies  a  really  satisfactory 
bread  supply;  and  second,  that  such  increases  are  really  desirable 
from  the  standpoint  of  the  best  rotations  and  the  most  profitable 
systems  of  farm  management. 


1918] 


Grow  More  Wheat  in  Illinois 


SHALL  WE  GROW  WHEAT  OR  RYE? 

In  deciding  whether  to  grow  wheat  or  rye,  Illinois  farmers  should 
be  guided  by  the  following  facts.  Wheat  is  in  general  more  satis- 
factory as  a  bread  grain  than  rye.  The  price  of  wheat  is  fixed  by 
Congress,  and  there  is  therefore  less  risk  in  growing  it  than  in  grow- 
ing rye ;  the  price  of  rye  is  not  fixed,  and  may  be  higher  or  lower 
than  that  for  wheat  when  the  farmer  comes  to  sell  it.  This  latter 
point  adds  to  the  necessary  uncertainty  as  to  yields,  the  additional 
uncertainty  as  to  prices.  If  the  farmer's  land  is  adapted  to  grow- 
ing wheat,  it  would  seem  wise  for  him  to  take  only  one  chance 
instead  of  two  and  grow  wheat  instead  of  rye. 

Rye  should  therefore  be  grown  only  on  soils  and  under  condi- 
tions to  which  it  is  distinctly  better  adapted  than  wheat. 

Adaptation  of  Wheat  and  Rye 

Winter  wheat  can  be  grown  on  a  wide  range  of  soils,  varying 
from  clay  to  the  loam  types.  On  all  of  these  soils,  the  crop  responds 
to  rational  soil  treatment.  Rye  may  well  be  substituted  for  wheat 
on  the  poor  or  untreated  soils  in  Illinois.  On  such  soils  it  will  pro- 
duce greater  returns  than  wheat.  Rye  also  withstands  winter-killing 
better  than  wheat.     It  does  not  lodge  badly,   and  in   general   the 


Winter  Wheat 


Winter  Eye 


Fig.  2. — The  above  figure  shows  the  more  serious  lodging  of  winter  wheat 
as  compared  with  rye.  The  crops  shown  are  growing  side  by  side  under  the 
same  conditions  as  to  soil  and  other  factors. 


6  Extension  Circular  No.  24  ■        [July, 

Hessian  fly  is  not  kno^^^l  to  seriously  injure  it  in  this  country.  In 
Europe,  however,  where  rye  is  sometimes  grown  to  the  exclusion  of 
wheat,  it  is  often  much  damaged  by  the  Hessian  fly. 

The  Price  of  Wheat  and  Rye 

The  price  just  now  being  offered  for  the  1918  rye  crop  is  con- 
siderably lower  than  that  fixed  for  wheat.  This  is  in  harmony  with 
usual  conditions,  the  price  of  wheat  having  been  25  percent  above 
that  of  rye  as  an  average  of  the  ten  years  preceding  the  war,  even 
tho  the  price  of  rye  ranged  above  that  fixed  for  wheat  during  a 
considerable  portion  of  the  year  just  past.  If  we  assume,  however, 
that  the  price  for  rye  is  to  be  somewhat  less  than  that  fixed  for 
wheat,  there  are  still  two  very  good  reasons  why  we  should  grow 
rye  on  the  lands  that  are  somewhat  better  adapted  to  it  than  to 
wheat  or  other  crops :  first,  because  it  will  increase  by  that  much 
our  supply  of  bread  grain,  which  is  so  necessary  to  the  successful 
conduct  of  the  war;  and  second,  because  on  such  soils  rye,  even  at 
present  prices,  will  likely  be  as  profitable  as  any  other  crop  which 
can  be  grown. 

GROWING  FALL  WHEAT  SAVES  LABOR 

The  growing  of  fall  wheat  in  the  rotation  is  of  special  impor- 
tance in  helping  to  distribute  more  evenly  the  man  and  horse  labor 
required  in  crop  production.  The  work  of  plowing,  soil  prepara- 
tion, and  seeding  comes  in  late  summer,  when  farm  work  is  not 
especially  pressing,  and  it  can  therefore  be  done  with  the  least  amount 
of  conflict  with  the  growing  of  other  crops,  such  as  corn,  oats,  and 
hay.  Also,  the  harvesting  of  fall  wheat  usually  comes  at  a  time 
when  corn  is  fairly  well  laid-by  and  oats  are  not  as  jet  ripe.  The 
wheat  harvest  may  conflict  somcAvhat  with  hay-making,  especially  in 
the  case  of  clover,  but  the  wheat  crop  reduces  by  that  much  the  corn 
and  oats  acreage.  This  helps  to  cut  dowai  somewhat  the  greatest 
rush  of  work,  or  "peak  load",  which  usually  comes  at  the  time  of 
oats  seeding  and  corn  planting.  As  a  general  rule,  the  introduc- 
tion of  fall  wheat  into  the  rotation  makes  possible  a  much  better 
distribution  of  labor,  and  this  is  particularly  important  during  the 
Avar,  when  the  labor  supply  is  certain  to  be  short  and  the  need  for 
handling  it  to  the  best  advantage  is  of  vital  importance. 

YIELDS  AS  WELL  AS  ACREAGE  SHOULD  BE  INCREASED 

In  attempting  to  increase  the  production  of  wheat,  we  should 
not  only  increase  the  acreage  planted,  but  we  should  make  every 
effort  possible  to  maintain  or  increase  the  yields  per  acre.  This  will 
be  best  done  by  making  careful  use  of  all  manures  produced  on  the 


19 IS]  Grow  More  Wheat  in  iLLirois  7 

farm;  by  growing  legume  crops  such  as  the  clovers,  soj^beans,  and 
eowpeas;  by  using  mineral  fertilizers,  such  as  limestone  and  phos- 
phate, where  these  are  needed;  and  by  good  methods  of  soil  prep- 
aration, cultivation,  and  general  good  farming  practice. 

DANGER  FROM  CHINCH  BUGS 

Perhaps  the  greatest  objection  to  the  more  extensive  growing  of 
wheat  in  the  corn  belt  is  the  danger  from  the  chinch  bugs,  which 
may  breed  in  the  wheat  (or  in  rye,  if  that  be  grown),  and  then  de- 
stroy the  corn.  The  corn-belt  farmer  must  therefore  be  prepared 
to  drop  wheat  out  of  the  rotation  if  the  chinch  bugs  begin  to  ap- 
pear in  dangerous  numbers. 

PREPARING  THE  SEED  BED 

The  seed  bed  for  wheat  should  be  plowed  as  soon  as  the  pre- 
ceding crop  is  removed.  As  a  rule,  five  to  seven  inches  will  be  found 
a  desirable  depth.  During  a  dry  season  or  on  soils  which  are  most 
seriously  affected  by  drouth  conditions,  it  is  well  to  disk  the  fields 
before  plowing.  This  will  help  to  retain  the  moisture  and  kill  the 
weeds  that  spring  up  after  the  previous  crop  has  been  removed. 

As  soon  as  the  ground  is  plowed  it  should  be  harrowed.  This 
will  break  up  most  of  the  clods.  Some  time  before  seeding,  a  good 
double-disking  and  a  stroke  with  the  spike-tooth  harrow  will  be  found 
sufficient  additional  preparation  for  wheat  ground. 

If  the  previous  crop  was  one  such  as  soybeans  or  eowpeas,  plow- 
ing is  not  necessary  unless  the  soil  for  that  crop  was  poorly  pre- 
pared and  carelessly  cultivated.  A  thoro  double  disking  and  har- 
rowing will  develop  a  satisfactory  seed  bed  in  most  instances.  If 
corn  has  been  removed  for  silage,  treatment  similar  to  that  for  soy- 
bean ground  is  satisfactory.  In  some  sections,  wheat  is  seeded  be- 
tween the  rows  of  corn  with  good  success.  This  considerably  re- 
duces the  labor  required,  but  the  yield  will  be  somewhat  less  than 
on  a  well-prepared  seed  bed. 

CHOOSE  A  STANDARD  VARIETY 

It  is  very  important  to  use  a  variety  of  wheat  well  adapted  to 
local  conditions.  There  is  a  marked  difference  in  varieties.  Some 
varieties  winter-kill  much  worse  than  others,  while  certain  kinds 
lodge  and  shatter  badly.  It  is  well  to  use  varieties  which  grade 
and  sell  best  on  the  market.  As  a  rule,  hard  wheats  command 
higher  prices  than  soft  wheats. 

There  is  not  so  large  a  number  of  varieties  of  rye  as  there  are 
of  wheat,  nor  is  the  difference  in  varieties  so  great. 


8  E  ^TENSION  CiRCULAK  No.  24  [July,  1018 

Whevt  Varieties  for  Illinois^ 

Northern  Illinois. — Continued  tests  have  shown  that  Turkey  Red 
is  the  highest  yielding  variety  for  northern  Illinois.  Turkey  Red 
is  a  bearded  hard  wheat.  It  is  one  of  the  best  kinds  for  resisting 
winter-killing.  Minnesota  Reliable,  Kharkof  and  Malakoff  are  other, 
promising  wheats  for  this  section. 

Central  Illinois. — The  leading  varieties  of  wheat  are,  TurKey  Red, 
Malakolf,  Fultz,  Hungarian,  Pesterboden,  Kharkof,  and  Dawson's 
Golden  Chaff.  Red  Wave  and  Red  Cross  are  two  other  standard 
wheats  much  used  in  many  localities. 

Soutliern  Illinois. — Hard  wheats  are  not  w^ell  adapted  to  south- 
ern Illinois.  The  more  important  varieties  which  are  successfully 
used  are  Fulcaster,  Economy,  Indiana  Swamp,  Harvest  King,  Mis- 
souri Pride,  Rudy,  and  Poole. 

TIME  OF  SEEDING  AND  AMOUNT  OF  SEED 

AVheat  should  be  seeded  early,  but  not  ahead  of  the  time  when 
there  will  be  danger  from  the  Hessian  fly.  Dr.  S.  A.  Forbes,  for 
many  years  State  Entomologist,  recommends  the  dates  indicated  in 
Fig.  1.  So  far  as  possible  these  dates  should  be  observed.  As  indi- 
cated above,  the  Hessian  fly  does  not  usually  attack  rye,  and  there- 
fore in  seeding  rye  it  is  not  so  important  to  follow  these  dates  closely. 
Rye  may  be  seeded  before  or  after  the  planting  of  wheat;  the  seed 
bed  for  rye  should  be  prepared  about  the  same  as  for  wheat. 

As  a  rule,  wheat  is  seeded  at  the  rate  of  five  pecks  per  acre.  This 
amount  is  increased  sometimes  to  a  bushel  and  a  half  per  acre.  Rye 
is  seeded  at  about  the  same  rate. 


^For   further   information    on   varieties    of   wheat    and    rye   send    for   Illinois 
Experiment  Station  Bulletin  201,  "Yields  of  Winter  Grains  in  Illinois." 


July,  1918  Extension  Circular  No.  25 

UNIVERSITY  OF   ILLINOIS 
COLLEGE   OF   AGRICULTURE 

Extension  service  in  agriculture  and  home  economics 

IN    COOPERATION   WITH    THE    UNITED    STATES   DEPARTMENT    OP    AGRICULTURE 
W.  F.  HANDSCHIN,  VICE-DIRECTOR 


WAR  TIME  SUGGESTIONS 

FOR  HOME  ECONOMICS  EXHIBITS  AT 

COUNTY  OR  COMMUNITY  FAIRS 


BY 

MAMIE  BUNCH 

AND 

NAOMI  NEWBUEN 


URBANA,    ILLINOIS 


PURPOSE 

The  purpose  of  this  circular  is  to  present  information  which  will 
help  to  prevent  the  waste  ordinarily  incurred  in  exhibits  at  fairs, 
and  to  encourage  special  effort  to  have  in  war  time  only  such  exhibits 
as  will  help  to  U'hi  the  war  and  to  make  our  homes  and  communities 
better  afte?^  the  war. 


WAR  TIME  SUGGESTIONS  FOR  HOME 
ECONOMICS  EXHIBITS 

MAMIE  BUNCH,  State  Leader  in  Home  Economics  Demonstration 
NAOMI  NEWBUKN,  Instructor  in  Home  Economics  Extension 

In  order  that  exhibits  may  be  a  real  benefit  to  the  community, 
it  is  necessary  to  have  some  fairly  definite  ideas  of  what  to  exhibit, 
how  to  exhibit,  and  a  basis  for  comparison  of  values.  Exhibits  should 
be  made  inspiring  and  helpful  by  showing  the  housewife  in  the  home 
how  to  help  win  the  war  by  conserving  food,  clothing,  energy,  health, 
and  ideals.  If  the  exhibit  of  one  person  excels  in  some  point,  that 
of  his  neighbor  may  excel  in  some  other;  then  each  has  a  chance 
to  work  up  the  highest  standard  reached  and  to  avoid  making  again 
the  errors  discovered  by  comparison. 

If  exhibits  are  organized,  standardized,  and  graded  so  that  the 
best  from  one  community  competes  with  the  best  from  other  com- 
munities in  a  township,  the  best  from  one  township  with  the  best 
from  other  townships  in  the  county,  then  the  best  from  one  county 
vath  the  best  from  other  counties  in  the  state,  the  home  exhibit  at 
the  State  Fair  will  really  represent  the  activities  of  Illinois  homes. 
The  joy  of  excellent  achievement  in  patriotic  endeavor  for  production 
and  coTiservation  will  mean  much  more  than  the  mere  winning  of 
a  premium. 

Since  exhibits  are  examples  of  the  best  products  of  each  kind  from 
the  homes ;  and  since  home  economics  has  to  deal,  not  only  with  the 
kind  and  quality  of  materials,  but  also  with  both  time  and  money- 
saving  in  a  comparison  of  values,  it  seems  wise  to  call  attention  in 
such  exhibits  to  the  cost  to  the  exhibitor  of  the  material  of  each  entry 
and  the  time  required  to  prepare  it.  Such  information  may  be  stated 
on  the  entry  card.  Economy  of  time  and  strength  should  be  a  factor 
in  determining  and  rating  the  entries  in  the  exhibits  in  order  that 
people  may  be  influenced  to  consider  time  and  strength  as  well  as 
money  in  the  planning  and  doing  of  household  tasks. 

It  is  suggested  that  this  circular  be  widely  distributed  in  dis- 
tricts planning  exhibits  and  that  local  societies  use  the  suggested  score 
cards  and  entry  tags  presented  here. 

FOOD  EXHIBITS 

In  planning  the  exhibits  one  must  remember  that  our  country's 
food  problem  is  to  use  less  of  the  foods  which  must  be  shipped  "over 
there" — wheat,  meat,  fat,  and  sugar — and  substitute  for  them  in  the 
diet  the  foods  which  are  plentiful. 


Extension  Circular  No.  25  [July, 

Exhibit  in  Place  of  Wheat  Products 


1. 

Corn 

2. 

Potatoes 

3. 

Oats 

4. 

Barley 

5. 

Eice 

Yeast  breads  must  contain  as  little  wheat  as  possible.  There 
should  be  a  good  exhibit  of  wheatless  quick  breads.  Cakes,  cookies, 
and  pies,  if  exhibited,  ought  to  be  wheatless.  The  use  of  corn  products, 
oats,  potatoes,  and  potato  products  to  save  wheat  should  be  featured. 

II.     Exhibit  to  Eeplace  Meat  in  the  Dietary 


1. 

Milk 

2. 

Cottage  cheese 

3. 

Eggs 

4, 

Nuts 

5. 

Beans 

6. 

Peas 

Home  produced  foods  which  will  adequately  replace  meat  in 
the  diet  may  be  shown  in  one  section.  Here  belong  milk  and  milk 
products  such  as  cottage  cheese.  Here,  too,  should  be  egg  exhibits 
with  equipment  for  candling  and  marketing  eggs.  The  method  and 
equipment  for  preserving  eggs  should  be  illustrated.  Nuts,  beans, 
and  peas  are  vegetable  foods  which  help  to  serve  the  same  purpose 
in  nutrition  as  meat.  Because  of  their  high  nutritive  value  and  low 
cost,  soybeans  may  be  featured.  . 

III.  Exhibit  to  Eeplace  a  Part  of  the  Sugar  in  the  Dietary 

1.  Honey 

2.  Molasses 

3.  Sirup 

4.  Dried  fruits 

In  the  section  of  foods  which  help  to  take  the  place  of  sugar, 
exhibit  honey,  molasses,  corn  sirup,  and  dried  fruits.  Corn  sirup 
can  be  used  to  replace  a  large  part  of  the  sugar  ordinarily  used  in 
camiing,  and  in  making  preserves,  jams,  butter,  marmalades,  and 
jellies,  and  this  is  one  very  practical  way  of  saving  sugar. 

IV.  Exhibit  of  Perishable  Foods  for  Home  Consumption 

1.     Fruits  2.     Vegetables 

a.  Fresh  a.     Fresh 

b.  Canned  b.     Canned 

c.  Dried  c.     Dried 

d.  Preserved  d.     Pickled 

e.  Pickled  '  e.     Brined 


1918]  War  Time  Suggestions  for  Home  Economics  Exhibits  5 

Diagrams  or  models  of  equipment  and  plans  for  drying  and 
storing  vegetables  should  be  displaj-ed.  Vegetables  which  can  be 
kept  more  simply  by  storage,  such  as  onions,  cabbage,  potatoes,  and 
parsnips,  should  not  be  canned.  Such  products  sometimes  appear  in 
collections  of  canned  goods,  but  they  detract  rather  than  add  to  the 
value  of  the  collection,  since  canning  them  represents  a  waste  of 
time,  energy,  fuel,  glass,  and  space.  In  collections  of  canned  products 
selection  and  quality  are  the  main  points  to  be  considered.  Announce- 
ment should  be  made  of  the  minimum  number  of  jars  which  will  be 
considered  a  collection. 

Foods  which  have  been  exhibited  must  be  disposed  of  in  such  a 
way  that  nothing  is  w^asted. 

TEXTILE    EXHIBITS 

In  the  textile  department  there  is  need  to  remember  that  every- 
thing should  be  considered  in  relation  to  the  war.  Red  Cross  supplies, 
knitting,  and  relief  work  should  have  an  important  place.  Because 
of  textile  conditions,  it  is  very  necessary  that  remodeling,  renovating, 
and  mending  of  garments  be  practised  by  every  housewife.  This 
work  can  w^ell  be  featured  at  the  fairs. 

In  the  handwork  department,  certain  standards  should  be  kept 
constantly  in  mind,  for  more  time  is  consumed  in  making  "fancy 
work"  which  has  little  use  and  no  artistic  value  than  in  any  other 
field  of  household  art.  The  following  suggestions  wall  be  useful 
in  determining  whether  or  not  the  articles  are  worthy  of  being  ex- 
hibited: Have  the  articles  a  real  use;  are  the  materials  suitable 
and  harmonious;  and  do  they  fulfill  the  purpose  for  which  they 
were  intended?  Does  the  decoration  conform  to  the  principles  of 
decorative  design;  is  it  subservient  to  the  use  of  the  article?  Is  the 
workmanship  worth  displaying?  A  little  thought  on  such  funda- 
mental principles  will  greatly  improve  the  educational  value  of  textile 
exhibits. 

Let  our  textile  as  well  as  our  food  exhibits  shoAV  our  interest 
in  w^ar  relief.  Energj^  and  material  which  should  be  devoted  to  war 
purprses  should  not  be  used  in  making  textile  exhibits.  « 

HOME  DECORATION  AND  EQUIPMENT  EXHIBITS 

It  is  often  desirable  to  exhibit  pictures  which  are  really  works 
of  art  and  which  are  valuable  as  a  means  of  self-expression.  Along 
with  these  there  may  be  pottery,  reed  work,  etc.  Ideals  of  good  home 
decoration  may  be  fostered  by  suitable  combinations  of  wall  cover- 
ings, floor  coverings,  draperies,  and  curtains.  Suggestive  plans  for 
arrangement  of  kitchen  equipment  may  prove  exceedingly  helpful  to 


6  Extension  Circular  No.  25  [July, 

some.  A  display  of  kitchen  utensils  and  demonstrations  or  sugges- 
tions of  how  to  care  for  them  will  help  to  answer  the  housewife's 
question  of  what  to  buy  and  how  to  care  for  it.  Decorative  lawn 
features,  such  as  an  arbor,  a  garden  seat,  and  a  trellis  for  vines,  may 
be  suggestive. 

The  question  of  home  sanitation  and  methods  of  meeting  it 
could  be  suggested  by  models  of  proper  water  and  drainage  sys- 
tems, models  showing  systems  of  garbage  disposal,  models  of  home- 
made fly  traps  and  of  proper  window  screening,  and  arrangement 
for  protection  from  flies  and  for  adequate  ventilation. 

Any  homemade  labor-saving  device,  Such  as  a  wheel  tray,  a  wood 
box  to  be  filled  from  without,  and  a  cabinet  or  closet  for  mops, 
brooms,  and  cleaning  materials,  may  be  exhibited. 

GENERAL  DIRECTIONS 

The  list  of  entries  and  the  score  cards  should  be  published  in 
the  local  papers  far  enough  in  advance  to  enable  people  to  prepare 
the  exhibits  in  such  a  way  that  they  will  conform  to  the  standards 
and  ideals  which  have  been  set.  Posters  or  static  exhibits  will  be 
effective  in  bearing  the  message  of  the  times.  Such  material  can  often 
be  obtained  from  the  Agricultural  Library  of  the  State  University. 

The  exhibit  hall  should  be  pleasing  in  general  appearance,  clean, 
and  as  well  lighted  and  ventilated  as  possible.  Food  materials  must 
be  protected  from  flies  and  dust ;  glass  cases  are  preferable  for  baked 
goods,  and  butter.  Exhibits  should  be  so  classified  and  grouped 
that  they  can  be  judged  easily.  A  superintendent  in  charge  of  each 
department  should  have  products  properly  entered  and  should  assist 
in  the  judging.  The  scores  and  entries  should  be  printed  on  cloth 
or  heavy  paper  tags,  which  may  be  ordered  in  quantity  since  they 
can  be  carried  over  from  year  to  year.  The  plan  of  having  the  score 
on  the  back  of  the  entry  card  will  save  both  confusion  and  expense. 
These  tags  should  be  neatly  attached  to  containers  of  the  product. 
In  case  of  baked  goods  they  can  be  attached,  by  means  of  clips,  to 
the  paper  plate.  With  canned  products,  jellies,  etc.,  it  is  better  if  ^ 
the  tag  is  tied  around  the  jar  or  glass  and  not  to  the  lid,  because 
lids  are  likely  to  be  mislaid  or  exchanged  during  the  judging  process. 

Provide  for  the  judge  the  following: 

Small  tabic  or  enough  1  fork 

space  for  judging  2  spoons 

Hand  towel  1   plate 

Dish  cloths  2  enamel  pie  plates  ' 

Sharp  knives  or  utility  pans 

An  assistant  to  open  cans  and  to  help  in  rearrangement  of 
products  facilitates  the  judging  process. 


1918]  War  Time  Suggestions  for  Home  Economics  Exhibits  7 

SUGGESTED  SCORE  CARDS 

In  the  case  of  all  baked  products,  greater  recognition  should  be 
given  to  those  containing  the  higher  percentage  of  wheat  substitutes. 

In  the  case  of  cakes,  cookies,  canned  fruits,  jellies,  jams,  preserves, 
butters,  and  marmalades,  sugar  saving  should  be  encouraged  by  giving 
greater  recognition  to  good  products  containing  a  large  proportion  of 
substitutes  for  sugar.     See  last  paragraph,  page  4. 

VICTORY  BREAD 

For  judging,  classify  together  the  breads  which  contain  equal 
amounts  of  substitutes.  More  satisfactory  bread  is  obtained  by  using 
small,  individual  loaf-size  pans.  Better  bread,  as  far  as  palatability 
and  texture  are  concerned,  is  obtained  by  the  use  of  a  mixture  of 
substitutes. 

Include  recipe  in  exhibit.    Cost  of  entire  recipe . 

How  many  loaves  like  this  sample  will  the  recipe  yield 

Entry Class Number . 

SCORE 

General  appearance   15 

Size 
.  .  .  Shape 

Crust 
Palatabilitv 50 

Odor  " 

Taste 
Texture 30 

Porosity 

Lack  of  moisture 
Color 5 


100 


WHEATLESS  QUICK  BREADS 
Include  recipe  in  exhibit.    Cost  of  entire  recipe . 
What  quantity  like  sample  will  recipe  yield 


Entry Class Number 


SCORE 

General  appearance   15 

Crust 

Shape 

Size 

Palatability    50 

Texture  35 

Lightness 

Lack  of  moisture 

Tendency  to   crumble 

100 


8  Extension  Circular  No.  25  [July, 

SPONGE  OE  LOAF  CAKE 

Include  recipe  in  exhibit.    Cost  of  recipe 

Time  required  to  mix  and  bake 

Entry Class Number 

SCORE 

General  appearance 10 

Shape 

Way  exhibited 

Flavor   40 

Lightness    10 

Crumb 30 

Tendency  to  crumble 

Moisture 

Tenderness  "  ' 

Crust 10 

100 
Note:     Chocolate    cake  is   one   in   T^'hich   chocolate   is   incorporated   in   the 
dough  and  not  a  white  cake  with  chocolate  icing. 

LAYEE  CAKE 

Include  recipe  in  exhibit.     Cost  of  recipe 

Time  required  to  mix  and  bake 


Entry Class , Number. 


score 

General  appearance   10 

Flavor  30 

Lightness    10 

Crumb   25 

Tendency  to  crumble 

Moisture 

Tenderness 

Crust 10 

Filling 15 

Flavor   (choice  as  to  blending  with  taste  of  cake) 

Absence  of  sugar 

Texture 

100  ' 

COOKIES 

Include  recipe  in  exhibit.    Exhibit  six  on  a  plate.    Cost  of  entire 

recipe How  many  cookies  like  the  sample  will  the 

recipe  yield 

Entry Class Number Kind 


1918]  War  Time  Suggestions  for  Home  Ecoxomics  Exhibits  9 

SCORE 

General  appearance   15 

Size 

Shape 

Uniformity 

riavor 45 

Texture 30 

Hard,  soft 

Tendency  to  crumble 

Absence  of  grittiness 

Baking  and  crust 10 

100 

CANNED  VEGETABLES 

Underline  method  of  canning  used :  open  kettle,  hot  water  bath 
(single  period  or  intermittent),  steam  pressure. 

Entry Class Number 

Name  of  Vegetables 

SCORE 

Vegetable  85 

Condition  of  product  ■nhen  canned 15 

Condition  of  finished  product 20 

Color   , 15 

Flavor 35 

Pack 15 

Neatness   and  uniformity 10 

Proportion  of  vegetable  to  liquid 5 

100 

CANNED  FKUIT 

Underline  method  of  canning  used :  open  kettle,  hot  water  bath 
(single  period  or  intermittent),  steam  pressure. 

Entry Class Number 

Name  of  fruit 

Proportion  of  sugar  substitute  used 

SCORE 

Truit 50 

Condition 10 

Color   10 

Flavor 30 

Sirup   30 

Color,  clearne&s 10 

Quality   10 

Flavor 10 

Pack   20 

Neatness  and  uniformity  of  pack 10 

Proportion  of  fruit  juice 10 

100 


10  Extension  Circular  Xo.  25  [Jiily, 

JELLY 

Owing  to  the  scarcity  of  sugar,  probably  less  jelly  will  be  made 
than  formerly.  Corn  sirup  can  be  substituted  successfully  for  part 
of  the  sugar  in  jelly-making.  If  exhibited,  the  jelly  should  be  in 
glasses  or  containers  from  which  it  can  be  turned  out  whole.  ' '  Ideal 
fruit  jelly  is  a  beautifully  colored,  transparent,  palatable  product 
obtained  by  so  treating  fruit  juice  that  the  resulting  mass  will  quiver, 
not  flow,  when  removed  from  its  mold;  a  product  with  texture  so 
tender  that  it  cuts  easily  with  a  spoon,  and  yet  so  firm  that  the  angles 
thus  produced  retain  their  shape;  a  clear  product  that  is  neither 
sirupy,  gummy,  sticky,  nor  tough ;  neither  is  it  brittle  and  yet  it 
will  break,  and  does  this  with  a  distinct,  beautiful  cleavage  which 
leaves  sparkling  characteristic  faces.  This  is  that  delicious,  appe- 
tizing substance,  a  good  fruit  jelly.^  " 

Entry . Class Number Kind 

Proportion  of  sugar  substitute  used 

SCORE^ 

Choice  of  fruit  for  jelly-making 5 

Color '. 10 

Clearness 10 

Absence  of  crystals   5 

Texture   30 

Taste  or  palatability   40 

100 

PRESERVES  AND  CONSERVES 

The  preserved  product  should  retain  as  nearly  as  possible  the 
original  shape,  appearance,  and  flavor  of  the  fresh  fruit.  Two  es- 
sentially different  parts  can  be  distinguished — the  fruit,  Avhich  ap- 
pears clear,  and  the  juice.  A  conserve  is  a  preserve  made  from  a 
mixture  of  fruits.    Nuts  are  usually  added. 

Entry Class Number Kind 

Proportion  of  sugar  substitute  used 

SCORE 

Fruit   60 

Appearance,  color,  and  clearness 10 

Flavor 25 

Texture 15 

Uniformity  and  neatness  of  pack 10 

Juice  or  sirup   40 

Clearness  and  color 10 

Flavor   15 

Consistency 10 

Proportion    of   juice    5 

100 


'N.  E.  Goldthwaite,  "The  Principles  of  Jellv-ilaking, "  University  of  Illi- 
nois Bulletin  No.  31,  Vol.  XI. 


1918]  War  Time  Suggestions  for  Home  Economics  Exhibits  1 1 

JAMS  AND  BUTTEES 

Jams  are  made  from  whole  fruits,  usually  the  small  ones,  so 
prepared  as  to  give  a  homogeneous  mixture.  Butters  are  made  from 
fruits  -which  contain  a  larger  proportion  of  fleshy  material  and  the 
seeds  and  skins  are  discarded.  This  mixture  is  smoother  than  the 
jam  mixture. 

Entry Class Number Kind 

Proportion  of  sugar  substitute  used 

SCORE 

Homogeneity  or  smoothness 25 

Flavor  35 

Consistency  and  texture 30 

Color   .    .  ." 10 

100 

mae:\ialades 
The  fruit  pulp  in  marmalade  does  not  form  a  smooth  consis- 
tency.   The  fruit  is  cooked  until  it  is  somewhat  clear,  and  the  partly 
congealed  sirup  or  juice  may  be  clear. 

Entry Class Number Kind 

Proportion  of  sugar  substitute  used 

SCORE 

Evenness  of  distribution  of  material 15 

Flavor 35 

Consistency    and    texture 25 

Clearness 15 

Color   10 

100 

eelish 
This  includes  finely  chopped  pickled  products. 
Entry Class Number Kind 

score 

Appearance 25 

Attractiveness  of  pack,  garnish 

Size  and  uniformity  of  pieces 

Choice  and  proportion  of  materials 15 

Flavor 35 

Texture 25 

Crisp  yet  tender 

:  -  100 


12  Extension  Circular  No.  25  [July, 

PLAIN  VEGETABLE  PICKLES 
Sweet,  sour,  and  dill 
Entry Class Number Kind 


SCORE 

Appearance 25 

Color,  size,  and  shape 

Uniformity,  pack 

Flavor 35 

Texture 35 

Crisp  and  firm,  not  tough  or  soft 
Proportion  of  pickle  to  liquid 5 

100 

SWEET  FRUIT  PICKLES 
Entry Class Number Kind 

SCORE 

Fruit   75 

Appearance 10 

Flavor 35 

Texture 30 

Sirup   20 

Clearness  10 

Consistency 10 

Pack 5 

100 

BUTTER 
Entry Class Number 


SCORE^ 

Flavor 45 

Body 25 

Color 15 

Salt 10 

Package    5 

100 


^College  of  Agriculture,  University  of  Illinois 


1918]  War  Time  Suggestions  for  Home  Economics  Exhibits  13 

LUNCH  BOX 
Entry Class Number 

SCORE 

General   outward   appearance    10 

Neatness  of  package 
Packing 20 

Neatness,    separate   wrapping,   and   arrangement 
Selection  of  food 35 

Suitability 

Food  value 
Quality  and  preparation  of  food 35 

100 
'''^  GAEMENTS 

Entry. Class Number . 


Suitability  of  dress  to  purpose 50 

Material 20 

Hygienic  quality 
Wearing  quality 

Suitability  to  purpose  and  individual 
Texture 
Weave 

Design  of  fabric 
Color 

Design 30 

Suitability  to  individual 
Line 

Proportion 
Harmony 
Color 
Hygiene 

Construction 50 

Pattern  lines   15 

Finishes 20 

Stitching 

Seams 

Gathers 

Bindings 

Facings 

Hems 

Fastenings 

Ease  of  adjustment 5 

General  appearance 10 

Cleanliness 

Pressing 

100 


14  Extension  Circular  No.  25  [July, 

HAND  WOEK 
Entry , Class Number 

■       '  SCORE 

Suitability  of  article  to  purpose   30 

Suitability  of  materials 20 

Fiber 

Weave 

Size  of  thread 

Color 

Design 25 

Adaptation  of  design  to  area  decorated 

Conformity  of  design  to  flat  surface 

Conventionalization 

Appropriateness  of  design  to  material 

Subordination  of  design  to  purpose  of  article 

Quality  of  rhythm,  harmony,  balance 

Workmanship 25 

Stitch 

Beginning 

Joining 

Finish 

Tension 

Size 
Accuracy  in  execution 
Cleanliness 
Pressing 

100 


PATCHING  AND  DAENING 
Entry Class Number 

SCORE 


Materials 40 

Suitability  of  materials  applied   30 

Weight 

Weave 

Design 

Color 

Kind  and  weight  of  thread   10 

Workmanship 60 

Method 15 

Stitch 15 

Size 

Tension 

Direction 
Accuracy 15 

Matching  of  ■n'eave 

Matching  of  design 
Neatness  of  finish 15 

100 


1918]  War  Time  Suggestions  for  Home  Economics  Exhibits  15 

WINDOW  AEEANGEMENT 

A  window  has  three  reasons  for  being:  to  admit  light,  to  aid  in 
ventilation  by  providing  an  inlet  and  an  outlet  for  air,  and  to  provide 
an  attractive  outlook. 

Entry -Class Number 

SCORE 

Photograph  from   inside   shoeing   outlook 25 

Model  showing  curtaining  material  and  mode  of  hanging 35 

Model   showing    screening   and    arrangement   of    sash    for    circula- 
tion of  air 40 

100 

HOMEMADE  SHOWEE  BATH 

Entry  . Class Number 

score 

General  appearance   10 

Efficiency  of   shower 55 

Force 

Spray 

Quantity  of  water 

Ease   of  manipulation 20 

Drain 15 

100 

ICELESS  REFEIGEEATOE 
Entry ■. .Class— Number 

SCORE 

'           General  appearance    10 

;'     .       Effectiveness 60 

Kind  of  material 
Circulation  of  air 

Ease  of  manipulation 20 

Drain 10 

100 

HOMEMADE  FIEELESS  COOKER 

It  is  advisable  to  use  the  tireless  cooker  where  practicable  to 
save  fuel. 

Entry Class Number 

SCORE 

General  appearance    10 

Heat-holding  power   60 

Kind,  amount,  and  packing  of  nonconducting  material 

Soapstone  or  heaters 
Nest-lining  and  cooking  vessel 20 

Suitability,  materia],  size 
Ease  of  manipulation 10 

100 


16  Extension  Circular  No.  25 

AEBOE  AND  GARDEN  SEAT  OE  TEELLIS  FOE  VINES 
Entry Class Number 


SCORE 

Working  drawings   showing   dimensions 20 

Estimate  of  material  as  to  quantity 10 

Estimate  of  material  as  to  cost 10 

Eecord  of  time  required  for  making 10 

Exhibit  of  finished  product  or  a  photograph  of  it  as  used 50 

Suitability  to  purpose 

Harmony  with  surroundings 

Workmanship,  beauty  of  design 

.    —  100 

BABY  PEN 

Entrv Class Number 


SCORE 

Working  drawings    20 

Estimate  of  material  as  to  quantity 10 

Estimate  of  material  as  to  cost 10 

Estimate  of  time  required  for  making 10 

Finished  product,  as  to — 50 

Comfort 

Ease  of  moving 

Neatness  of  finish 

100 

FLY  TEAPS 
Entry Class Number 

SCORE 

Estimate  of  material,  as  to  quantity  and  cost 15 

Eecord  of  time  required  for  making 10 

Efficiency  for  catching  and  holding  flics 50 

General  appearance  and  neatness  of  finish 15 

Ease  of  manipulation 10 

100 

If  the  foregoing  suggestions  are  followed  out  in  the  planning  and 
conducting  of  fairs,  the  exhibits  Avill  be  of  real  value  in  helping 
to  win  the  war  and  in  raising  the  standard  of  home  and  community 
life.  Ideals  such  as  these,  and  not  the  mere  winning  of  premiums, 
should  be  the  determining  factor  in  all  community  enterprises.  If 
such  standards  are  not  to  be  maintained  at  a  time  like  this,  there 
can  be  no  reason  for  the  expenditure  of  materials,  time,  and  money 
for  exhibits. 


UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS 

Agricultural  Experiment  Station 


URBANA,  ILLINOIS,  JANUARY,  1918 


CIRCULAR  No.  209 


SHALL  I  PLANT  A  GARDEN  THIS  YEAR? 

Br  J.  W.  LLOYD,  Chief  in  Olericulture 

It  may  seem  to  be  rather  an  inopportune  time  to  be  thinking  of 
planting  a  garden  when  the  winter  wind  is  howling  about  the  house  and 
the  ground  is  solidly  frozen.  Yet  time  passes  rapidly,  and  unless  some 
thought  is  given  the  garden  in  winter,  the  season  for  planting  Avill  find 
us  unprepared.  If  we  expect  to  have  good  gardens  this  year,  now  is 
the  time  to  make  definite  plans  to  that  end. 

One  of  the  advantages,  from  a  personal  standpoint,  of  having  a 
good  home  garden,  is  that  it  can  be  made  to  furnish  a  continuous 
supply  of  vegetables  for  the  table  thruout  the  season.  Furthermore, 
vegetables  of  the  best  quality  can  be  supplied  to  the  owner  of  a  garden 
at  a  minimum  expense  and  in  a  much  fresher  condition  than  if  pur- 
chased in  the  market.  At  the  present  time,  however,  the  personal 
advantages  to  be  gained  from  a  home  vegetable  garden  are  much  less 
important  than  our  duty  to  the  nation.  The  substitution  of  vegetables 
for  some  of  the  more  concentrated  foods  in  the  diet  of  those  who 
remain  at  home  will  release  for  the  use  of  the  American  army  and  the 
Allies  large  cpiantities  of  cereals,  meats,  and  other  food  supplies  that 
are  readily  transported  because  of  their  more  concentrated  form.  And 
the  substitution  of  homegrown  vegetables  for  those  shipped  in  from  a 
distance  and  handled  thru  the  market  will  reduce  the  amount  of  trans- 
portation necessary  to  supply  food  for  the  folks  at  home,  and  thus  will 
assist  in  relieving  the  car  shortage,  and  enable  the  railroads  to  use  their 
ecpiipment  in  the  way  that  will  best  serve  the  interests  of  the  entire 
nation. 


It  seems,  then,  that  both  from  the  standpoint  of  personal  advan- 
tages and  of  patriotic  duty  every  one  who  can  should  plant  a  garden 
this  year.  It  should  be  remembered,  however,  that  planting  is  only  the 
initial  step  in  gardening.  Many  gardens  planted  in  hope  and  enthu- 
siasm last  year  were  utter  failures ;  many  planted  this  year  are 
likely  to  be  failures  also,  unless  the  people  who  plant  them  realize  that 
gardens  require  continued  care.  The  two  great  causes  of  failures  in 
home  gardens  are  the  lack  of  knowledge  of  the  cultural  requirements 
of  the  different  vegetables,  and  the  lack  of  sustained  interest  in  the 
garden  thru  the  season.  Too  many  beginners  at  gardening  are  filled 
with  enthusiasm  in  the  balmy  days  of  spring,  and  proceed  to  plant, 
plant,  plant,  without  giving  due  consideration  to  the  tasks  that  are  to 
follow  under  the  blistering  heat  of  the  summer  sun. .,  Their  interest 
wanes  with  the  increasing  length  of  the  days,  and  their  crops  become 
choked  with  weeds  and  are  attacked  by  beetles  and  blight.  What 
started  out  as  a  garden  becomes  a  waste ;  and  the  owner 's  enthusiasm 
for  gardening  is  likely  to  be  forever  dampened. 

The  logical  thing  for  a  prospective  gardener  to  do  is  to  make  a 
definite  decision  to  give  his  garden  consistent  care  thruout  the  whole 
season,  and  then  to  let  nothing  move  him  from  that  determination.  In 
order  to  give  his  garden  proper  care,  he  must  know  what  to  plant  in 
his  particular  localitj"  and  when  to  plant  it.  He  must  know  which 
varieties  will  best  meet  his  needs.  He  must  know  what  insects  and 
diseases  to  expect  and  how  to  combat  them.  The  more  he  can  learn 
about  each  of  the  crops  he  proposes  to  grow  before  he  attempts  to 
grow  it,  the  better  prepared  for  the  season 's  tasks  he  will  be. 

It  is  none  too  early  to  begin  preparations  for  this  year's  garden- 
ing.   There  are  three  things  which  should  be  done  now: 

(1)  Bulletins  and  circulars  and  books  on  gardening  should  be 
read,  and  as  much  as  possible  learned  about  the  various  crops  that  are 
to  be  grown. ^ 


^The  following  publications  of  this  station  on  various  phases  of  vegetable 
gardening  are  available  at  the  present  time,  and  may  be  procured  free  of  charge 
by  addressing  the  Illinois  Agricultural  Experiment  Station,  Urbana,  Illinois. 
Bulletin  144  Growing  Tomatoes  for  Early  Market 

' '        155  Fertilizer  Experiments  with  Muskmelons 

' '        174  An  Efficient  and  Practicable  Method  for  Controlling  Melon  Lice 

"        175  Experiments  in  Onion  Culture 

' '        184  Tests  with  Nitrate  of  Soda  in  the  Production  of  Early  Vegetables 

' '        188  Methods  of  Fertilizing  Sweet  Potatoes 
Circular  139  How  to  Grow  Muskmelons 
173  Onion  Culture 

' '        182  The  Fertilizer  Problem  from  the  Vegetable  Grower 's  Standpoint 

' '        198  Home  Vegetable  Gardening 

"        200  Possibilities  of  the  Fall  Vegetable  Garden 

"        201  Dried  Bean  Production  in  Illinois 


(2)  Seed  catalogs  should  be  procured,  and  a  list  made  of  varie- 
ties and  quantities  of  seeds  needed.  If  an  order  is  placed  for  the  seeds 
now,  there  will  be  no  delay  waiting  for  the  seeds  at  planting  time,  or 
substitution  of  undesirable  varieties  in  order  to  procure  the  seeds  in 
a  hurry. ^ 

(3)  A  definite  plan  of  the  proposed  garden  should  be  made  on 
paper.  This  plan  should  indicate  the  location  of  each  kind  of  vegetable 
in  the  garden,  the  distance  between  the  rows,  and  the  approximate 
time  of  planting  each  crop.  Since  a  home  garden  is  a  personal  matter, 
the  plans  made  by  different  individuals  will  reHcct  their  particular 
tastes.  However,  in  all  garden  plans,  it  is  desirable  that  an  arrange- 
ment of  the  crops  be  employed  which  will  make  the  best  possible  use 
of  the  available  space  and  at  the  same  time  minimize  labor  in  prepara- 
tion and  care.  Suggested  plans  are  given  in  Figs.  1  and  2.  Plans  for 
gardens  of  various  sizes  are  also  gh  en  in  Circular  ]  98  of  this  station. 

^A  list  of  desirable  varieties  is  contained  in  Circular  198. 


SPiNUCH,  roLLOi^fO  Br  CuCLrM3£fl5  anD  Bush  SQyASn 
ONION  sers 


ruRniiPs    II MuiTftiKD 


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CABBflOC  " CAl/LirLOWEP 


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L/JTf    PERi> 


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LflRCf    inECT  CORN     rOLLOWCO  BY    rURMPi 

i-.'TTE    Sivfrr    CORH    


OWflRF    i.iMfl   REfiN::,     '-3 PEPPCRS    ■ 


Fig.  1. — Diagram  of  a  Suburban  Garden  30  Feet  by  60  Feet 


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UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS 

Agricultural  Experiment  Station 


URBANA,  ILLINOIS,  JANUARY,  1918 


CIRCULAR  No.  211 


THE  SEED-CORN  SITUATION  FOR  1918 

By  W.  L.  BUELISON  and  GEOEGE  H.  DUNGAN 


GERMINATION  TESTS 

A — A  poor  germination.     The  ear  from  wMch  these  kernels  came  should 
be  thrown  into  the  feed  crib. 

B — A  test  that  indicates  weakness.     In  a  year  of  seed  scarcity  this  ear 
may  be  as  good  as  the  average.    A  second  set  of  kernels  should  be  tested. 

C — A  good  eight-day  test. 


THE  SEED-CORN  SITUATION  FOR  1918 

By  W.  L.  BURLISON,  Associate  Propessoe  of  Crop  Production,  and 
GEORGE  H.  DUNGAN,  Assistant  in  Crop  Production 

The  seed-corn  situation  in  Illinois  is  the  most  serious  in  the  his- 
tory of  the  state.  Seed  corn  is  scarce.  Many  counties  will  be  unable 
to  supply  their  own  seed.  This  means  that  large  quantities  must  be 
brought  in  from  other  localities.  Much  has  been  published  to  dis- 
courage shipping  seed  in  from  distant  sections,  for  in  most  cases 
marked  differences  in  soil  and  climate  result  in  poor  yields  from  the 
imported  seed.  The  general  rule  has  been  not  to  recommend  the  use 
of  the  imported  seed  corn,  but  the  application  of  this  rule  can  be 
carried  too  far  even  in  normal  times,  and  during  the  present  critical 
condition  which  confronts  the  Illinois  producer,  a  more  liberal  atti- 
tude must  be  assumed  if  seed  corn  is  to  be  available  for  all  who  wish 
to  plant  this  crop  next  May. 

For  the  present  season,  seed  must  be  shipped  from  central  or 
more  southern  counties  to  areas  in  the  northern  part  of  the  state. 

The  University  of  Illinois  has  some  specific  data  bearing  on  the 
movement  of  corn  from  Urbana,  Champaign  county,  in  central  Illi- 
nois, to  DeKalb,  DeKalb  county,  in  northern  Illinois,  a  distance  of 
125  miles  in  latitude.  These  figures  are  submitted  because  they  seem 
to  have  a  value  in  throwing  light  upon  the  question  whether  im- 
ported seed  may  be  expected  to  produce  satisfactory  results.  The 
soils  on  which  this  corn  was  gTown  are  very  similar.  Both  would  be 
considered  very  good  corn  land.  The  original  seed  was  produced 
near  Urbana  and  sent  each  year  to  DeKalb  for  planting. 


Comparative  Yields  of  Corn  Grown  at  Urbana  and  at  DeKalb  from  Seed 
Produced  Near  Urbana,  Illinois 

(Bushels  per  acre) 


Variety 

Years  compared 

Urbana 

DeKalb 

Reid  's  Yellow  Dent 

1908-1913,  1915 

1908-1913 

1912-1916 

1907-1914 

1907-1915 

1907-1915 

57.8 
56.5 
56.6 
56.9 
43.2 
51.3 

57.9 

Learning 

59.2 

Riley 's  Favorite 

54.5 

Silvermine 

Illinois  High  Ear 

57.9 
41.5 

Illinois  Low  Ear 

49.9 

It  will  be  observed  from  the  above  figures  that  the  yields  for 
Urbana  and  DeKalb  vary  but  slightly,  and  in  the  present  emergency 
these  differences  would  appear  negligible.  At  DeKalb,  however,  the 
corn  is  not  always  so  well  matured  as  at  Urbana. 


The  Seed-Corn  Situation  foe  1918  3 

The  score  card,  which  has  often  been  used  as  a  gnide  in  selecting 
seed  com,  must  be  discarded  for  this  season. 

Practical  experience  and  the  results  of  investigation  have  shown 
that  fancy  points  are  not  necessarily  associated  with  high  yield.  The 
University  of  Illinois  has  figures  which  seem  to  show  that  small  ears 
selected  from  the  crib  may  yield  about  as  much  as  larger  ears.  It 
sJiould  he  kept  in  mind  that  these  figures  are  based  on  crib  selection, 
and  that  this  method  is  not  to  be  recommended  in  normal  years. 

This  year  in  order  to  get  corn  that  will  grow  it  will  be  necessary 
to  disregard  many  of  the  points  which  have  been  considered  im- 
portant. If  necessary,  we  must  sacrifice  everything  for  strong,  vig- 
orous germination. 

From  every  section  of  the  state  reports  have  been  received  which 
indicate  that  most  of  the  corn  saved  for  seed  is  very  low  in  germina- 
tion. This  means  that  in  most  cases  every  ear  of  seed  must  be  tested, 
altho  if  a  composite  test  shows  a  germination  of  95  percent  the  indi- 
vidual ear  test  is  not  very  important.  This  composite  test  may  be 
made  as  follows : 

Go  thru  the  crib  and  pick  out  100  ears  which  would  ordinarily 
be  considered  fit  for  seed ;  select  six  kernels  from  the  ears  according 
to  the  method  described  later  under  the  rag-doll  test,  and  place  them 
in  some  sort  of  a  germinator.  If,  by  the  above  method,  a  test  of  95 
percent  is  obtained  (at  least  570  kernels  showing  good  germination), 
further  examination  of  the  corn  in  this  respect  will  be  unnecessary. 

It  is  probable,  however,  that  very  little  corn  will  be  acceptable 
by  the  composite  test.  Therefore,  the  individual  ear  test  will  be 
found  necessary.  This  means  that  every  ear  must  be  tried  for  ger- 
mination. There  are  numerous  methods  of  applying  this  individual 
ear  test,  and  there  are  many  kinds  of  commercial  testers  on  the 
market,  but  homemade  devices  are  as  good  as  those  which  cost 
money.  Two  general  types  of  homemade  testers  and  general  sugges- 
tions for  their  management  are  described  below . 

THE  RAG-DOLL  TESTER 

The  rag-doll  tester  is  suggested  for  the  following  reasons : 

1.  It  will,  if  propel ly  handled,  give  a  reliable  index  of  tlie  vitality  of  seed 

corn. 

2.  It  is  cheap  and  easily  made. 

3.  It  is  simple  in  operation,  and  takes  no  more  time  than  other  more  ex- 

pensive testers. 

4.  As  a  rule,  there  is  little  difficulty  experienced  with  molds  which  develop 

in  certain  other  testers. 

5.  It  is  easily  disinfected. 

6.  Counting  the  grains  is  less  difficult,  because  the  entire  kernel  with  its 

roots  can  be  observed. 

7.  The  rag-doll  tester  is  small,  and  ' '  dolls ' '  can  be  stored  away  in  a  limited 

space. 


Note. — The  rag-doll  tester  was  first  used  and  described  by  the  Iowa  Agri- 
cultural Experiment  Station. 


Circular  No.  211 


[January^ 


19JS]  The  Seed-Corn  Situation  for  1918  S 

Making  tlie  Tester. — Cut  common  muslin  into  strips  5  to  7  feet 
long  and  10  inches  wide.  Hem  the  edge  in  order  to  prevent  raveling. 
Then  leaving  at  each  end  an  unmarked  area  8  to  10  inches  deep, 
divide  the  strip  of  cloth  down  the  center  with  a  heavy  line  which  can- 
not be  easily  erased  and  which  will  not  blur  upon  wetting.  Mark 
this  area  off  into  rectangles  3  inches  wide  and  5  inches  long  by 
crossing  the  center  line  perpendicularly  with  lines  3  inches  apart. 
The  tester  is  nov/  ready  for  filling. 

Arranging  the  Ears. — Place  the  ears  in  a  convenient  location 
where  they  will  not  be  disturbed.  The  ears  should  be  numbered  to  cor- 
respond with  the  squares  in  the  tester.  These  may  be  placed  in  con- 
secutive order  on  a  table,  but  numbering  them  is  better.     (See  Fig.  1) 

Preparing  the  "Boll"  for  the  Test. — First  dip  the  tester  in  water, 
then  wring  gently,  and  spread  it  on  a  table  of  convenient  height  for 
comfortable  work.  The  cloth  when  slightly  moist  will  be  more  easily 
handled,  and  the  grains  will  not  slip  about  on  the  tester  before  it  is 
rolled  up. 

Removing  and  Placing  the  Kernels. — Six  kernels  from  each  ear 
should  be  used  in  each  division  of  this  tester.  The  grains  should  be 
placed  germ-side  up,  and  all  the  tips  should  point  in  the  same  direction 
in  order  to  make  possible  the  rapid  reading  of  results  at  the  end  of  the 
test.  Remove  one  grain  about  two  inches  from  the  butt.  Turn  the  ear 
one-fourth  around  and  remove  a  kernel  from  the  middle  of  the  ear. 
Turn  the  ear  again  one-fourth  around  in  the  same  direction  as  before 
and  remove  a  grain  two  inches  from  the  tip.  Holding  the  ear  in  the 
same  position,  remove  a  kernel  about  two  inches  from  the  butt.  Turn 
the  ear  and  repeat  the  above  operation,  taking  a  kernel  from  the  middle 
and  one  two  inches  from  the  tip.  Thus,  when  the  ear  has  been  turned 
around  once,  six  kernels  will  have  been  removed:  two  from  the  butt, 
two  from  the  middle,  and  two  from  the  tip ;  and  each  of  the  two 
grains  from  the  butt,"  the  middle,  and  the  tip  will  have  come  from 
opposite  sides  of  the  ear.  


Fig.  2. — The  Tester  Should  be  Eolled  Firmly  but  not  Tightly  Around  a 
Stick  or  Small  Cardboard  Mailing  Tube  as  a  Core 


CiKCULAR  No.  211 


[January, 


Rolling  the  "Doll"  and  Germinating  tJie  Corn. — Roll  the  cloth, 
with  the  grains,  firnily  but  not  tightly  around  a  stick  or  a  small  piece 
of  wire  screening,  bent  in  the  form  of  a  cylinder,  for  a  core  (Fig.  2). 
Place  around  each  end,  and  the  center  if  desired,  a  string  or  a 
rubber  band  (Fig.  3).  Place  the  roll  in  a  bucket  of  water  with  a  tem- 
perature of  about  80°  F.,  and  let  it  remain  for  about  ten  or  fifteen 
hours.  At  the  end  of  this  period,  pour  off  the  water  and  store  the 
tester  in  a  warm  room.    A  box,  a  bucket,  or  a  moist  sack  may  be  placed 


Fig.  3. — The  Rag  Doll  Eolled  and  Ready  for  Soaking 


over  the  roll  so  that  it  will  not  dry  out,  but  some  allowance  should  be 
made  for  ventilation.  A  number  of  ' '  dolls ' '  may  be  used  at  the  same 
time,  making  it  possible  to  test  a  large  quantity  of  corn  quickly.  It 
requires  about  two  yards  of  36-inch  muslin  to  each  li/4  bushels  of  com 
tested. 

At  the  end  of  five  to  eight  days  the  count  may  be  made  and  the 
germination  test  recorded. 

Observing  Results  and  Discarding  Ears. — Untie  the  string,  or  slip 
off  the  rubber  bands,  and  unroll  the  doll  carefully  so  that  no  kernels 


19181 


The  SeedhCorn  Situation  for  1918 


are  displaced.  Note  the  germination  of  the  kernels  in  each  rectangle 
and  count  those  good  that  show  strong,  vigorous  shoots  and  roots 
from  all  six  kernels  (see  illustration  on  front  cover).  Ears  showing 
one  or  two  kernels  with  weak  shoots  and  roots  should  be  discarded 
or  laid  out  and  retested.  If  the  same  results  are  obtained  in  the  sec- 
ond test,  the  ear  should  be  discarded.  All  ears  in  the  test  that  show 
more  than  two  kernels  with  weak  shoots  and  roots  should  be  thrown 
out  at  once.  If  only  one  kernel  of  the  six  from  any  one  of  the  ears 
fails  to  grow,  and  the  others  are  good,  the  ear  should  be  retested ; 
but  if  no  better  results  are  obtained  in  the  second  test,  the  ear  should 
be  thrown  into  the  feed  crib.  All  ears  with  more  than  one  dead 
kernel  among  the  six  kernels  in  the  test  should  be  thrown  out 
immediately. 

After  Each  Test  the  cloth  should  be  sterilized  by  boiling,  in  or- 
der to  guard  against  trouble  with  molds  when  using  it  again. 

THE  SAWDUST  AND  THE  SAND-BOX  TESTER 

The  Sawdust  Box  is  a  favorite  type  of  tester.  Construct  a  box  24 
by  30  inches,  and  3  inches  deep,  inside  measurements,  and  fill  to  within 
an  inch  of  the  top  with  sawdust  which  has  been  thoroly  moistened.  It 
is  best  to  soak  this  material  for  10  to  12  hours  before  placing  it  in  the 
test  box.  When  the  sawdust  is  put  into  the  container,  pack  it  firmly 
and  smooth  it  down  even,  to  within  about  one  inch  of  the  top.  Place 
stout  muslin  over  the  sawdust  and  tack  it  securely  to  the  edges  of  the 
box ;  then  rule  it  into  2-inch  squares.  Number  the  squares,  and  then 
take  from  each  ear  six  grains  as  described  for  the  rag-doll  method,  and 
place  them  on  the  squares,  being  careful  that  they  are  placed  on  num- 
bers corresponding  to  the  numbers  of  the  ears  from  which  they  have 
been  taken.     Put  these  ears  away  where  they  will  not  be  disturbed. 


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Fig.  4. — The  Sawdust  Box  is  a  Favorite  Type  of  Tester 


When  the  box  is  filled,  cover  the  grains  with  a  clean  cloth,  and  moisten 
cloth  and  grain.  Place  moistened  sawdust  over  the  top,  and  if  this 
material  should  become  somewhat  dry  it  should  be  moistened  as  occa- 
sion demands. 


8  ClKCTJLAR   No.    211 

After  six  to  eight  days  at  room  temperature,  a  count  may  be  made 
and  all  poor  ears  discarded.  The  same  rigid  method  of  elimination 
must  be  followed  here  as  indicated  for  the  final  count  and  rejection  in 
the  rag-doll  test. 

TJie  Sand  Box  is  very  commonly  used  by  corn  growers.  It  is  made 
in  the  same  way  as  that  indicated  for  the  sawdust  box,  the  only  differ- 
ence being  that  sand  is  employed  instead  of  sawdust.  The  sand  is 
moistened  before  the  grains  are  put  in  place.  The  grains  are  usually 
pushed  into  the  sand  point  downward,  or  they  may  be  pressed  into  the 
sand  with  the  germ  side  up.  Glass  may  be  put  over  the  tester,  in  which 
case  the  germination  and  growth  of  the  grains  may  be  observed.  More 
frequently,  however,  layers  of  moistened  cloth  are  put  over  the  sand. 
The  grains  from  different  ears  are  kept  separate  by  means  of  wires. 
It  is  suggested  that  sand  gives  a  more  even  moisture  supply  and  more 
even  temperature  than  sawdust. 

CHOICE  OF  VARIETY 

For  NortJiern  Illinois. — Continued  tests  have  shown  that  for 
northern  Illinois  the  leading  high-yielding  varieties  which  have  been 
grown  for  a  minimum  of  four  years  are  Western  Plowman,  Riley's 
Favorite,  Griffith's  Early  Dent,  Reid's  Yellow  Dent,  Hecker's  Red, 
and  Funk's  90  Day. 

For  Central  Illinois. — At  Urbana,  seventeen  vaj?ieties  of  corn  have 
been  under  test  for  five  years  or  more.  Reid's  Yellow  Dent,  Boone 
County  White,  Learning,  Silvermine,  Riley's  Favorite,  Champion 
White  Pearl,  Golden  Eagle,  Farmer's  Interest,  Johnson  County 
White,  and  Beatty's  Yellow  are  all  high-yielding  strains. 

For  Southern  Illinois. — On  well  fertilized  land  in  southern  Illi- 
nois, the  leading  high  yielding  varieties  tested  for  a  minimum  of  four 
years  are  Funk 's  90  Day,  Reid  's  Yellow  Dent,  Perrine  's  White  Pearl, 
Chinese  Poor  Land,  Grave 's  Yellow  Dent,  Champion  White  Pearl,  and 
Silvermine.  On  unfertilized  land.  Champion  White  Pearl,  Perrine 's 
White  Pearl,  and  Esterly's  White  have  been  the  highest  yielders  for 
three  years. 


For  a  further  discussion  of  varieties,  see  Bulletin  191  of  the  Illi- 
nois Agricultural  Experiment  Station.  Early  varieties  should  be 
selected  when  the  crop  is  to  be  grown  for  grain  alone.  Later  matur- 
ing varieties  may  be  seeded  for  silage.  This  will  help  to  make  the 
best  use  of  early  varieties,  which  must  be  used  in  the  northern  part  of 
the  state  and  the  supply  of  which  at  best  is  very  limited. 


February,  1918 


Extension  Circular  No.  19 

UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS 
COLLEGE  OF  AGRICULTURE 

Extension  Service  in  Agriculture  and  Home  Economics 

IN   COOPERATION  WITHl  THE  UNITED   STATES  DEPARTMENT   OP  AGRICULTURE 
W.    F.    HANDSCHIN,    VICE-DIRECTOR 


Urbana,  Illinois 


THE  RAG-DOLL  TESTER  FOR  CORN 


By  W.  L.  BURLISON  and  GEOEGE  H.  DUNGAN 


THE  RAG  DOLL  ROLLED  AND  READY  FOR  SOAKINCi 


TO  CLUB  MEMBERS  IN  ALL  PROJECTS 

Many  of  yon,  perhaps,  have  read  the  story  of  the  Leak  in  the 
Dike,  and  how  Peter,  the  lad  in  far  away  Holland,  saved  his  country 
by  putting  his  arm  into  a  little  hole  in  a  dike  and  stopping  the  leak. 
The  dike  in  Holland  is,  as  you  know,  all  that  stands  between  that 
country  and  destruction.  If  the  dike  should  give  way,  the  ocean 
would  sweep  in  and  death  and  devastation  would  follow. 

Our  own  country,  the  United  States,  at  the  present  time  stands 
in  much  the  same  position  as  does  Holland.  Instead  of  a  threatening 
ocean  of  water,  we  are  menaced  by  a  sea  of  German  autocracy.  Did 
you  ever  think  what  would  be  the  result  if  it  should  engulf  us?  Do 
you  know  that  it  would  sweep  away  the  things  that  are  nearest  and 
dearest  to  the  hearts  of  every  American  boy  and  girl  ? 

Like  Holland,  we  are  protected  by  mighty  dikes — our  army  and 
our  navy.  But  the  mightiest  dike  of  them  all  is  Food.  During  the 
past  year  you  have  done  your  bit  in  producing  Food.  It  may  not 
seem  to  you  that  you  have  done  very  much,  but  every  ounce  of  food 
produced  in  garden,  field,  or  feed  yard  has  helped  to  build  the  dike. 
Now  a  leak  has  been  discovered.  AVill  you,  like  Peter,  help  to  stop  it  ? 

Our  corn  crop,  the  pride  of  Illinois,  is  threatened  unless  good 
seed  can  be  obtained.  It  can  be  obtained  only  by  picking  over  and 
testing  ear  by  ear  the  corn  which  has  been  gathered.  Every  un- 
tested ear  that  is  planted  is  a  leak  in  the  dike,  and  every  club  mem- 
ber who  tests  an  ear  of  corn,  whether  he  plants  it  or  whether  some- 
one else  plants  it,  is  stopping  a  leak  in  the  dike. 

This  little  circular  will  tell  you  how  to  go  about  this.  It  is  placed 
in  your  hands  with  the  hope  that  whatever  your  club  interest  may 
be,  wherever  you  may  live,  whether  in  the  city  or  in  the  open  coun- 
try, you  may  see  this  opportunity  for  patriotic  service. 

Uncle  Sam  has  done  a  great  deal  for  club  boys  and  girls.  Here  is 
a  chance  to  do  something  for  him.  Take  this  up  in  your  club  meet- 
ings, and  talk  with  your  club  leader.  See  if  there  is  not  some  way 
of  cooperating  with  the  farmers  in  your  neighborhood  in  this  work. 
Then  Avhen  this  great  conflict  is  over,  other  boys  and  girls  may  read 
your  story  as  you  have  read  Peter's.  -  ■  ^  ,      >. 

JAMES  H.  GEEENE 
State  Leader  in  Junior  Extension 

College  op  Agriculture 

Urbana,  Illinois 


THE  RAG-DOLL  TESTER  FOR  CORN 

By  W.  L.  BUELISON",  Associate  Professor  of  Crop  Production,  and 
GEORGE  H.  DUNGAN",  Assistant  in  Crop  Production 

The  seed-corn  situation  was  never  so  serious  in  Illinois  as  it  is 
the  present  season  of  1918.  Corn  was  injured  last  fall  in  practically 
every  section  of  the  state  by  very  early  frost,  and  for  this  reason 
very  little  mature  seed  was  selected  from  the  field.  Reports  on  the 
germination  tests  this  year  are  very  discouraging.  The  vitality  of 
corn  probably  has  never  been  so  unsatisfactory. 

It  will  be  necessary  to  make  germination  tests  of  every  ear  which 
is  to  be  planted  this  spring.  There  are  several  methods  of  doing 
this,  but  the  simplest  and  least  expensive  one  is  by  means  of  the 
rag-doll  tester.  This  plan  is  suggested  for  boys'  and  girls'  clubs  for 
the  following  reasons : 

1.  It  will,  if  properly  handled,  give  a  reliable  index  of  the 
vitalit}^  of  seed  corn. 

2.  It  is  cheap  and  easily  made. 

3.  It  is  simple  in  operation,  and  takes  no  more  time  than 
other  more  expensive  testers. 

4.  As  a  rule,  there  is  little  difficulty  experienced  with  molds 
which  develop  in  certain  other  testers. 

5.  It  is  easily  disinfected. 

!  6.     Counting  the  grains  is  less  difficult,  because  the  entire 

i         kernel  with  its  roots  can  be  observed. 

7.     The  rag-doll  tester  is  small,  and  "dolls"  can  be  stored 
away  in  a  limited  space. 

Making  the  Tester. — Cut  common  muslin  into  strips  5  to  7  feet 
long  and  10  inches  wide.  Hem  the  edge  in  order  to  prevent  rav- 
eling. Then  leaving  at  each  end  an  unmarked  area  8  to  10  inches 
deep,  divide  the  strip  of  cloth  down  the  center  with  a  heavy  line 
which  cannot  be  easily  erased  and  which  will  not  blur  upon  wetting. 
Mark  this  area  oft'  into  rectangles  3  inches  wide  and  5  inches  long- 
by  crossing  the  center  line  perpendicularly  with  lines  3  inches  apart. 
Make  a  mark  on  the  back  of  the  doll  in  the  upper  left-hand  corner 
to  indicate  the  top  after  it  is  rolled  up.  The  tester  is  now  ready  for 
filling  (see  Fig.  1). 

Arranging'  the  Ears. — Place  the  ears  in  a  convenient  location 
where  they  will  not  be  disturbed.  The  ears  should  be  numbered  to 
correspond  to  the  squares  in  the  tester.     These  may  be  placed  in 

Note. — The  rag-doll  tester  Mas  first  used  and  described  by  the  Iowa  Agri- 
cultural Experiment  Station. 

3 


Extension  Circular  No.  19 


[February, 


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The  Rag-Doll  Tester  for  Corn 


consecutive  order  on   a   table,  but  numbering-  tliem  is  better    (see 
Fig.  2). 

Preparing'  the  "Doll"  for  the  Test. — First  dip  the  cloth  in  water, 
then  wring  it  gently,  and  spread  it  on  a  table  of  convenient  height 
for  comfortable  work.  The  cloth  when  slightly  moist  will  be  more 
easily  handled,  and  the  grains  will  not  slip  about  on  the  tester  be- 
fore it  is  rolled  up.  i 

Removing  and  Placing  the  Kernels. — Six  kernels  from  each  ear 
should  be  used  in  each  division  of  this  tester.  The  grains  should 
be  placed  germ-side  up,  and  all  the  tips  should  point  in  the  same 
direction  in  order  to  make  possible  the  rapid  reading  of  results  at 
the  end  of  the  test  (see  Fig.  3).    Remove  one  grain  about  two  inches 


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Fig.  3. — Placing  the  Kernels  with  Germ-side  up  and  Tips  roiNTiNG  in  One 
Direction  Facilitates  Eeading  the  Test 


from  the  butt.  Turn  the  ear  one-fourth  around  and  remove  a  kernel 
from  the  middle  of  the  ear.  Turn  the  ear  again  one-fourth  around  in 
the  same  direction  as  before  and  remove  a  grain  two  inches  from  the 
tip.  Holding  the  ear  in  the  same  position,  remove  a  kernel  about 
two  inches  from  the  butt.  Turn  the  ear  and  repeat  the  above  opera- 
tion, taking  a  kernel  from  the  middle  and  one  two  inches  from  the 
tip. 

Thus,  when  the  ear  has  been  turned  around  once,  six  kernels 
will  have  been  removed :  two  from  the  butt,  two  from  the  middle, 
and  two  from  the  tip ;  and  each  of  the  two  grains  from  the  butt, 
from  the  middle,  and  from  the  tip  will  have  come  from  opposite 
sides  of  the  ear  (see  Fig.  4). 


Extension  Circulak  Ko.  19 


[Fchruarij, 


tl_L.i,J  -::- 


1 — Eemove  one  grain  about  2  inches  from  the  butt 

2 — Turn  ear  %  around  and  take  kernel  from  middle  of  ear 

3 — Turn  again  i/4   around  in  same  direction;    take  grain  2  inches  from  tip 


4 — Holding  ear  in  same  position,  remove  kernel  2  inches  from  butt 
5 — Again  turn  the  ear  and  lemove  kernel  from  middle  of  ear 
6 — Make  one  more  quarter-turn  and  take  kernel  2  inches  from  tip 


Fig.  4. — Eemoving  the  Kernels  for  Testing 


1918] 


Thk  Rag-Doll  Tester  for  Corn 


Rolling  the  "Doll"  and  Germinating-  the  Corn. — Begimiiiig  at  the 
end  having  the  highest  numbers,  roll  the  cloth,  with  the  grains, 
firmly  but  not  tightly  around  a  stick  or  a  small  piece  of  wire  screen- 
ing bent  in  the  form  of  a  cylinder  for  a  core  (Fig.  5).  Place  around 
each  end,  and  the  center  if  desired,  a  string  or  a  rubber  band  (see 
front  cover).  Place  the  roll  in  a  bucket  of  water  Avilh  a  tempera- 
ture of  about  80°F.,  and  let  it  remain  for  ten  or  fifteen  hours. 
At  the  end  of  this  period,  pour  oft"  the  water  and  store  the  tester 
top  side  up  in  a  warm  room.    A  box,  a  bucket,  or  a  moist  sack  may 


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Fig. 


-The  Tester  Should  Be  Eolled  Firmly  but  not  Tightly  Around  a 
Stick  or  Small  Cardboard  Mailing  Tube  as  a  Core 


be  placed  over  the  roll  so  that  it  will  not  dry  out,  but  some  allow- 
ance should  be  made  for  ventilation.  A  number  of  "dolls"  may  be 
used  at  the  same  time,  making  it  possible  to  test  a  large  quantity 
of  corn  quickly.  About  two  yards  of  36-inch  muslin  is  required  for 
each  11/4  bushels  of  corn  tested. 

At  the  end  of  five  to  eight  days  the  count  may  be  made  and  the 
germination  test  recorded. 


Note. — For  fuller  information  concerning  Corn  Club  work,  the  reader  is  re- 
ferred to  Extension  Circular  7  of  the  Illinois  College  of  AgTiculture.  If  informa- 
tion concerning  the  organization  and  direction  of  boys'  and  girls'  clubs  is  desired, 
it  will  be  found  in  Extension  Circular  5  of  the  lUinois  College  of  Agriculture. 
Personal  help  thru  correspondence,  conferences,  or  meetings  may  be  secured  thru 
the  State  Leader  in  Junior  Extension,  College  of  Agriculture,  Urbana,  Illinois. 


8  Extension  Circular  No.  19 

Observing-  Results  and  Discarding-  Ears. — Untie  the  strings,  or 
slip  off  the  rubber  l)ands,  and  unroll  the  doll  carefully  so  that  no 
kernels  are  displaced.  Note  the  germination  of  the  kernels  in  each 
rectangle  and  count  those  good  that  show  strong,  vigorous  roots  and 
shoots  from  all  six  kernels  (see  Fig.  6C).  Ears  with  one  or  two 
kernels  producing  weak  roots  and  shoots  should  be  discarded  or 
laid  out  and  retested  (see  Fig.  6B).  If  the  same  results  are  ob- 
tained in  the  second  test,  the  ear  should  be  discarded.  All  ears  in 
the  test  that  show  more  than  two  kernels  with  weak  roots  and  shoots 
should  be  throAvn  out  at  once  (see  Fig.  6A).     If  only  one  kernel  of 


Flg.  (3. — Germination  Tests 


the  six  from  any  one  of  the  ears  fails  to  grow  and  the  others  are  good, 
the  ear  should  be  retested;"  but  if  no  better  results  are  o'btained  in 
the  second  test,  the  ear  should  be  thrown  into  the  feed  crib.  All 
ears  with  more  than  one  dead  kernel  among  the  six  kernels  in  the 
test  should  be  thrown  out,  immediately. 

Treatment  of  a  Used  Doll  before  Putting  in  Other  Tests. — Often 
molds  develop  during  the  germination  of  the  corn,  and  a  tester  used 
over  and  over  again  will  become  badly  infected  with  a  fungous 
growth.  To  prevent  this  trouble  it  is  advisable,  before  putting  in  a 
new  test,  to  sterilize  each  "doll"  by  immersing  it  for  a  few  minutes 
in  boiling  water.  By  following  this  practice,  the  tester  may  be  used 
again  and  again  and  continue  to  give  as  good  results  as  a  new  one. 


UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS 

Agricultural  Experiment  Station 


CIRCULAR  No.  213 


APPLE  FLAKES 


By  W.  p.  JAMES 


URBANA,  ILLINOIS,  MARCH,  1918 


APPLE  FLAKES 

By  W.  p.  JAMES,  Assistant  in  Pomology 

Each  day  the  responsibilities  of  the  United  States  in  the  World 
War  are  increasing.  Along  with  the  great  task  of  feeding  our  own 
ever-increasing  number  of  soldiers  in  Europe,  we  have  fallen  heir 
to  the  supplying  of  much  food  for  our  Allies. 

Meat  and  grain  have  been  rushed  to  Europe,  but  very  little  fruit. 
Our  fruits  have  not  been  offered  to  our  Allies,  not  because  of  scarcity 
or  lack  of  supply,  but  because  we  could  not  export  them.  Where 
Europe  needs  f]-uit  the  most  today  is  in  the  trenches.  It  is  in  the 
trenches  that  life  is  most  strenuous,  where  a  balance  of  ration  is 
most  needed,  as  only  highly  concentrated  foods  are  available  in 
most  instances.  Men  in  the  trenches  are  begging  for  fruit,  not  as  a 
luxury,  but  as  a  source  of  fruit  sugar,  fruit  esters,  and  acids,  to  aid 
in  digestion  and  give  a  balance  of  ration. 

With  this  idea  of  supplying  fruit  for  the  army  foremost,  it  was 
resolved  to  tind  a  method  whereby  the  apple  could  be  put  to  use  in 
the  trenches  in  a  practical  way  as  an  army  food. 

INEFFICIENCY  OF  THE  SULFUR-BLEACHED  APPLE  AS  A 

WAR  FOOD 

The  present  sulfur-bleached  commercially  dried  apple  has  fallen 
so  short  in  retention  of  natural  flavor,  color,  cell  structure,  and  ade- 
quate keeping  quality,  that  it  has  not  even  warranted  consideration 
as  an  army  food.  On  account  of  the  thick  slicing,  sulfur  bleaching, 
and  high  moisture  content,  dried  apples,  as  offered  to  the  public  in 
their  present  form,  are  a  leathery  product,  the  outer  layers  of  cells 
having  dried  first,  making  it  impossible  to  lower  the  original  per- 
centage of  moisture  in  the  inner  layer  of  cells  without  destroying 
the  chemical  and  physiological  construction  of  the  outer  cells.  The 
ready  spoiling  of  the  sulfur-bleached  apple  is  doubtless  due  to  fer- 
mentation or  chemical  rearrangement  within  the  cells  of  the  inner 
layers  of  the  di'ied  fruit,  a  result  of  insufficient  dehydration  accom- 
panied by  an  increase  in  temperature. 

PLAN  OF  EXPERIMENT 

At  the  beginning  of  this  work  it  was  recognized  that  the  four 
factors  of  vital  importance  to  be  controlled  were:  (1)  percentage 
of  moistur(\    (2)    cell  structure,    (3)   flavor,  and    (4)    color.     These 


Apple  Flakes  3 

factors  were  taken  up  in  order  of  theii'  importance  as  influencing  the 
use  of  the  product  as  an  army  food  in  Europe. 

Control  of  ^Moisture  Context  and  Cell  Structure 

Apples  were  sliced  and  dried  in  a  large-sized  tin  drier  heated  by 
a  gas  burner  placed  in  the  fire  box.  A  current  of  ciir  was  forced  thru 
the  drier  by  one  electric  fan  running  continually.  The  temperature 
was  held  at  approximately  120°  F. ;  a  second  fan  was  connected  thru 
a  make-and-break  box  and  pilot  lamp,  Avith  a  thermostat  in  the  di'ier 
set  at  120°  F.  to  prevent  the  temperature  from  running  up  and  caus- 
ing changes  that  would  prevent  the  material  from  ever  regaining  its 
original  consistency. 

Apples  in  the  following  forms  were  ])ut  into  the  driei':  whole, 
halved,  quartered,  whole-peeled,  peeled  and  halved,  peeled  and  quar- 
tered, and  peeled  and  sliced.  After  two  days  of  constant  drying  it 
was  found  that  only  the  surface  layers  of  cells  were  dried  in  each 
instance.  The  thickness  of  the  di'ied  surface  was  approximately  the 
same  in  all  cases,  the  inner  portion  of  the  tissues  having  retained 
the  original  moisture  content.  As  was  expected,  the  portion  left 
covered  with  the  epidermis  had  dried  but  little,  since  the  epidermis 
is  almost  impermeable  to  moisture.  The  difference  in  the  rate  of 
drying  is  also  evident  between  different  varieties,  the  Ben  Davis, 
for  example,  drying  much  more  readily  than  the  AVinesap  under 
the  same  treatment. 

It  was  self-evident  that  the  slicing  of  the  apples  must  be  done  in 
such  a  way  as  to  permit  the  escape  of  the  cell  water  of  all  the  layers 
of  cells  and  yet  leave  the  material  capable  of  taking  up  water  readily 
and  assuming  approximately  its  normal  consistency,  without  marked 
chemical  changes  liaving  occuri'ed.  In  this  work  an  oi'dinai'y  apple 
peeler  was  used,  the  peeling  process  being  continued  until  the  entire 
apple  was  cut  into  thin,  narrow  strips.  This  method,  it  will  be  ob- 
served, eliminates  slicing  and  coring,  and,  when  operated  on  a  large 
scale,  will  greatly  reduce  labor  and  the  use  of  extra  machinery.  Sev- 
eral series,  prepared  in  the  manner  described,  were  dried  from  twelve 
to  fourteen  hours  under  mechanical  conditions  corresponding  to  those 
used  in  commercial  drying.  The  result  was  a  product  dried  to  a 
moisture  content  of  5  to  8  percent,  a  crisji,  flakelike  form  easily  pow- 
dered in  a  mortar.  The  flakes,  when  allowed  to  absorb  water  ecjual  to 
the  amount  driven  off,  regained  approximately  their  original  form, 
thickness,  and  consistency. 

The  keeping  ((uality  of  the  flakes  has  been  demonstrated  in  two 
ways.  The  product  has  been  kei)t  in  open  packages  in  a  crisp  foi'iii. 
at  room  temperature,  for  a  i)criod  of  four  weeks,  without  appreciably 


4  Circular  No.  213  [March, 

absorbing  inoistiire  or  losing  flavor.  In  closed  receptacles,  similar 
samples  have  been  preserved  for  ten  to  twelve  months  without  altera- 
tion. The  low  moisture  content,  in  itself,  makes  it  probable  that  the 
product  will  keep,  under  reasonable  conditions,  more  or  less  indefi- 
nitely. When  to  this  is  added  the  preservative  effect  of  the  sugar, 
the  keeping  quality  of  the  product  seems  assured. 

Control  of  Color  and  Flavor  '    . 

The  browning,  or  undesirable  coloring,  of  apples  dried  without 
being  bleached,  is  doubtless  due  to  the  naked  cell  walls  and  the  in- 
tercellular spaces  coming  into  contact  with  the  oxygen  of  the  air.^ 
By  accelerating  the  action  of  the  enzymes  on  the  disaccharides,  the 
oxygen  of  the  air  is  in  part  responsible  for  the  change  in  the 
flavor  of  the  product.  It  follows,  therefore,  that  any  control  of 
browning  by  a  method  which  protects  the  exposed  cell  walls  and 
intercellular  spaces  from  the  air  will  also  tend  to  prevent  to  a 
marked  degree  the  change  in  flavor,  or  chemical  rearrangement  of 
the  cell,  which  otherwise  results.  In  preserving  the  color  of  the 
commercial  sulfur-dried  apples  by  bleaching  rather  than  by  the  pro- 
tection of  the  exposed  intercellular  spaces  and  cells,  there  is  a  marked 
loss  of  flavor. 

In  previous  investigations  by  the  writer,  no  difference  in  coloring- 
was  observed  whether  drying  took  place  in  the  light  or  in  the  dark. 
However,  a  photo-chemical  change  occurs  when  the  fruit  is  dried  in 
direct  sunlight :  there  is  first  a  slight  browning,  then  the  photo- 
chemical change,  which  gives  the  original  light  color,  the  product  later 
turning  brown  again. 

The  use  of  a  one-percent  solution  of  commercial  salt  as  a  dip 
to  prevent  discoloring  in  drying  has  been  recommended  for  some 
time  in  vegetable  drying.  Dipping  the  apples  in  various  solutions 
of  salt  was  therefore  first  tried.  It  was  found  that  the  original  color 
of  the  fruit  could  be  retained  by  dipping  the  apple,  when  prepared 
for  the  drier,  in  a  salt  solution.  Starting  with  a  one-percent  solu- 
tion of  salt,  it  was  found  that  as  the  concentration  of  solutions  in- 
creased, the  degree  of  browning  decreased  in  inverse  proportion. 
AVith  a  solution  of  30  percent  or  above,  the  original  apple  color  was 
retained. 

When  distilled  water  was  used  it  was  found  that  the  cell  struc- 
ture was  destroyed  and  a  leathery  product  was  obtained  which  was 
unable  to  absorb  an  amount  of  moisture  equal  to  that  given  off.  This 
showed  that  dipping  the  product  in  a  less  concentrated  solution 
than  the  cell  sap  had  brought  about  osmosis  and  the  cells  had  at 


^Whether  the  browning  is  due  directly  to  oxidation  or  to  the  activating 
of  an  oxidative  enzyme  that  acts  upon  a  glucosidal  flavone,  is  of  little  im- 
portance at  this  time. 


1918]  Apple  Flakes  S 

first  taken  up  moisture,  thus  altering  the  cell  content  and  destroying 
the  tissue  structure.  By  tlie  use  of  a  solution  of  equal  concentration 
with  the  cell  sap,  osmosis  would  not  occur.  Then,  to  use  a  higher 
concentration  than  the  cell  sap,  the  osmotic  reaction  would  be  re- 
versed, and  would  seal  over  the  intercellular  spaces,  and  exclude 
the  air.  The  use  of  a  high  percentage  solution  of  salt  makes  the 
food  of  no  commercial  value,  as  it  gives  the  undesirable  salt  taste 
to  the  product. 

To  obtain  the  same  desirable  effect  on  color  and  to  avoid  the  un- 
pleasant concentrated  saline  taste,  sugar  solutions  were  next  tried 
instead  of  salt.  Different  concentrations  of  sugar  solutions  gave 
parallel  results  with  those  of  salt.  A  solution  ranging  from  20  to 
30  percent  retained  the  original  color  of  the  apple.  An  acidity  test, 
based  on  dry  matter,  showed  that  the  apple  had  undergone  no 
appreciable  change  in  acidity  thru  the  drying  processes. 

The  use  of  a  sugar  solution  was  therefore  immediately  taken  up 
as  the  basis  for  the  control  of  coloring  and  the  prevention  of  acidity 
changes.  The  sugar  of  course  added  to  the  food  value  of  the  prod- 
uct; and  as  any  sugar  left  in  the  discarded  solution  was  distilled 
and  recovered,  there  was  no  waste  whatever.  The  method  of  dip- 
ping was  as  follows:  The  apples  were  prepared  for  drying,  then 
placed  in  the  solution  of  sugar  and  stirred  in  order  to  get  the  sur- 
faces of  all  the  pieces  into  contact  with  the  solution,  and  removed 
and  spread  on  a  drying  pan.  Enough  of  a  5-percent  solution  (5 
grams  of  sugar  per  100  cc.  of  distilled  water)  was  used  to  give  one- 
tenth  of  a  gram  of  solution  for  each  gram  of  prepared  apple  tissue. 


Fig.  1. — Left  to  Right:  Color  Comparison  Showing  the  Decrease  of 
Browning  as  the  Percentage  op  Sugar  Used  AVas  Increased.  The  Sample 
on  the  Extreme  Left  Was  Not  Treated 

Later  a  method  was  discovered  whereby  the  process  of  dissolving 
the  sugar  and  then  dipping  the  apples  in  the  solution  could  be  elimi- 
nated. When  the  sugar,  in  the  dry  form,  was  added  or  mixed  with 
the  prepared  apple  tissue  just  before  the  apple  was  placed  in  the 
drying  trays,  enough  cell  sap  was  liberated  from  the  ruptured  cells 
of  the  apple  to  dissolve  the  sugar  in  a  very  short  time.  Even  in  the 
case  of  varieties  with  low  moisture  content,  as  the  Grimes,  enough 


6  Circular  Xo.  213  [Marcli, 

cell  sap  was  present  to  dissolve  2  grams  of  sugar  per  10  grams  of 
apple  tissue.  No  sugar  was  lost  by  dripping,  as  was  the  case  when 
sugar  was  used  in  solution  as  a  dip.  The  use  of  dry  sugar  had  the 
same  effect  as  dipping  upon  the  color,  flavor,  and  structure  of  the 
finished  product.  The  time  required  for  drying  was  not  affected. 
Another  advantage  of  this  method  of  dry  sugaring  over  the  dipping 
method  was  that  the  spreading  on  the  trays  was  simplified.  The 
sug'ar  did  not  all  dissolve  immediately,  but  part  of  it  adhered  to  the 
tissues  in  the  granular  form  until  it  went  into  solution.  Then  as  the 
sugar  went  into  solution  it  was  equally  distributed  over  the  surface 
of  the  pieces  of  apple,  even  when  a  very  low  percentage  was  used.^ 
Thruout  the  first  part  of  the  work  only  Grimes  apples  were  avail- 
able, but  later  Ben  Davis,  Winesap,  and  Jonathan  varieties  were 
used.  The  distinctive  flavor  of  each  variety  was  readily  detected 
in  the  flakes.  The  snappy,  high-acid,  and  fruit-ester  taste  of  the 
Winesap  greatly  contrasted  with  the  low-flavored  taste  of  the  Ben 
Davis. 

UTILIZATION  OF  THE  PRODUCT 

The  product  having  been  obtained,  wdiat  is  the  most  practical 
Avay  of  handling  this  food  for  the  armyl 

As  the  flakes  came  from  the  drier,  a  carton  measuring  3x2x1 
inches,  with  paraffin  wrapper,  was  used  to  hold  the  crisp  and  dried 
product  of  one  apple  of  the  125-box  pack  size.  It  was  found  that  the 
product  from  four  such  apples  could  be  placed  in  one  of  these  small 
boxes  by  breaking  up  the  flakes.  The  flakes  arc  at  present  being' 
put  up  in  sample  form  in  these  boxes,  with  30  grams  per  box.  This 
is  equivalent  to  approximately  300  grams  of  apples,  without  the 
core  or  peeling.  Thirty  grams  of  dried  pi'oduct  in  these  3x2xl-inch 
boxes  is  equivalent  in  food  value  to  492  grams  of  apples  in  the  l)ulk, 
or  4.8  apples  measuring  8  inches  in  circumference.  This  estimate  is 
based  upon  comparative  weights  of  peeling,  core,  and  meat  as  ob- 
tained by  the  use  of  a  small-sized  commercial  type  of  peeler. 

The  question  is,  How  can  the  apple  flakes  be  used  in  the  trenches 
or  back  of  the  trenches  by  our  armies  in  Europe  at  present?  Where 
mess  shacks  are  possible,  the  product  can  be  utilized  either  raw — 
eaten  directly  from  the  box — as  a  breakfast  dish,  requiring  only 


^The  writer  hopes  later  to  make  out  a  percentage  table  stating  the  amounts 
of  sugar  required  to  give  the  different  degrees  of  color  and  sugar  coating  de- 
sired, basing  the  computations  of  the  table  upon  the  amount  of  sugar  required 
per  unit  weight  of  bulk  apple  and  taking  into  consideration  the  different  sized 
apples  as  determined  by  commercial  grading.  The  relative-size  phase  must 
necessarily  be  considered,  as  the  ratio  of  core  and  peeling  to  size  of  apple 
decreases  as  the  size  of  ajaple  increases.  Consideration  of  this  pliase,  as  well 
as  of  others  noted  in  this  work,  has  been  postponed  as  being  of  relative  un- 
importance; jiresent  effort  is  directed  toward  making  the  product  available  for 
army  use. 


1918]  Apple  Flakes  7 

three  minutes  for  th-e  flakes  to  soften  in  milk  or  cream,  or  it  may 
be  used  as  a  sauce,  stewed,  or  in  other  forms  of  cooking.  Stewing 
requires  practically  the  same  amount  of  time  as  the  stewing  of  fresh 
apples.  Put  up  in  small  packages  containing  from  8  to  30  grams, 
this  product  may  l3e  distributed  to  the  men  at  the  front  and  eaten 
direct  from  the  ])ox.  With  the  use  of  20-percent  sugar  solutions  the 
intercellular  spaces  are  filled  with  sugar;  the  first  taste  is  of  the 
sugar,  followed  by  the  original  apple  taste  or  flavor.  A  20-percent 
solution  gives  a  slightly  candy-coated  product. 


Ftg.  2. — QuAXTTTATivE  Co?.rpARTSox  OF  Fresh,  Flaked,  and  Powdered  Forms 
OF  Four  Jonathan  Apples,  Each  Form  as  Illustrated  Containing  the  Same 
Total  Dry  Weight  of  Apple 

Tho  the  flake  form  seems  at  present  the  most  logical  for  army 
use,  as  it  retains  some  bulk,  three  other  more  highly  concentrated 
forms  have  been  prepared.  One  is  in  the  form  of  powder,  the  flakes 
being  ground  into  powdered  form  similar  to  powdered  sugar.  This, 
put  up  in  vials,  may  he  used  as  a  seasoning  for  puddings,  pies,  cakes, 
etc.  It  is,  however,  very  concentrated.  Tlie  second  form  is  obtained 
by  pressing  the  powdered  flakes  into  small  capsules  similar  to  the 
commercial  junket  capsules.  Tho  pectic  bodies  in  the  apple  cells, 
which  at  least  in  part  cause  the  gelatinizing  of  concentrated  aqueous 
extract  of  the  apple,  retain  enough  of  their  former  mucilaginous 
state  to  cause  the  particles  of  the  powder  when  compi'essed  to  ad- 
here, and  the  sugar  further  aids  as  an  adhering  agent.  The  product 
of  one  125-size  apple,  when  powdered,  may  be  compressed  into  the 
form  of  a  small  tal)let,  the  size  depending  upon  the  amount  of 
pressure  used.  The  third  form  is  that  of  a  small  cake,  compressed 
only  enough  to  give  it  shape  and  sta])ility.  This  form  can  be  made 
about  the  size  of  the  small  chocolate  l^ar.  Dipped  in  a  sirup  to  give 
a  candy  coating,  or  coated  with  powdered  sugar,  and  wrapped  in 
tinfoil,  a  very  desira])le  product  for  confectionery  trade  is  obtained. 


8  CmcuLAR  No.  213 

APPLE  FLAKES  AS  A  COMMERCIAL  PRODUCT 

The  new  product  meets  the  requirements  of  a  successful  dried 
apple  product  in  the  following  ways: 

1.  Control  of  Moisture  Content. — The  low  moisture  content  ap- 
pears to  insure  long  keeping  of  the  product.  By  sealing  the  par- 
affined cartons,  even  a  slow  change  in  moisture  content  is  prevented ; 
thus  we  have  a  product  of  high  keeping  quality  sufficient  to  stand 
the  adverse  conditions  which  a  successful  war  food  must  meet. 

2.  Cell  Structure. — The  physical  structure  of  the  tissues  on  be- 
ing dried  permits  the  product  to  absorb  water  readily  up  to  the 
original  content,  and  so  regain  approximately  its  original  form. 

3.  Coloring. — The  coloring,  or  browning,  is  controlled  without 
bleaching  the  tissues  or  inducing  marked  chemical  changes. 

4.  Flavor. — The  flavor,  the  sugar,  the  acid,  and  probably  the 
original  food  constituents  are  not  appreciably  affected  by  the  proc- 
esses used  in  this  method  of  drying. 

5.  Use  of  Sugar. — By  the  use  of  sugar  there  is  an  addition  of 
food  value  to  the  product.  A  concentration  as  low  as  5  percent  will 
give  satisfactory  results  as  far  as  the  structure,  flavor,  and  keeping 
quality  are  concerned.  Higher  concentrations  may,  however,  be  de- 
sirable from  the  standpoint  of  attractiveness  and  food  value. 

6.  Economical  Production. — The  expense  of  production  should 
be  less  than  that  of  the  production  of  the  present  form  of  sulfur- 
dried  apple.  The  expense  of  sulfuring,  slicing,  and  coring  are  elimi- 
nated, with  only  the  addition  of  sugaring  and  the  time  required  to 
run  the  entire  apple  thru  the  peeler,  which  is  negligible  as  com- 
pared with  the  time  eliminated  in  the  slicing,  coring,  and  sulfuring. 
The  addition  of  the  sugar  can  be  accomplished  mechanically  as  the 
prepared  tissue  is  being  mechanically  transferred  to  the  drier  room. 

7.  Transportation.- — In  its  highly  concentrated  form  the  expense 
of  transporting  this  product  is  reduced  to  the  minimum.  To  put 
1,000  bushels  of  fresh  apples,  or  approximately  50,000  pounds,  into 
the  trenches  in  Europe,  would  require  the  handling  of  only  about 
5,500  pounds  of  the  dried  product ;  that  is,  twenty-five  tons  of  fresh 
apples  would  make  approximately  two  and  three-quarters  tons  of 
dried  product. 


With  an  abundant  supply  of  storage  apples  in  the  United  States, 
with  only  slight  changes  necessary  in  the  present  facilities  for  the 
drying  of  apples  in  commercial  driers,  and  with  the  urgent  neces- 
sity for  fruit  in  the  trenches,  this  product  can  be  transported  to 
Europe  in  large  quantities,  as  food  for  the  soldiers,  within  a  short 
period,  if  properly  handled. 


UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS 

Agricultural  Experiment  Station 


URBANA,  ILLINOIS,  MARCH,  1918 


CIRCULAR  No.  214 


SHALL  WE  PLANT  MORE  SPRING  WHEAT? 

By  W.  L.  BUELISON^ 

A  Real  Need  for  Spring-  Wheat. — Last  summer  when  tlic  United 
Department  of  Agriculture  launched  a  campaign  for  more  wheat, 
Illinois  was  asked  to  increase  the  acreage  planted  to  this  crop  by 
24  percent.  The  campaign  was  begun  after  many  farmers  had 
planned  their  cropping  systems  for  1918.  It  was  not  possible,  there- 
fore, to  increase  the  acreage  of  winter  wheat  sufficiently  to  meet 
this  demand.  The  only  way  in  which  the  state  can  now  attempt 
to  do  what  is  expected  of  it  is  to  increase  the  acreage  of  spring 
wheat.  It  may  not  be  possible  to  increase  the  Illinois  wheat  crop  24 
percent,  but  it  will  be  possible  to  add  considerable  in  this  direction. 
There  is  a  great  shortage  of  wheat  in  the  country  and  every  acre 
which  can  be  put  into  spring  wheat  with  a  possibility  of  success 
should  be  seeded  to  this  crop. 

Where  to  Grow  Spring"  Wheat. — ^Spring  wheat  does  best  in  cool 
climates.  Northern  Illinois  can  alford  to  seed  a  larger  acreage  of 
spring  wheat  than  it  has  put  in  heretofore.  Counties  north  of  a  line 
connecting  the  southern  boundaries  of  Kankakee  and  Mercer  coun- 
ties are  within  the  spring  wheat  zone.  Counties  south  of  this  line 
and  north  of  a  line  drawn  between  the  southern  boundaries  of  Cham- 
paign and  Adams  counties  are  generally  considered  as  out  of  the  zone 
of  spring  wheat  production,  but  even  in  these  counties  there  is  likely 
to  be  a  large  acreage  of  spring  wheat  planted  this  year.  (This  state- 
ment is  made  on  the  basis  of  numerous  inquiries  which  are  coming 
from  patriotic  people  of  these  counties.)  In  localities  in  the  southern 
part  of  central  Illinois  some  spring  wheat  may  also  be  planted.    In 

^Assoeiato  Chief  in  Crop  Production. 


2  .  CiKCULAR  No.  214  [March,  WIS 

northern  Illinois  a  large  acreage  of  spring  wheat  should  be  planted. 

In  central  Illinois  it  is  sug-gested  that  from  five  to  ten  acres  be 
planted  on  each  f ai'm ;  this  acreage  to  be  taken  from  the  land  which 
is  normally  planted  to  oats. 

Varieties  Best  to  Use. — For  some  time  the  University  of  Illinois 
has  conducted  variety  tests  of  spring  wheat  in  DeKalb  county,  in 
northern  Illinois,  and  in  Champaign  county,  in  central  Illinois,  and 
in  both  regions  the  Marquis  wheat  has  given  results  which  indicate 
that  it  is  one  of  the  best,  if  not  the  best,  variety.  As  an  average  of 
results  for  the  last  three  years,  the  Marquis  produced  32.2  bushels 
per  acre  at  DeKalb  and  24.2  bushels  at  Urbana.  Durum,  Red  Fife, 
and  Blue  Stem  have  also  given  fairly  good  yields — more  than  20 
bushels  per  acre  as  a  throe-year  average. 

Soil  and  Soil  Preparation. — Spring  wheat  should  be  seeded  on 
rich  land.  It  is  highly  desirable  that  land  for  spring  wheat  be 
treated  with  manure  and  phosphate ;  but  clover  plowed  under  may 
take  the  place  of  manure.  Good  corn  ground  is  likely  to  produce 
good  spring  wheat.  Fall-plowed  land  is  desirable  always,  but  in 
many  instances  growers  have  disked  stalk  land  thoroly  and  seeded 
to  spring  wheat  and  have  obtained  good  yields.  Plowing,  however, 
is  more  desiralile  if  this  can  be  done  without  delaying  seeding  too 
long. 

Time  and  Rate  of  Seeding. — Spring  wheat  should  be  seeded  in 
central  Illinois  during  the  month  of  March ;  or  just  as  soon  as  the 
land  can  be  w^ell  worked  and  the  crop  planted.  As  a  rule,  one  and 
one-half  bushels  per  acre  will  be  found  most  satisfactory.  It  is  best 
to  seed  spring  wheat  before  seeding  barley  or  oats. 

As  a  rule,  spring  wheat  is  harvested  at  about  the  same  time  that 
early  oats  are  harvested  or  just  before  late  oats  are  cut. 

Market  Value. — At  the  present  time  there  is  no  difference  in  the 
price  of  winter  and  spring  wheat,  based  upon  government  schedule. 

Note — The  Experiment  Station  does  not  have  seed  of  spring 
wheat  for  sale. 


Growing  Plants  for  War  G.ardens 


Supply  of  this  Bulletin  exhausted 


UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS 

Agricultural  Experiment  Station 


URBANA,  ILLINOIS,  APRIL,  1918 


CIRCULAR  No.  219 


CONSERVING  SUGAR  IN  ICE  CREAM 
MANUFACTURE 

H.  A.  EUEHE^ 

Since  the  Food  Administration  has  limited  the  ice  cream  manu- 
facturers to  80  percent  of  their  1917  sugar  supply,  the  question  that 
is  uppermost  in  the  mind  of  every  ice  cream  manufacturer  is,  How 
am  I  to  meet  the  sugar  situation  and  maintain  my  business? 

Altho  the  sugar  contributes  to  the  food  value  of  the  ice  cream, 
its  prime  function  is  to  properly  sweeten  the  product  to  make  it 
palatable.  The  food  value  can  be  replaced  by  other  food  products 
less  precious  than  sugar. 

There  are  several  substances  that  have  been  used  in  ice  cream 
in  order  to  conserve  sugar.  Some  of  these  substances  are  glucose, 
corn  sugar,  and  commercial  invert  sugar.  The  glucose  and  corn 
sugar  are  considered  sugar  substitutes  l^y  the  Food  Administration 
but  the  invert  sugar  is  not  so  considered  because  it  is  manufactured 
from  the  same  sources  as  sugar.  Sugar,  however,  can  be  saved  by  the 
use  of  invert  sugar  because  inversion  increases  the  total  sweetness. 

Sugar  when  taken  into  the  body  is  acted  upon  by  the  invertase 
in  the  intestines  and  changed  from  sucrose  to  dexti'ose  and  levulose 
in  equal  proportions.  Dextrose  is  not  so  sweet  as  sugar,  but  levulose 
is  sweeter.  In  addition,  levulose  possesses  a  pronounced  flavor  which  is 
quite  characteristic  of  honey  and  which  makes  it  taste  sweeter  than 
sugar.  Accordingly,  if  sugar  is  inverted  before  being  used  in  ice 
cream,  its  sweetening  power  is  increased. 

Cane  sugar  (or  beet  sugar)  can  be  inverted  by  the  simple  process 
of  heating  in  the  presence  of  an  acid.  The  chemical  reaction  that 
takes  place  results  in  the  same  products  being  formed  as  are  formed 
when  the  sugar   (sucrose)    is  taken  into  the  human  body,  the  sugar 

'Associate  in  Dairv  ^raiiiifaofcuros. 


2  CiRCtJLAR  No.  219  [April,  1918 

forming  equal  parts  of  dextrose  and  levulose.  The  following  formula 
may  be  used  in  making  invert  sugar  syrup  of  such  sweetness  that  a 
pound  of  the  syrup  will  replace  a  pound  of  sugar. 

100  pounds  of  sugar 
44  pounds  of  water 
50  grams  of  powdered  tartaric  acid 

These  ingredients  are  mixed  together  and  boiled  for  30  to  35 
minutes.  If  boiled  longer  than  35  minutes,  the  syrup  darkens  in 
color  and  a  flavor  develops  which  tends  to  make  the  syrup  resemble 
glucose  syrup,  and  this  is  somewhat  undesirable.  This  solution  boils 
at  a  temperature  of  about  221  degrees  Fahrenheit.  A  steam  pressure 
kettle  can  be  used  very  satisfactorily  or  an  open  candy  kettle  over 
a  steady  fire  may  be  used.  If  the  solution  is  boiled  too  vigorously, 
there  will  be  too  large  a  loss  by  evaporation.  Ordinarily  the  loss  will 
be  from  3  to  5  percent. 

The  above  formula  should  make  140  pounds  of  syrup,  and  if  there 
is  considerable  loss  due  to  evaporation,  the  syrup  can  be  .brought  up 
to  this  weight  by  the  addition  of  water.  The  resultant  invert  sugar 
syrup  is  not  unlike  strained  honey  in  appearance  and  taste.  It  con- 
tains about  71.4  percent  of  sugar  and  it  tastes  considerably  sweeter 
than  a  sugar  syrup  of  the  same  strength.  It  does  not  crystallize,  aud- 
it mixes  readily  with  the  ingredients  of  the  ice  cream.  It  can  be  used 
in  the  same  prO'portions  as  sugar,  the  amount  necessary  for  ten  gallons 
of  ice  cream  being  6.5  to  7  pounds.  It  gives  very  satisfactory  results 
in  freezing  and  a  pleasant  flavor  in  the  finished  product. 

It  can  be  readily  seen  that  by  using  the  above  method  the  sugar 
supply  can  literally  be  stretched,  for  with  only  71.4  percent  as  much 
sugar  as  is  now  being  used  in  ice  cream,  the  same  degree  of  sweet- 
ness can  be  obtained. 

A  further  saving  of  sugar  can  be  accomplished  by  substituting 
either  corn  sugar  or  glucose  for  part  of  the  invert  sugar  syrup. 
Neither  of  these  substitutes  can  be  used  to  totally  replace  the  sugar 
or  invert  sugar  because  of  the  undesirable  flavors  w^hich  are  imparted 
to  the  ice  cream  when  used  in  such  amounts.  However,  they  can  be 
used  to  replace  from  25  to  40  percent  of  the  syrup,  depending  upon 
the  quality  of  these  products.  Neither  glucose  nor  corn  sugar  is  as 
sweet  as  cane  sugar,  so  that  it  is  not  possible  to  use  either  of  them 
to  replace  cane  sugar  pound  for  pound.  Glucose  is  about  60  percent 
and  corn  sugar  is  about  80  percent  as  sweet  as  cane  sugar. 

The  United  States  Department  of  Agriculture  has  permitted  the 
use  of  these  sugar  substitutes  providing  that  the  consumer  is  properly 
informed  that  such  substitution  has  been  made.  Some  of  the  state 
food  departments  have  taken  the  same  attitude,  whereas  others  have 
not  as  yet  given  any  decision  on^this  question. 

Conserving  sugar  at  this  time  is  not  only  meeting  the  demands 
of  the  ice  cream  business,  but  it  is  also  a  patriotic  duty. 


June,  1917  Extensiox  Circular  No.  9 

UNIVERSn^Y    OF    ILLINOIS 
COLLEGE    OF   AGRICULTURE 

Extension  Service  in  Agriculture  And  Home  Economics 

IN    COOPERATION    WITH    THE    UNITED    STATES    DEPARTMENT    OF   AGRICULTURE 
W.  F.  HANDSCHIN,  VICE-DIRECTOR 


CORN  AND  CORN  PRODUCTS  USED  AS  FOOD 


BY 

T.UCILE  WHEELER 


URBANA,  ILLINOIS 


CORN  AND  CORN  PRODUCTS  USED  AS  FOOD 

LuciLE  Wheeler,  Associate  in  Household  Science 

In  every  home  the  various  mill  products  derived  from  the  wheat 
kernels  are  used  as  food.  White  bread  and  entire  wheat  bread  may 
be  the  only  breadstuffs  which  are  in  common  use  in  the  household; 
Cream  of  Wheat,  Farina,  Puffed  Wheat,  with  the  oatmeals,  may  be 
the  only  breakfast  foods.  The  three  most  important  crops  in  extent 
of  production  at  present  are  wheat,  oats,  and  rice.  Corn  ranks 
fourth.  This  crop  is  easily  grown  wherever  a  long  summer  season 
prevails  and,  by  using  an  early  variety,  it  may  be  grown  successfully 
in  sections  having  a  fairly  short  summer  season.  The  South  naturally 
spends  its  greatest  energy  on  the  cotton  crop,  while  New  England 
lacks  the  extensive  level  fields  for  corn  cultivation.  The  raising  of 
corn  and  the  increases  in  its  utilization  are  of  particular  interest  to 
the  Middle  West. 

Demands  from  abroad  may  be  made  upon  the  wheat  crop  whether 
it  proves  larger  or  smaller  than  in  previous  years,  which  will  mean 
necessarily  less  for  the  people  here  at  home.  In  such  cases  the 
breadstuffs  so  largely  derived  from  wheat  must  be  supplemented  by 
other  cereal  products.  Whether  or  not  extreme  emergencies  arise, 
it  seems  of  value  to  consider  the  uses  of  corn  and  to  try  to  make  it 
a  more  common  article  in  the  dietary.  Many  ways  of  utilizing  the 
corn  products  to  a  much  greater  extent  may  be  found,  thus  helping 
to-  lessen  the  demand  for  wheat  and  at  the  same  time  practising  an 
economy  which  will  decrease  the  food  budget. 

Composition  of  Corn  Compared  with  Other  Foods 


Water 
per- 
cent 

Pro- 
tein 
per- 
cent 

Fat 
per- 
cent 

Car- 
bohy- 
drates 
per- 
cent 

Min- 
eral 
per- 
cent 

Fuel 
value 

per 
pound 

Cost 

per 

pound 

Corn,  dry,  whole  grain 
Corn  meal,  granular.  . 

Corn,  green 

Potato,  as  purchased . 

White  flour 

Eice 


10.8 

10. 

4.3 

73.4 

1.5 

1795 

....    1 

12.5 

9.2 

1.9 

75.4 

1.0 

1770 

$.05 

75.4 

3.1 

1.1 

19. 

.7 

470 

62.6 

1.8 

.1 

14.7 

.8 

310 

.06 

12.8 

10.8 

1.1 

74.8 

.5 

1640 

.08 

12.3 

8. 

.3 

79. 

.4 

1630 

.10 

Cost 
per 
1000 
calo- 
ries 

$.028 

.193 

.048 
.061 


4  Extension  Circular  No.  9  [June, 

From  the  table  it  is  seen  that : 

Corn  contains  as  much  carbohydrate  as  flour. 
Corn  contains  more  fat  than  flour  or  potatoes. 
Corn  has  more  protein  than  potatoes  and  practically  the  same  percent 

protein  as  flour. 
Corn  is  higher  in  mineral  content  than  either  flour  or  potatoes. 

The  ash  content  of  corn  is,  however,  more  like  that  of  rice  and 
wheat  than  like  that  of  potatoes,  having  an  excess  of  acid  elements  over 
the  basic  elements.  Potato  has  more  basic  or  alkaline  forming  ele- 
ments than  acid.  For  that  reason  when  corn  or  rice  replaces  potato, 
it  is  necessary  to  use  milk,  fruits,  and  vegetables  even  more  plentifully 
in  the  diet  to  supply  the  basic  elements,  such  as  calcium,  magnesium, 
sodium,  and  potassium.  Corn  meal  from  the  pecuniary  standpoint 
supplies  more  than  one  and  one-half  times  as  much  energy  materials 
as  flour  for  the  same  money,  and  six  times  as  much  as  potatoes  at  the 
present  prices.  None  of  the  cereal  products  from  oats  or  corn  or  wheat 
supply  adequate  protein  for  maintenance  and  growth  if  used  exclu- 
sively in  a  limited  dietary.  Milk,  which  is  rich  in  all  the  proteins 
adequate  for  growth,  supplies  those  which  are  essential  and  rounds 
out  their  "incompleteness." 


CORN  MEAL 

The  following  recipes,  some  used  in  laboratory  courses  in  food 
work  and  some  from  the  United  States  Farmers'  Bulletins,  are  sug- 
gestive of  a  few  of  the  many  ways  in  which  corn  and  hominy  may 
be  used  as  a  vegetable,  and  corn  meal,  a  mill  product,  may  be  used 
in  batters  and  doughs.  The  prices  on  which  costs  were  computed  are 
those  paid  in  Urbana-Champaign,  Illinois,  May  1,  1917. 

The  term  fat  is  used  in  the  recipes  to  indicate  any  shortening, 
butter,  oleomargerine,  lard,  Crisco,  or  drippings.  With  corn  meal  mix- 
tures, bacon  drippings  may  be  used  to  advantage.  Chicken  fat  and  beef 
drippings  combined  give  a  fat  more  like  lard  in  consistency  and  may 
be  used  as  its  substitute.  The  amount  of  liquid  in  recipes  will  be 
affected  by  longer  scalding  of  corn  meal,  necessitating  more  liquid, 
or  by  using  a  bread  flour  which  has  great  absorptive  power. 

CORN  MEAL  MUSH 

1  cup  corn  meal  4  to  6  cups  water 

%  to  1  teaspoon  salt  or 

4  cups  or  more  milk 


1917']  Corn  and  Corn  Products  Used  as  Food  S 

Methods  of  mixing : 

1.  Combine  dry  ingredients  with  cold  water  and  heat  in  a  double 
boiler  over  boiling  water.    Cook  thoroly  at  least  one  hour. 

2.  Start  as  above.  Cook  fifteen  to  twenty  minutes,  then  remove 
to  fireless  cooker  and  cook  overnight. 

3.  Have  water  boiling  violently  and  add  cornmeal  slowly,  stirring 
constantly.  Bring  to  a  boil  and  cook  five  minutes  directly  over  fire. 
Remove  from  fire  and  cook  in  a  fireless  cooker  overnight.  When  cooked 
in  a  fireless  cooker  use  five  cups  of  water  to  one  cup  of  meal  if  for  a 
cereal ;  if  to  be  moulded  and  sliced,  use  four  cups  of  water  to  one  cup 
of  meal.    If  to  be  cooked  in  a  double  boiler,  use  six  cups  of  water. 

One  cup  of  meal  v/hen  cooked  for  cereal  equals  four  cups  or  enough 
to  serve  six  to  eight  people,  furnishes  550  calories,  and  costs  less  than 
two  cents. 

Milk  may  be  used  in  place  of  water  if  desired.  Serve  with  milk 
or  cream. 

FETED  MUSH 

Mush  left  from  breakfast  may  be  packed  in  tins,  covered  to  pre- 
vent formation  of  a  crust,  and  allowed  to  stand.  Tins,  such  as  baking 
powder  cans,  coffee  cans,  or  small  bread  tins,  may  be  used.  Rinse 
them  in  cold  water  or  grease  before  filling  with  cereal.  When  the 
mush  has  stood  for  twenty-four  hours,  it  may  be  turned  from  the 
moulds,  sliced,  dipped  in  fiour,  and  sauted  in  drippings  or  fat.  Serve 
v/ith  maple  syrup,  corn  syrup,  or  caramel  syrup. 

CARAMEL  SYRUP 
1  cup  sugar  %  cup  water 

Method  1.  Boil  together  until  syrup  becomes  the  color  of  caramel. 
Add  one-half  cup  boiling  water  and  boil  to  desired  consistency. 

Method  2.  Sugar  may  be  melted  in  a  frying  pan  and  browned  to 
the  color  of  caramel.  Then  add  one-half  cup  boiling  water  to  dissolve, 
and  boil  until  it  becomes  a  syrup  of  the  desired  consistency. 

BROWN  SUGAR  SYRUP 

1/^  cup  granulated  sugar  %  cup  brown  sugar 

^2  cup  water 

Boil  the  ingredients  three  minutes.    This  makes  one  cup  of  syrup. 

CORN  CAKE- 

%  cup  corn  meal  %  teaspoon  salt 

1^  cups  flour  1  cup  milk 

%  cup  sugar  1  egg 

4  teaspoons  baking  powder  1  or  2  tablespoons  fat 


6  ExTENsioiJ  Circular  No.  9  [June, 

In  using  one  cup  sour  milk  instead  of  the  sweet  milk,  use  one-half 
teaspoon  soda  and  two  teaspoons  baking  powder. 

Mix  and  sift  dry  ingredients.  The  sugar  may  be  omitted  if  de- 
sired. Add  milk  and  egg  well  beaten.  Add  melted  butter  and  bake 
in  a  shallow  pan  in  a  hot  oven  twenty  minutes. 

Number  Protein  Total  Cost 

servings  calories  calories 

Eecipe  8  160  1530  $  .12 

MOLASSES  COEN  CAKE 

1  cup  corn  meal  14  cup  molasses 

%  cup  flour  1  cup  milk 

314    teaspoons   baking  pow-       1  egg 
'-             der  1  tablespoon  melted  fat 

1  teaspoon  salt 

With  one  cup  of  sour  milk  or  one  cup  of  buttermilk  instead  of  the 
sweet  milk,  use  one-half  teaspoon  soda  and  one  and  one-half  teaspoons 
baking  powder.    Mix  as  for  corn  cake,  adding  molasses  to  milk. 

Number  Protein  Total  Cost 

servings  calories  calories 

Eecipe  8  127  127Q  $  .10 

SPIDEE  COEN  BEE  AD' 

1%  cups  corn  meal  1  teaspoon  salt 

2  cups  sour  milk  2  eggs 

1  teaspoon  soda  2  tablespoons  fat 

Mix  soda,  salt,  and  corn  meal.  Gradually  add  Avell  beaten  eggs 
and  milk.  Heat  frying  pan  with  butter,  turn  in  mixture,  place  on 
middle  grate  in  hot  oven,  and  cook  twenty  minutes. 

Number  Protein  Total  Cost 

servings  calories  calories 

Eecipe  8-10  150  1050  $  .13 

COEN  MEAL  MUFFINS 

1  cup  corn  meal  %  teaspoon  salt 

1  cup  flour  1  cup  milk 

2  tablespoons  sugar  1  egg 

2  tablespoons  fat  3  teaspoons  baking  powder 

Turn  scalded  milk  on  meal,  let  stand  five  minutes,  and  add  flour 
sifted  with  dry  ingredients.    Add  beaten  egg. 

Cost 


Number 

Protein 

Total 

servings 

calories 

calories 

8  large 

160 

1470 

Eecipe  8  large  160  1470  $  .12 

muffins 


'C.  F.  Langworthy  and  Caroline  L.  Hunt,  "Corn  Meal  as  a  Food  and  Ways 
f  Using  It,"  Farmers'  Bui.  565,  U.  S.  Dept.  of  Agr. 


1917]  Corn  and  Corn  Products  Used  as  Food  7- 

CORN  MEAL  GRIDDLE  CAKES 

2  cups  flour  2  tablespoons  sugar 

%  cup  corn  meal  1%  cups  boiling  water 

4%    teaspoons  baking  pow-        I14  cups  milk 

der  1  egg 

IY2  teaspoons  salt  2  tablespoons  melted  fat 

Add  meal  to  boiling  water  and  boil  at  least  five  minutes,  stirring 
constantly.  Turn  into  a  bowl,  add  milk  and  flour  sifted  with  dry  in- 
gredients. Add  egg  either  beaten  or  unbeaten.  Fry  on  a  hot  iron 
griddle  slightly  greased. 


Number 

Protein 

Total 

Cost 

servings 

calories 

calories 

pe          16  cakes 

192 

1630 

$  .125            N 

JSED  CORN  BREAD 

(BELGIAN 

RELIEF 

RECIPE)* 

Weights 

Measures 

Corn  meal 

6  ounces 

1%   cups 

Rye  or  graham  flour 

11  ounces 

2^2  cups 

Yeast 

1/2  ounce 

1/^-1  cake 

Salt 

%  ounce 

1  teaspoon 

Sugar 

Vs  ounce 

1  or  2  teaspoons 

Fat 

%  ounce 

1  or  2  teaspoons 

Water  to  make  a  stiff  dough 

Add  three  tablespoons  cold  water  to  yeast  and  rub  to  a  smooth 
paste.  Put  sugar,  fat,  and  salt  in  a  bowl  and  add  one  cup  scalded 
milk  or  water  to  start  with ;  use  more  if  needed.  When  lukewarm,  add 
yeast  mixture  and  stir  in  flour  and  corn  meal  mixed  together  to 
make  a  stiff  dough.  Corn  meal  may  be  scalded  with  water  or  milk 
and  then  added  to  the  dry  ingredients,  and  the  rye  or  graham  flour 
added  last.  Let  rise  overnight  if  a  small  amount  of  yeast  is  used. 
When  double  in  bulk,  knead,  shape  into  a  loaf,  let  rise  again  until 
double  in  bulk,  and  bake  in  a  hot  oven. 

Number  Protein  Total  Cost 

servings  calories  calories 

Recipe  1  loaf  228  1850  $.088 

YEAST   MIXTURE  WITH  MAGIC   YEAST   OR  YEAST   FOAM^ 

2  cups  vpater  2  tablespoons  flour 

2  cakes  dry  yeast  1/4  cup  boiled  mashed  pota- 

2  tablespoons  sugar  toes 

1/4  teaspoon  salt 

Soak  yeast  in  one  cup  of  water.  Mix  dry  ingredients,  add  potatoes 
and  the  other  cup  of  water.  Add  soaked  yeast,  beating  mixture  thoroly. 
Let  rise  over  night.    The  yeast  will  be  ready  for  use  in  the  morning. 

^Mrs.  Melinda  I.  Manchester,  Teachers  College,  1915. 
=Mrs.  F.  L.  Stevens,  1917. 


8  Extension  Circular  No.  9  '  [June, 

COEN  MEAL  BEEAD* 

1  cup  lukewarm  scalded  3  tablespoons  butter  or  lard 

milk  1  teaspoon  salt 

2  tablespoons  sugar  1    cake   dry   yeast   prepared 

1  cup  corn  meal  cooked  in  according     to     directions 

2  cups  water  above 

Mix  ingredients,  adding  yeast  mixture  and  flour  to  make  a  thin 
batter.  Beat  thoroly  with  a  spoon  or  egg  beater,  finally  adding  the 
scalded  corn  meal  which  has  been  thoroly  cooled.  Add  flour  and 
knead  to  make  a  firm,  elastic  dough.  Let  rise  until  the  mass  has  doubled 
its  bulk.  Shape  into  loaves.  Let  rise  again  until  the  loaves  have 
doubled  their  bulk.    Bake. 

CORN  MEAL  FOR  CRUMBING 

Use  corn  meal  in  place  of  bread  crumbs  for  croquettes.  Dip  pieces 
of  fish  or  chicken  in  corn  meal  mixed  with  one-fourth  as  much  flour 
as  corn  meal.    Fry  in  deep  fat  or  saute. 

INDIAN  PUDDING^ 

5  cups  milk  %  cup  molasses 

Ys  cup  Indian  meal  1  teaspoon  salt 

1  teaspoon  ginger 

Pour  scalded  milk  slowly  on  meal,  cook  in  double  boiler  twenty 
minutes,  add  molasses,  salt,  and  ginger.  Pour  in  buttered  baking  dish 
and  bake  two  hours  in  slow  oven.  Serve  with  cream.  Figs  and  dates 
may  be  added  to  vary  the  recipe. 

Cost 
Recipe  6  195  1500  $.145 

BROWN  BREAD= 

1  cup  rye  flour  %  cup  molasses 

1  cup  corn  meal  1  teaspoon  salt 

1  cup  graham  flour  1%  teaspoons  soda 

2  cups  sour  milk  i/^  cup  raisins  (if  desired) 

Mix  and  sift  dry  ingredients.  Add  milk  and  molasses.  Beat  thoroly 
and  pour  into  well  greased  moulds,  filling  them  one-half  full.  Steam 
three  hours,  then  remove  covers  and  dry  in  the  oven  to  brown  the  top. 
Bread  may  also  be  made  in  a  double  boiler. 

Cost 

Recipe  4  loaves  244  2475  $  .19 


Number 

Protein 

Total 

servings 

calories 

calories 

6 

195 

1500 

Number 

Protein 

Total 

servings 

calories 

calories 

4  loaves 

244 

2475 

^Mrs.  F.  L.  Stevens,  1917. 

-C.  F.  Langworthy  and  Caroline  L.  Hunt,  "Corn  Meal  as  a  Food  and  We 
of  Using  It,"  Farmers'  Bui.  565,  U.  S.  Dept.  of  Agr. 


1917] 


Corn  and  Cokn  Products  Used  as  Food 


HOMINY 

Composition  of  Hominy 


Hominy 

Water 
percent 

Protein 
percent 

Fat 

percent 

Carbohy- 
drates 
percent 

Mineral 
percent 

Fuel 

value  per 

pound 

Cost  per 
pound 

Fine,  dry 
Coai'se,  dry 
Boiled 

11 

10.8 
79.3 

9.4 
8.3 
2.2 

.7 
.5 
.2 

78.2 
79.4 
17.8 

.3 
.3 

.5 

1810 

1770 

380 

$  .06 
.06 
.06 

Hominy,  like  other  cereal  foods,  requires  long-continued  and  thoro 
cooking,  especially  when  coarse. 

HOMEMADE  EOMINY 

The  following  old  time  recipes  are  included  to  suggest  home  pre- 
paredness at  the  present  time.  The  tin  can  shortage  will  soon  decrease 
our  supply  of  canned  hominy,  necessitating  either  drying  of  hominy 
or  home  preparation. 

HOMEMADE  HOMINY  OR  HULLED  CORN  P 

Husk  one  dozen  ears  of  corn  and  cover  with  cold  water.  Put  one 
quart  of  wood  ashes  in  a  bag  and  add  to  the  water;  boil  until  the 
strength  is  out  and  remove  bag.  Add  more  warm  water  and  boil  un- 
til water  boils  down.  Put  corn  in  cold  water  and  hull.  Salt  and 
drain  off  water. 


HOMEMADE  HOMINY  OR  HULLED  CORN  IP 

Pour  hot  water  over  corn  and  soak  overnight.  In  the  morning  put 
the  corn  in  an  iron  kettle  with  warm  water  enough  to  cover.  For 
each  pint  of  corn  put  in  one  tablespoon  baking  soda.  Boil  until  the 
hulls  come  off  readily.  Wash  in  clear  water.  Slip  off  hulls  with 
hands  or  with  little  broom  by  stirring  around  in  water.  Soak  hulled 
corn  in  water  and  wash  until  alkaline  taste  is  gone.  Boil  or  let  freeze 
until  tender.  Salt  as  desired.  Drain  off  water  or  cook  it  down  until 
concentrated. 

CANNED  HOMINY 

Canned  hominy  was  used  in  the  recipes  below  and  costs  have  been 
estimated  on  the  following  data  for  one  can  of  hominy. 

2  ounces 


Weight 

Cost 

Contains 


z,  pounc 
12  cents 
3  cups  solid  hominy  and 
2  cups  liquid 


^Dr.  A.  W.  Chase,  "Last  Receipt  Book,"  1885. 


10  Extension  Circular  No.  9  [June, 

HOMINY  GEIDDLE  CAKES 

1  cup  milk  %  cup  hominy,  chopped 

iy2  cups  flour  ^    1  egg 

Mix  and  sift  the  dry  ingredients.    Add  slowly  the  milk  with  beaten 
egg,  then  the  hominy.    Fry  on  hot  griddle. 


Number           Protein                Total 

Cost 

servings           calories              calories 

pe                 4                      140                     880 

$  .13 

HOMINY  MUFFINS 

4  tablespoons  fat                          1  egg 
4  tablespoons  sugar                       1  cup  milk 
11/4  cups  flour                                  3  teaspoons 
1  cup  hominy                                  i^  teaspoon 

baking  powder 
salt 

Cream  butter  and  sugar,  add  beaten  egg  and  salt.  Add  alternately 
flour,  sifted  with  baking  powder,  and  milk,  then  hominy  ground  with 
coarse  knife  of  meat  grinder.  Bake  in  buttered  iron  muffin  pans  for 
thirty-five  minutes.  .    i        -     .  ' 

Number  Protein  Total  ,  '  '        Cost 

servings  calories  calories 

Recipe  8  large  160  1430  $  .21 

muffins 

EEHEATED  HOMINY  I 

2  cups  hominy  %   cup  liquid 

Heat  the  hominy  and  liquid  together  till  the  liquid  has  concen- 
trated and  the  hominy  is  moist.  Brown  in  a  frying  pan  with  two 
tablespoons  melted  butter.  Grated  cheese  may  be  added  if  desired. 
Serve  in  place  of  potato. 

EEHEATED  HOMINY  II 

Reheat  hominy  with  liquid,  drain,  and  serve  as  a  border  around 
lamb  or  chicken.    Tomato  sauce  or  meat  gravies  may  be  used. 

HOMINY  A  LA  SOUTHEEN 

2  cups  hominy  put  thru  meat       1  egg 

grinder  i/^  teaspoon  salt 

1  cup  milk 

Mix  beaten  egg  with  milk,  add  salt,  and  hominy.  Bake  in  buttered 
baking  dish  till  it  becomes  firm  like  a  custard  or  until  a  knife  when 
inserted  is  clean  when  removed.  Avoid  over  baking  which  causes 
curdling. 

Number  Protein  Total  Cost 

servings  calories  calories 

Eecipe  6  80  600  $  .12 


Number 

Protein 

Total 

servings 

calories 

calories 

Eecipe 

6 

40 

350 

1917]  Corn  and  Corn  Products  Used  as  Food  11 

HOMINY  SOUP  I 

2   cups  liquid   drained  from  1  tablespoon  flour 

hominy  1  cup  milk 

1  tablespoon  butter  i/^  cup  chopped  hominy 

2  slices  onion,  chopped  fine  1  teaspoon  salt 

Ys  teaspoon  pepper  i  tablespoon  chopped  parsley 

Melt  butter  and  add  the  flour.  Cook  butter  and  flour  together. 
Add  slowly  the  hot  milk  and  hominy  liquid,  then  add  hominy,  onion, 
salt,  pepper,  and  parsley.     Cook  twenty  minutes  in  double  boiler. 

Cost 
$  .055 

HOMINY  SOUP  II 

2  cups  liquid  drained  from  1  tablespoon  chopped   green 
hominy  pepper 

1  cup  milk  1  tablespoon  butter 
%  cup    hominy    pulp     put  1  teaspoon  salt 

thru  sieve  after  cook-  1  hard  cooked  egg,  chopped 

ing  fine 

Few  drops  onion  juice 

Heat  liquid  and  milk,  adding  hominy  pulp  and  seasonings.  Cook 
twenty  minutes  in  a  double  boiler.  Add  chopped  egg  just  before 
serving. 

Number  Protein  Total  Cost 

servings  calories  calories 

Recipe  6  64  400  $  .078 

HOMINY  SOUP  III 

2  cups  liquid  drained  from  %  cup   hominy   pulp   put   thru 

hominy  sieve  after  cooking 

•   %  cup  milk  V2  cup   celery   pulp   put    thru 
1  tablespoon  butter  sieve  after  cooking 

1  teaspoon  salt  Speck  of  pepper 

1  tablespoon  chopped  parsley 

Heat  liquid  and  milk  with  hominy  and  celery  pulp.  Add  seasoning 
and  cook  one-half  hour. 

Cost 

Eecipe  6  22  300  $  .14 

HOMINY  CEOQUETTES  P 

2  cups  hominy  2  teaspoons  sugar 
%  teaspoon  salt  or  less  Speck  of  pepper 

Y2  cup  thick  white  sauce 


Number 

Protein 

Total 

servings 

calories 

calories 

6 

22 

300 

^Tests  for  fat: 

1.  Fat  should  be  smoking  hot  and  should  brown  a  cube  of  bread  golden 
brown  in  forty  seconds. 

2.  Temperature  190°   C.  or  370°  F. 


12  Extension  Circular  No.  9  [Juu'?, 

Put  hominy  thru  a  meat  grinder  using  a  coarse  knife.  Mix  hominy 
with  thick  white  sauce  (see  below)  and  other  ingredients;  use  salt  or 
sugar,  depending  on  whether  or  not  a  sweet  croquette  is  desired.  Chill 
mixture  and  shape  into  balls.  Koll  in  fine  bread  or  cracker  crumbs,  then 
in  egg,  then  crumbs  again,  and  fry  in  deep  fat  till  brown.  May  be 
served  with  jelly. 

Number  Protein  Total  Cost 

servings  calories  calories 

Eecipe      6  croquettes  50  600  $  .097 

HOMINY  CEOQUETTES  IP 

2  cups  hominy  i/^  cup  thick  white  sauce 

y^  cup  grated  cheese  %  teaspoon  salt 

Pepper,  paprika 

Mix  hominy,  which  has  been  put  through  a  meat  grinder,  with 
white  sauce,  cheese,  and  seasoning  to  such  a  consistency  that  it  can 
be  moulded  or  shaped.  Chill,  shape  into  croquettes,  roll  in  fine  bread 
or  cracker  crumbs,  then  in  egg,  then  crumbs  again,  and  fry  in  deep 
fat  till  brown. 

Number  Protein  Total  '    Cost 

servings  calories  calories 

Eecipe     6  croquettes  80  600  $  .115 

HOMINY  CEOQUETTES  IIP 

2  cups  chopped  hominy  1  egg,  slightly  beaten 

2  tablespoons  melted  butter     Few  drops  onion  juice 
Speck  of  cayenne  pepper  1  tablespoon  minced  parsley 

Mix  all  the  ingredients  together,  shape  mixture  into  balls  or  cylin- 
ders. Roll  in  sifted  bread  crumbs,  then  in  egg,  then  in  crumbs  again. 
Fry  in  deep  fat  until  brown.    Serve  with  tomato  or  cheese  sauce. 

In  coating  croquettes,  add  one  tablespoon  water  to  egg  and  beat 
slightly. 

WHITE  SAUCE  FOE  CEOQUETTE  MIXTUEES 

4  tablespoons  flour  2  tablespoons  butter 

Yi  teaspoon  salt  1  cup  milk 

Pepper 

Melt  butter,  add  flour  and  salt ;  cook  together,  then  add  hot  milk 
slowly.    Cook  till  thick,  cool,  and  use  for  binding  croquettes. 


^See  note  on  preceding  page. 


1917]  Corn  and  Corn  Products  Used  as  Food  13 

TOMATO   SAUCE  TO   SERVE  WITH  CE0QUETTE5 

2  tablespoons  flour  1  cup  tomato  juice 

%  teaspoon  salt  2  tablespoons  butter 

Paprika 

Combine  as  above. 

CHEESE  SAUCE  TO  SERVE  WITH  CROQUETTES 

1%  tablespoons  flour  1  tablespoon  butter 

%  teaspoon  salt  Paprika 

Yi  cup  grated  cheese  1  cup  milk 

1  egg  yolk 

Combine  as  above.  Add  cheese  after  milk  is  added.  Slightly 
beaten  yolk  is  added  just  as  the  sauce  is  removed.   . 

:  HOMINY  AND  OYSTERS 

iy2  cups  chopped  hominy  2  dozen  or  more  oysters  and 
1  tablespoon  butter  liquor 

^  cup  bread  crumbs  %  cup  milk 

Pepper  %  teaspoon  salt 

Butter  a  baking  dish  and  put  in  a  layer  of  hominy,  then  a  layer 
of  oysters,  adding  seasoning  to  each.  Alternate  until  all  materials  are 
used.  Pour  milk  and  oyster  liquor  over  oysters  and  put  buttered 
bread  crumbs  on  top.  Bake  in  oven  till  browned  on  top  or  for  about 
thirty  to  forty-five  minutes,  depending  on  the  shape  of  the  dish. 

SAUSAGE  AND  HOMINY  ROLLS 

'  2  cups  chopped  hominy  1  egg,  beaten 

%  teaspoon  salt  Pepper 

Shape  the  above  mixture  like  sausages  and  roll  in  crumbs.  Place 
them  in  a  roasting  or  iron  frying  pan,  alternating  with  six  link  sau- 
sages.   While  baking,  turn  once  or  twice  in  sausage  fat. 

Bananas  cut  once  crosswise  may  also  be  cooked  in  the  pan.  This 
makes  an  easy  dinner  or  lunch. 

CASSEROLE  OF  MEAT  AND  HOMINY 

Drain  one  cup  hominy,  chop  and  put  it  into  a  buttered  casserole 
in  layers,  alternating  with  one-half  cup  of  meat  cut  in  cubes.  Chicken, 
veal,  or  beef  may  be  used.-  Add  seasonings,  salt,  pepper,  chopped 
parsley,  and  onion  salt.  Add  one  cup  meat  stock  or  hominy  liquid. 
Cover  with  buttered  bread  crumbs  and  cook  covered  one  hour.  One- 
third  of  a  cup  of  bread  crumbs  in  one  tablespoon  melted  butter  is 
required. 


14  Extension  Circular  No.  9  [June, 

Number  Protein  Total  Cost 

servings  calories  calories 

Kecipe  2-3  50  328.6  $  .067 

HOMINY  PUDDING 

2  cups  hominy,  chopped  fine  %  cup  milk 

^2    cup    chopped    dates    or  1  egg,  beaten 

raisins  %  teaspoon  salt 
Yi  cup  sugar 

Mix  the  above  ingredients  and  put  in  buttered  custard  cups.  Put 
in  a  pan  containing  water  and  bake  in  a  moderate  oven  till  set  like 
a  custard  or  until  a  knife  when  inserted  will  be  clean  when  removed. 

Number  Protein  Total  Cost 

servings  calories  calories 

Eecipe  6  80  1035  $  .168 

Serve  with  the  following  soft  custard  sauce : 

11/^  cups  milk  2  eggs 

34  cup  sugar  Speck  salt 

Beat  eggs  slightly,  add  milk,  sugar,  and  salt,  and  cook  in  a  double 
boiler  till  the  custard  coats  a  wooden  spoon. 

Number  Protein  Total  Cost 

servings  calories  calories 

Eecipe  ..  "96     "  611.3  $  .078 


1917]  Corn  and  Corn  Products  Used  as  Food  IS 


GREEN  CORN  • 

As  ' '  all  that  glitters  is  not  gold, ' '  all  that  is  called  corn  is  not  corn 
for  table  use.  Corn  fed  to  cattle  and  corn  raised  for  the  corn  products 
trade  is  not  the  typical  sweet  corn  which  is  best  for  cooking.  In  the 
home  vegetable  garden,  plant  a  good  quality  of  sweet  corn  for  table 
use  and  canning. 

The  following  varieties  and  times  of  planting  for  Central  Illinois 
are  taken  from  "Home  Vegetable  Gardening"  by  Mr.  C.  E.  Durst :^ 


Date 

Planting 

Variety  Sweet  Corn 

May  1 

1 

Golden  Bantam 
White  Cob  Cory 
Howling  Mob 

Stowell's  Evergreen 

June  1 

2 

Stow^ell's  Evergreen 

June  15 

3 

Stowell  's  Evergreen 

July  1 

4 

Stowell's  Evergreen 

The  first  planting  of  four  varieties  insures  corn  as  early  as  is  pos- 
sible, and  with  the  later  plantings  of  "Evergreen"  insures  a  continu- 
ous succession  until  about  the  time  of  frost.  Corn  to  be  best  for  the 
table  should  be  pulled  when  of  the  right  size  and  sweet  in  flavor,  not 
when  it  has  become  too  mature  and  the  sugar  has  been  converted  into 
starch.  Stowell's  Evergreen  and  Golden  Bantam  are  particularly 
recommended  for  canning  and  drying. 

In  selecting  corn  for  table  use  and  particularly  for  canning  or 
drying,  be  sure  to  select  only  perfect  ears.  Corn  may  be  infected 
with  a  fungus  growth,  smut,  or  may  harbor  the  familiar  tobacco  worm. 
All  ears  which  show  any  infection  by  smut  should  be  discarded ;  even 
when  not  visible  this  disease  sometimes  gives  the  corn  a  bitter,  un- 
pleasant flavor  and  makes  it  unfit  for  canning.  The  tobacco  worm 
does  not  necessitate  rejecting  the  entire  ear.  Be  sure  to  remove  all 
parts  which  show  traces  of  being  eaten.  This  pest  is  so  common  that 
if  corn  partly  spoiled  by  it  were  not  used,  it  would  often  mean  wasting 
almost  an  entire  crop. 

BOILED  GREEN  CORN 

Remove  husks  and  silky  threads.  Cook  ten  to  fifteen  minutes  in 
boiling  water.  Place  on  platter  covered  with. napkin  and  cover  by 
folding  corners  over  the  corn  or  with  another  napkin. 


K}.   E.   Durst,   "Home   Vegetable   Gardening,"   Circular   198,   Agr'l.   Exper, 
Sta.,  University  of  Illinois, 


16  Extension  Circulak  No.  9  [June, 

SUCCOTASH 

Cut  raw  corn  from  cob.  If  the  corn  is  rather  old,  score  each  row 
of  kernels  thru  the  center  before  cutting  off.  Add  an  equal  quantity 
of  boiled  shelled  beans,  either  kidney  or  lima  beans,  and  cook  twenty 
minutes.  Season  with  butter,  salt,  and  milk  or  cream.  Boiled  corn 
may  be  cut  from  the  cob  and  combined  with  beans. 

_  .  CORN  OYSTERS 

1  cup  chopped  corn  or  pulp        1  egg 

%  cup  flour  1/^  teaspoon  salt 

%  teaspoon  pepper 

Grate  raw  corn  from  cob  or  put  thru  meat  grinder.  Canned  corn 
or  Kornlet  may  be  used.  To  the  corn  pulp,  add  egg,  flour,  and  sea- 
sonings.   Drop  by  spoonfuls  and  fry  in  deep  fat. 

Number  Protein  Total  Cost 

servings  calories  calories 

Recipe  6  ■   .  54  301 

CORN  FRITTERS 

2  cups  corn  1  teaspoon  salt 

1  cup  flour  14  teaspoon  paprika 

1  teaspoon  baking  powder         2  eggs 

Chop  corn  or  put  it  thru  meat  grinder.  Add  dry  ingredients 
mixed  and  sifted.    Add  beaten  eggs.    Fry  in  hot  fat. 

Number  Protein  Total  -  _    Cost 

servings  calories  calories 

ReeiiJO  8  134  800  '\     ... 

CORN  A  LA  SOUTHERN  '     . 

2  cups  corn  2       eggs 

1  teaspoon  salt  Vs  teaspoon  pepper 

1%  tablespoons  butter  li^  cups  milk 

Use  green  corn  which  has  been  boiled  and  cut  from  the  cob,  or 
canned  corn.  Add  beaten  eggs  to  chopped  corn,  add  seasonings, 
melted  butter,  and  milk.  Pour  into  a  greased  baking  dish  and  bake 
in  a  slow  oven.  Test  as  for  baked  custard  by  cutting  with  a  pointed 
knife.  If  it  comes  out  clean,  the  custard  is  done.  The  mixture  sep- 
arates if  over  cooked. 

Number  Protein  Total  Cost 

servings  calories  calories 

Recipe  10  200  1500 


1917]  Corn  and  Corn  Products  Used  as  Food  17 

COEN  SOUP 

1  pint  canned  corn  1  pint  milk 

1%  teaspoons  salt  i^  teaspoon  pepper 

2  tablespoons  butter  2  tablespoons  flour 

2  cups  water 

Run  corn  thru  food  chopper.  Add  water  and  let  boil  for  five 
minutes.  Melt  butter,  add  flour,  stir  together  and  add  milk  and  sea- 
sonings. Cook  until  smooth  and  add  corn.  Bring  to  the  boiling  point 
d,nd  serve. 

CORN  CHOWDER 

2  cups  corn  2  cups  potatoes  cut  in  one- 
1^2  inch  cube  fat  salt  pork,  fourth  inch  pieces 

cut  fine  4  cups  scalded  milk 

2  tablespoons  butter  2  cups  boiling  water 

.  '  8  crackers  _  Salt 

•  '  1  sliced  onion  Pepper 

Fry  out  salt  pork,  add  onion,  and  cook  five  minutes.  Stir  so  as 
not  to  burn.  Parboil  potatoes  five  minutes  in  boiling  water.  Add  to 
fat  and  cook  until  potatoes  are  soft.  Add  corn  and  milk  and  bring 
to  boiling  point.    Add  seasoning,  butter,  and  crackers.    Serve  very  hot. 

COEN  RELISH 

5  pints  sweet  corn  cut  from  5   pints  finely  chopped  cab- 
cob  bage 

5  seeded  and  chopped  pep-  1%  pounds  sugar 

"  pers  i/i  pound  mustard 

4  pints  of  vinegar  2  tablespoons  salt 

Mix  all  together  and  cook  in  a  granite  pan  until  tender.     Seal  in 

sterilized  jars.  

PICKLED  CORN 

Drop  the  silked  roasting  ears  into  boiling  water.  As  soon  as  the 
milk  is  set,  take  from  the  water  and  cut  from  the  cob.  Pack  the  cut 
corn  into  a  container  in  the  proportion  of  nine  parts  of  corn  and  one 
of  salt.  Pound  down  with  wooden  potato  masher.  Cover  with  a  clean 
cloth  and  a  plate,  weighting  down  the  plate.  If  brine  does  not  form 
to  cover  the  plate  in  a  week,  add  brine  made  of  nine  parts  of  water 
and  one  part  of  salt,  sufficient  to  stand  two  or  three  inches  above  the 
plate.  Take  out  the  amount  desired  for  use  and  wash  in  cold  water. 
Cover  with  twice  the  amount  of  cold  water  and  bring  to  a  boil ;  pour 
off  water  and  repeat  process.  Drain  through  a  colander  and  return 
to  the  fire  to  sizzle  dry.    It  is  now  ready  to  serve  in  any  way. 

DRIED  COEN 

Blanch  corn  on  the  cob  ten  to  fifteen  minutes  in  boiling  water. 
Score  each  row  of  kernels  thru  the  center  with  a  sharp  knife,  and  cut 


18  Extension  Circular  No.  9  [June, 

from  the  cob.  Scrape  off  any  pulp  remaining.  Spread  thinly  over 
pans  or  baking  sheet  and  put  in  slightly  warm,  not  hot,  oven.  Leave 
door  ajar.  Stir  or  shake  pan  occasionally.  Corn  may  be  dried  very 
slowly  till  process  is  entirely  complete,  or  it  may  be  dried  on  succes- 
sive days  for  short  periods.  This  is  done  easily  by  using  the  oven 
heat  when  fire  is  allowed  to  die  out  after  dinner  is  prepared,  or  it  may 
be  dried  by  placing  the  trays  in  the  sun.  Little  or  much  corn  may  be 
dried  at  a  time.  The  trays  should  be  covered  with  screening  to  pro- 
tect from  insects.  If  extra  corn  on  the  cob  has  been  cooked  for 
dinner,  the  remaining  ears  may  be  used  for  drying. 

RECIPE  FOR  CANNING  SWEET  CORN  ON  THE  COB^ 

Can  corn  the  same  day  as  picked.  Remove  husks  and  silks,  and 
grade  for  size.  Blanch  on  the  cob  in  boiling  water  ten  to  fifteen  min- 
utes.  Plunge  quickly  into  cold  water.  Pack  ears,  alternating  butts 
and  tips,  in  half  gallon  glass  jars  or  gallon  tin  cans.  Pour  boiling 
water  over  them  and  add  two  level  teaspoonsful  of  salt  to  each  gallon. 
Place  rubbers  and  tops  in  position.  Seal  partially  but  not  tightly. 
Cap  and  tip  tin  cans.  Sterilize,  using  one  of  the  following  methods : 
in  hot- water  bath  outfit  180  minutes,  one  period ;  90  minutes  in  water 
seal  outfit;  60  minutes  in  steam  pressure  outfit  under  five  pounds  of 
steam ;  35  minutes  in  aluminum  pressure  cooker  under  twenty  pounds 
of  steam.  Remove  jars ;  tighten  covers.  Cool  and  test  joints.  Wrap 
glass  jars  with  paper,  and  store. 

Note : — When  sweet  corn  is  taken  from  the  jar  or  tin  can  for  table 
use,  remove  ears  as  soon  as  jar  or  can  is  opened.  Heat  corn,  slightly 
buttered,  in  steam.  Do  not  allow  ears  to  stand  in  water  or  to  be 
boiled  in  water  the  second  time.  ~         ,  ' 

RECIPE  FOR  CANNING  SWEET  CORN  CUT  FROM  COB^ 

Can  corn  the  same  day  as  picked.  Remove  husks  and  silks.  Blanch 
on  the  cob  in  boiling  water  ten  to  fifteen  minutes.  Plunge  quickly  into 
cold  water.  Cut  the  corn  from  the  cob  with  a  thin,  sharp-bladed  knife. 
Pack  in  jar  tightly  until  filled  to  the  neck  of  the  jar.  Add  one  level 
teaspoonful  of  salt  to  each  quart  and  sufficient  hot  water  to  fill  jars. 
Place  rubber  and  top  in  position;  seal  partially,  but  not  tightly. 
Sterilize,  using  one  of  the  following  methods:  180  minutes  in  hot- 
water  bath  outfit;  90  minutes  in  water-seal  outfit;  60  minutes  in 
steam  pressure  outfit  under  five  pounds  of  steam;  35  minutes  in 
aluminum  pressure  cooker  under  twenty  pounds  of  steam.  Remove 
jars;  tighten  covers.  Cool,  and  test  "joints.  Wrap  with  paper,  and 
store. 


Torm  N  R-24,  States  Relations  Service,  U.  S.  Dept.  of  Agr. 


ID  17] 


Corn  and  Corn  Products  Used  as  Food 


19 


MARKET  PRICES  OF  MATERIALS  USED  IN  RECIPES 

The  following  market  prices  are  those  paid  in  May,  1917,  in  Ur- 
bana-Champaign,  Illinois,  In  some  recipes,  as  in  those  for  corn  used 
as  a  vegetable,  the  cost  of  the  dish  was  not  computed  as  it  varied 
decidedly  and  gave  misleading  conclusions  as  to  its  expensiveness,  de- 
pending on  whether  a  commercial  canned  corn  or  a  home  product  was 
used.  In  some  recipes  where  prices  vary  particularly  due  to  seasons, 
as  with  oysters,  or  in  recipes  where  the  ingredients  would  vary  de- 
pending on  personal  preference,  cost  was  not  estimated. 

Material 
Baking  Powder 

Eoyai 

Calumet  or  Eumford 
Beef  round 
Butter 

Oleomargerine 
Lard 
Crisco 
Celery 
Cheese 
Corn  meal 
Eggs 

Flour,  bread 
Flour,  graham 
Hominy 
Milk 
--.  Molasses 

Onions 
Oysters 
Peppers 
Eaisins 
Sausage 
Sugar 
Yeast,  dry 
Yeast,  compressed 


Amount 

Price 

1  pound 

$  .50 

1  pound 

.25 

1  pound 

.24 

1  pound 

.45 

1  pound 

.30 

1  pound 

.30 

11/2   pounds 

.50 

1  bunch 

.10 

1  pound 

.30 

7  pounds 

.35 

1  dozen 

.35 

49  pounds 

3.25 

8  pounds 

.65 

1  can 

.12 

1  quart 

.10 

2  pounds   6   ounces 

.25 

1  pound 

.15 

1  quart 

.40 

3 

.10 

1  box 

.15 

1  pound 

.20 

25  pounds 

"^-     2.75 

5  cakes 

.05 

1  cake 

.02 

August,  1917  Extension  Circular  No.  13 

UNIVERSITY   OF    ILLINOIS 
COLLEGE   OF   AGRICULTURE 

Extension  Service  in  Agriculture  and  Home  Economics 

IN   COOPERATION   WITH  THE   UNITED   STATES   DEPARTMENT   OF   AGRICULTURE 
W.    F.   HANDSCHIN,   VICE-DIRECTOR 


WAR  BREAD  RECIPES 


URBANA,  ILLINOIS 


WAR  BREAD  RECIPES^ 

The  following  compilation  of  recipes  for  war  breads  has  been 
prepared  in  the  hope  that  it  may  be  helpful  in  lessening  the  use  of 
wheat. 

:         BREAD 

Bread  is  made  from  flour  of  wheat  or  other  cereals  by  the  addi- 
tion of  water,  salt,  and  a  ferment.  Wheat  flour  is  best  adapted  for 
bread  making,  as  it  contains  gluten  in  the  right  proportion  to  make 
a  spongy  loaf.  Gluten,  the  protein  of  the  wheat,  is  a  gray,  tough, 
elastic  substance,  insoluble  in  water.  Gluten,  being  elastic,  is  ex- 
panded by  the  gas  developed  in  bread  dough  by  fermentation, 
thereby  causing  the  bread  to  rise.  Flour  should  always  be  sifted 
before  measuring. 

Yeast  is  a  microscopic  plant  of  fungus  growth,  and  is  one  of 
the  lowest  forms  of  vegetable  life.  The  yeast  plant  reproduces  by 
a  process  known  as  budding,  multiplying  very  rapidly.  Like  other 
plants,  favorable  conditions  for  its  grov/th  are  (1)  food,  (sugar)  ; 
(2)  warmth,  (25°  to  35°  C.  or  70°  to  90°  F.)  ;  (3)  moisture.  Fer- 
mentation, the  production  of  alcohol  and  carbon  dioxide,  is  the  re- 
sult of  the  growth  of  the  yeast  plant.  The  yeast  plant  is  killed  at 
a  temperature  of  100°  C.  or  212°  F.  Liquid,  dry,  or  compressed 
yeast  may  be  used  for  raising  bread.  Good  bread  depends  primarily 
upon  good  yeast.  Fermented  bread  is  made  by  mixing  flour  to  a 
dough  with  water  or  milk,  salt,  and  a  ferment.  The  dough  should 
be  thoroly  kneaded  to  mix  the  ingredients  and  should  be  allowed 
to  rise  in  a  favorable  temperature  until  it  has  doubled  it  bulk.  It 
is  then  ready  to  be  shaped  into  loaves.  When  it  has  doubled  its 
bulk  again,  it  is  ready  to  be  baked. 

Bread  is  baked  (1)  to  kill  the  ferment,  (2)  to  render  the  starch 
digestible  by  cooking,  (3)  to  drive  off  alcohol  and  carbon  dioxide, 
(4)  to  develop  flavor.  The  loaf  should  continue  rising  for  the  first 
fifteen  minutes  while  baking,  and  continue  browning  for  the  next 
twenty  minutes.  The  heat  may  then  be  reduced  and  the  baking 
finished  in  fifteen  minutes. 

Rolls  require  more  heat  than  bread.  They  should  continue  ris- 
ing for  the  first  five  minutes  and  begin  to  brown  in  eight  minutes. 


^Used  by  Mrs.  F.  L.  Stevens  at  tlie  University  of  Illinois  School  for  House- 
keepers. 

'       2     ■        .        .        ■ 


1917]  War  Bread  Recipes  "3 

YEAST 

Yeast  Foam  is  used  in  this  demonstration.  For  yeast  mixture 
when  Magic  Yeast  or  Yeast  Foam  is  used: 

2  cups  water  2  tablespoons  flour 

1  cake  dry  yeast  %  cup  boiled  mashed  pota- 

2  tablespoons  sugar  toes 

Yi  teaspoon  salt 

Soak  yeast  in  one  cup  of  water.  Mix  dry  ingredients,  add  pota- 
toes and  the  other  cup  of  water.  Add  soaked  yeast,  beating  it 
thoroly.  Let  rise  over  night.  The  yeast  will  be  ready  for  use  in 
the  morning. 

VvHEAT  BREAD 

3  tablespoons  lard  1  cup   lukewarm    (scalded) 
2  tablespoons  sugar  milk 

1  cake    dry    yeast    prepared       1  teaspoon  salt 
according  to  directions 

Mix  ingredients,  adding  yeast  mixture  last.  Beat  together 
thoroly  and  add  flour,  beating  with  spoon  or  egg  beater.  Add  flour 
and  knead  until  a  firm,  elastic  dough  is  obtained.  Let  rise  until  the 
mass  has  doubled  its  bulk.  Shape  into  loaves.  Let  rise  again  until 
the  loaves  have  doubled  their  bulk.  Bake  according  to  preceding 
directions. 

PARKER  HOUSE  ROLLS 

For  Parker  House  Rolls  add  an  unbeaten  egg,  two  tablespoons 
sugar,  and  two  tablespoons  butter  at  first  mixing.  Let  the  mass  rise 
until  it  has  doubled  its  bulk.  Roll  out  on  floured  board,  mould  into 
shape,  and  let  rise  again  until  slightly  increased  in  bulk.  Spread 
melted  butter  over  half  of  each  bread  roll,  fold  over,  pressing  the 
edges  together.  Place  on  buttered  pan,  one  inch  apart,  and  let  rise. 
Bake  from  twelve  to  fifteen  minutes  in  hot  oven. 

SALAD  OR  DINNER  ROLLS 

Use  the  same  ingredients  as  for  Parker  House  Rolls,  adding  four 
tablespoons  of  butter  to  the  first  mass  of  dough.  Shape  as  for 
Parker  House  Rolls,  crescents,  bow  knots,  clover  leaf,  braids,  twists, 
sticks  or  other  fancy  shapes. 

SWEDISH  ROLLS 

Use  the  recipe  for  Salad  Rolls,  roll  to  one-fourth  inch  in  thick- 
ness, let  rise  fifteen  minutes,  spread  with  butter,  sprinkle  with  two 
tablespoons  sugar  mixed  with  one-third  teaspoon  cinnamon,  one- 
third  cup  chopped,  stoned  raisins,   and  two   tablespoons   chopped 


4  Extension  Circular  No.  13  [August, 

citron ;  roll  like  a  jelly  roll  and  cut  into  three-f ourtlis  inch  pieces. 
Again  let  rise.  When  taken  from  oven,  brush  over  with  white  of 
egg  slightly  diluted  with  water ;  return  to  oven  to  perfect  the  glaze. 

BREAD,  USING  ONE-THIRD  STALE  BREAD  CRUMBS 

Use  proportions  as  for  Wheat  Bread  recipe  given  above,  working 
into  the  batter  one  cup  of  stale  bread  crumbs.  The  absorbent  quality 
of  the  crumbs  permits  the  use  of  less  flour  than  in  other  dough 
mixtures. 

BREAD,  USING  ONE-THIRD  CORN  MEAL 

1  cup  boiling  water  2%  cups  corn  meal 

■   V2  cup   lukewarm   scalded  2  tablespoons  sugar 

milk  1  teaspoon  salt 

2  tablespoons  lard  1  cake   dry  yeast  prepared 

according  to  directions 

Add  the  boiling  water  to  the  corn  meal,  cook  in  a  double  boiler 
for  a  few  minutes,  and  proceed  in  the  manner  given  in  directions  for 
bread. 

Three  cups  of  liquid  of  the  recipe  requires  about  seven  cups  of 
liour,  varying  slightly  according  to  the  quality  of  the  flour  and  meal. 

OLD  VIRGINIA  BATTER  BREAD 

,  .         1  pint  corn  meal  1  quart  scalded  milk 

1  teaspoon  salt  1  teaspoon   sugar    (may   bo 

1  egg  omitted) 

"^tir  the  corn  meal  into  the  quart  of  scalded  milk ;  stir  and  cook 
to  a  mush.  Allow  to  cool  a  little  and  add  salt,  sugar,  and  the  milk, 
beaten  yolk  of  egg,  and  lastly  fold  in  the  white  of  egg,  beaten  stiff. 
Melt  two  tablespoons  of  shortening  in  a  baking  pan,  pour  in  mixture, 
and  bake  for  forty-five  minutes.  ..  * 

SOUTHERN  SPOON  BREAD 

V2  cupful  sifted  corn  meal         1  tablespoon  butter 
V2  cupful  sweet  milk  1  cupful  boiling  water 

%  teaspoon  salt  1  egg 

1  teaspoon  baking  powder 

Pour  the  boiling  water  over  the  meal,  and  stir  until  smooth. 
Let  cook  briskly  for  five  minutes ;  add  butter  and  salt,  stirring  as 
it  cooks.  Take  from  fire.  Add  milk  and  the  egg  well  beaten  and 
then  the  baking  powder.  Pour  it  into  a  well  buttered,  shallow  bak- 
ing dish  and  bake  for  twenty  minutes  in  a  moderate  oven,  letting 
it  brown  carefully  before  removing.  Serve  from  the  dish  in  Avhich 
it  was  baked. 


1917]  War  Bread  Kecipes  '  •  "  S 

COEN  MEAL  AND  EICE  WAFFLES 

%  cup  corn  meal  %  cup  flour 

.%   teaspoon  soda  1  tablespoon  melted  butter 

1  cup  boiled  rice  2  eggs,  well  beaten 

1  teaspoon  salt  1  cup  sour  milk 

Sift  together  the  flour,  soda,  and  salt;  add  the  other  ingredi- 
ents and  beat  thoroly;   have  irons  hot  and  well  greased. 

GEM  CRACKEES 

Sift  one  and  one-half  pints  of  flour,  one-half  pint  corn  meal,  one 
teaspoon  baking  powder,  and  the  same  amount  of  salt.  Rub  in  two 
tablespoons  butter,  two-thirds  of  a  pint  of  milk ;  work  into  a  smooth, 
fine  dough.  Place  on  bread  board,  kneading  a  few  times  and  roll 
to  quarter-inch  thickness ;  cut  with  a  small  oval  or  round  cutter, 
lay  on  greased  baking  tin,  puncture  the  top  of  each  cracker  with 
a  fork,  brush  over  with  milk,  and  bake  in  hot  oven. 

COEN  MEAL  PUFFS 

Into  one  (}uart  of  boiling  milk  stir  eight  tablespoonfuls  of  meal, 
four  tablespoonfuls  powdered  sugar,  and  one  teaspoonful  nutmeg. 
Boil  five  minutes,  stirring  constantly.  Remove  from  fire  and  when 
cool  stir  in  six  well  beaten  eggs.  Mix  well  and  pour  the  mixture 
into  buttered  cups,  nearly  filling  them.  Bake  in  moderate  oven  one- 
half  hour.    Serve  with  lemon  sauce. 

COEN  MEAL  BISCUITS 

1  cup  yellow  corn  meal  2  cups  peanut  cream 

2  teaspoons  salt  - — 

Put  the  meal  into  a  shallow  pan  and  heat  in  the  oven  until  it 
is  a  delicate  brown,  stirring  frequently.  Make  the  nut  cream  by 
mixing  peanut  butter  with  cold  water  and  heating.  It  should  be 
the  consistency  of  thick  cream.  While  the  nut  cream  is  hot,  stir 
in  the  corn  meal,  which  should  also  be  hot.  Beat  thoroly.  The 
mixture  should  be  of  such  consistency  that  it  can  be  dropped  from 
a  spoon.     Bake  in  small  cakes  on  a  greased  pan. 

If  preferred,  these  biscuits  may  be  made  with  cream  or  with 
butter  in  place  of  peanut  cream,  and  chopped  raisins  may  be  added, 
one  cup  being  the  allowance  for  the  quantities  given  above. 

DELICATE  INDIAN  PUDDING 

1  pint   sweet   milk  4  tablespoons  sugar 

2  tablespoons  butter  2  large  tablespoonfuls   corn 

3  eggs  meal 

Salt 


6  Extension  Circular  No.  13  [August, 

Boil  milk  and  sift  meal  in  slowly ;  add  butter,  sugar,  and  salt. 
Set  aside  to  cool,  then  add  beaten  eggs.  Put  in  a  baking  pan  and 
cook  for  three-quarters  of  an  hour. 

V  OAT  MEAL  BEEAD  , 

Oat  meal  or  rolled  oats,  passed  thru  a  food  chopper,  may  be 
used  in  the  same  proportion  as  corn  meal.  Cooking  before  adding 
to  dough  mixture  .as  with  corn  meal  is,  however,  not  necessary. 

OAT  MEAL  AND  CORN  MEAL  BREAD 

1%  cups  rolled  oats  3%  cups  flour 

1^/4   cups  corn  meal  2  cups  boiling  water 

y2  cup  brown  sugar  2  teaspoons  salt 

,  •  1  yeast  cake 

Dissolve  the  yeast  cake  in  the  lukewarm  water.  Pour  the  boil- 
ing water  over  the  rolled  oats,  salt,  and  sugar,  and  let  stand  until 
lukewarm  ;  add  the  dissolved  yeast,  corn  meal,  and  flour.  Let  rise 
until  light.  Beat  well,  let  rise  again,  and  put  into  pans.  Bake  when 
light. 

This  combination  of  oat  meal,  corn  meal,  and  wheat  makes  ■; 
l>alatable  and  economical  variation. 

EYE  BREAD 

Another  cereal  which  may  well  be  substituted  for  wheat  in 
breads  is  rye.  When  this  is  used  about  one-half  wheat  and  one- 
half  rye  make  a  good  combination,  as  all  rye  is  likely  to  be  too 
strong  for  American  tastes. 

"OLD  GLORY  BREAD'" 

1  cup  rye  3  cups  whole  wheat  flour 

8  cups  white  flour  4  cups  water 

1  teaspoonful  salt  1  yeast    cake    or    more    ac- 
3  tablespoons   shortening  cording    to    the    length 

(may  be  omitted)  of  time  allowed  for  using 

Add  salt  and  shortening  to  boiling  water.  Cool  to  lukewarm. 
Add  yeast  cake,  dissolved  in  a  little  of  the  cool  water.  Add  flours 
sifted  together  and  knead  until  smooth  and  soft.  Let  rise  in  warm 
room  until  double  its  size.  Knead  and  divide  into  loaves.  Let  rise 
as  before  and  bake  one  hour.  This  recipe  makes  four  medium  sized 
loaves. 

"Old  Glory  Bread"  is  used  much  in  France  at  present. 


^University  of  Vermont,  Agricultural  Extension  Service. 


l!=>17]  War  Bread  Eecipes  7 

The  following  recipes  for  barley  bread  are  recommended  by 
the  University  of  Wisconsin  and  were  published  in  the  Journal  of 
Home  Economics  for  July,  1917. 

rw 

BAELEY  BREAD  I 

4  cups  whole  wheat  flour  1  cup  milk 

2  cups  barley  meal  2  tablespoonfuls  molasses 

1  cup  water  1  teaspoonful  salt 

%  yeast  cake 

Boil  milk  and  water  and  cool ;  add  molasses,  salt,  and  yeast 
mixed  with  a  little  cold  water ;  stir  in  flour  and  barley  meal  which 
have  been  sifted  together.  Knead  to  a  soft  dough,  adding  more 
flour,  if  necessary.  Cover  and  let  rise  until  the  mixture  is  double 
its  bulk.  Knead  a  second  time,  form  into  loaves,  place  in  well 
greased  pans  and  let  rise  a  second  time  until  dough  has  very  nearly 
doubled  its  bulk.  Bake  in  a  hot  oven  from  one-half  to  one  hour, 
depending  upon  size  of  loaves. 

•  •  BARLEY  SPOON  BREAD 

Yi  cup  salt  pork  cut   in   %       1  cup  barley  meal 
inch  cubes  4  cups  boiling  w^ater 

2  or  3  eggs 

'  Cook  salt  pork  in  saucepan  until  slightly  brown,  add  water  and 
M^hen  boiling,  sprinkle  in  barley  meal,  stirring  constantly.  Cook 
in  a  double  boiler  one  hour,  cool,  and  add  well  beaten  eggs.  Turn 
into  a  buttered  dish  and  bake  in  a  moderate  oven  three-fourths  of 
an  hour. 

BARLEY  MUFFINS  

1  cup  whole  wheat  flour  1  egg 

1  cup  barley  meal  IVi  cups  sour  milk 

%  teaspoonful   salt  %  teaspoon  soda 

:  2  teaspoonfuls  baking  pow-  2  tablespoonfuls  beef  drip- 

der  pings  or  lard 

Sift  flour,  barley  meal,  salt,  and  baking  powder.  Dissolve  soda 
in  a  little  cold  water  and  add  to  sour  milk.  Combine  flour  mixturo 
and  sour  milk ;  add  beaten  egg  and  melted  fat.  Bake  in  muffin  pans 
in  a  moderate  oven. 

BARLEY  SCONES 

'  1  cup  whole  wheat  flour  2  tablespoonfuls     lard     or 

1  cup  barley  meal  beef  drippings 

Vi  teaspoonful  salt  %   cup  sour   milk 

1/3  teaspoonful  soda  2  teaspoonfuls  baking  powder 

Sift  flour,  barley  meal,  salt,  and  baking  powder  together  and 
work  in  lard  with  tips  of  fingers  or  two  knives.     Dissolve  soda  in 


3  Extension  Circular  No.  13 

a  little  cold  water  and  add  to  sour  milk.  Combine  flour  mixture 
and  sour  milk  to  form  a  soft  dough.  Turn  out  on  a  well  floured 
board,  knead  slightly,  roll  to  one-half  inch  in  thickness;  cut  in 
diamond  shapes  and  bake  in  a  hot  oven. 

POTATO  BREAD'   (STRAIGHT-DOUGH  METHOD) 

The  following  recipe  for  potato  bread  has  been  so  made  as  to 
use  a  large  amount  of  potato  as  compared  with  flour.  Excellent 
bread  can  be  made  with  less  potato.  In  making  recipes  it  should 
be  remembered  that  a  pound  of  mashed  potato  contains  about  one 
and  one-fourth  cupfuls  of  water  and  starch  and  other  substances 
about  equivalent  for  the  purpose  to  those  in  one  cupful  of  wheat 
flour. 

3  pounds  boiled  and  peeled  II/2  level  tablespoons  salt 
potatoes  (equivalent  to  3  level  tablespoons  sugar 
about  3%  pounds  water  2  cakes  compressed  yeast 
and  3  cups  flour)  4  tablespoons  ^^ater 

214  pounds  bread  flour 

Clean  thoroly  and  boil,  without  paring,  twelve  potatoes  of  me- 
dium size,  allowing  them  to  become  very  soft.  Pour  off  the  water, 
peel  and  mash  the  potatoes  while  hot,  being  careful  to  leave  no 
lumps.  Take  three  pounds,  or  five  solidly  packed  half-pint  cupfuls 
of  mashed  potato,  and  when  at  the  temperature  of  lukewarm  water 
add  to  it  the  yeast,  rubbed  smooth  with  three  tablespoonfuls  of 
lukewarm  water.  Rinse  the  cup  in  which  the  yeast  was  mixed  with 
another  tablespoonfui  of  water  and  add  to  the  potato.  Next  add  the 
salt,  the  sugar,  and  about  four  ounces  of  the  flour,  or  one  scant  half 
pint  of  sifted  flour.  Mix  thoroly  with  the  hand,  but  do  not  add  any 
more  water  at  this  stage.  Let  this  mixture  rise  until  it  has  become 
very  light,  which  should  take  about  two  hours  if  the  sponge  is  at 
a  temperature  of  about  86°  F.  To  this  well-risen  sponge,  which  will 
not  be  found  to  be  very  soft,  add  the  remainder  of  the  flour,  knead- 
ing thoroly  until  a  smooth  and  elastic  dough  has  been  formed.  The 
dough  must  be  very  stiff,  since  the  boiled  potato  contains  a  large 
amount  of  water,  which  causes  the  dough  to  soften  as  it  ferments. 
Therefore,  add  no  more  water  to  the  dough  unless  it  is  absolutely 
necessary.  Set  back  to  rise  until  it  has  trebled  in  volume,  which 
will  require  another  hour  or  two.  Divide  the  dough  into  four  parts, 
mold  them  separately,  and  place  in  greased  pans  which  have  been 
warmed  slightly.  Allow  the  loaves  to  rise  until  they  have  doubled 
in  volume  and  bake  forty-five  minutes  at  a  temperature  of  400°  to 
425°  F.     This  recipe  makes  four  one-pound  loaves. 


'Caroline  L.  Hunt  and  Hannali  Jj.  Wessling,  "Bread  and  Bread  Making  in 
the  Home,"  Farmers'  Bui.  807,  U.  S.  Dept.  of  Agr. 


January,  1918  Extension  Circular  No.  16 

UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS 
COLLEGE   OF  AGRICULTURE 

Extension  Service  in  Agriculture  and  Home  Economics 

IN  COOPERATION  WITH  THE  UNITED  STATES  DEPARTMENT  OF  AGRICULTURE 
W.  F.  HANDSCHIN,  VICE-DIRECTOR 

Urban  A,  Illinois 

THE  WINTER  FEEDING  OF  IDLE  FARM 
;  HORSES 

By  J.  L.  EDMONDS* 

Economy  in  wintering  idle  farm  horses,  like  many  other  good 
practices,  may  easily  be  overdone.  Many  hundreds  of  horses  in  the 
corn  belt  are  fed  and  cared  for  each  winter  so  poorly  as  to  leave 
them  entirely  unfit  for  hard  work  when  spring  comes.  In  fact,  the 
poor  care  given  often  weakens  them  so  as  to  lower  their  resistance 
and  cause  unnecessary  losses  from  disease  during  the  winter  or  when 
they  go  into  hard  work  in  the  spring. 

It  will  be  especially  important  in  the  spring  of  1918  to  see  that 
every  needed  farm  horse  is  in  prime  condition  to  do  good  service  in 
the  collar.  This  is  necessary  in  order  to  get  the  largest  possible  re- 
turn in  work  performed  out  of  the  man  labor  available,  which  will, 
without  doubt,  be  the  most  important  limiting  factor  in  determining 
the  size  of  the  1918  crop. 

Three  Things  are  Necessary  in  the  wintering  of  work  horses 
satisfactorily:  sufficient  exercise,  proper  shelter,  and  the  right 
amount  of  well-selected  feed.  Naturally,  in  their  efforts  to  provide 
these,  some  horse  owners  may  use  more  high-priced  feed  or  spend 
more  on  care  and  shelter  than  is  needed  for  best  results.  Except  in 
the  case  of  growing  animals  and  breeding  stock,  which  require  the 
food  materials  needed  for  growth  of  bone  and  muscle,  idle  horses  can 
be  satisfactorily  carried  thru  the  winter  to  a  large  extent  on  such 
coarse  roughages  as  oat  straw,  corn  stover,  sorghum  hay,  and  simi- 
lar feeds.     These  feeds  are  commonly  spoken  of  as  carbonaceous 

*Assistant   Professor   cf    Horse   Husbandry. 


2  The  Winter  Feeding  of  Idle  Faem  Horses  [January, 

roughages.    They  furnish  mainly  heat  and  relatively  little  bone  and 
muscle-forming  material. 

Stalk  Fields  Not  Adequate. — In  some  years  stalk  fields  furnish  a 
considerable  amount  of  fairly  satisfactory  feed.  It  is  a  mistake, 
however,  to  assume  that  they  will  furnish  adequate  feed  and  shelter 
for  an  idle  horse.  The  exercise  and  fresh  air  may  be  beneficial  to 
the  horses,  but  often  the  value  of  the  feed  obtained,  especially  late 
in  the  season,  when  the  ground  is  likely  to  be  soft,  is  more  than 
offset  by  the  damage  done  to  the  field  by  the  tramping  of  the  animals. 

Feed  Legume  Hay. — To  keep  the  work  horse  in  good,  healthy 
condition  it  is  advisable  when  possible  to  give  one  feed  a  day  of 
legume  hay,  such  as  clover,  coarse  alfalfa,  sweet  clover,  or  soybean 
or  cowpea  hay  where  these  are  grown.  It  is  good  practice  to  give 
this  feed  in  the  evening,  allowing  free  access  to  the  straw  or  other 
roughage  during  the  day.  If  no  such  legume  hay  is  supplied,  at 
least  a  small  amount  of  grain  must  be  fed  if  the  carbonaceous  rough- 
ages mentioned  are  to  be  used  to  good  advantage  and  the  animals 
kept  in  good,  healthy  condition.  Ear  corn  and  oats  are  the  standard 
grains  for  mature  horses,  oats  being  preferable  especially  for  horses, 
being  carried  largely  on  the  rough  carbonaceous  feeds  mentioned. 

Avoid  Damaged  Corn. — The  large  crop  of  oats  produced  in  1917 
makes  it  possible  to  use  this  grain  rather  largely  in  our  horse-feed- 
ing operations.  The  large  amount  of  soft  corn  makes  it  safe  to 
assume  that  much  of  it  will  be  moldy  or  otherwise  damaged.  Special 
attention  should  be  given  to  avoiding  such  corn  in  feeding  horses, 
since  horses  are  especially  susceptible  to  sickness  and  poisoning  from 
these  sources,  many  dying  each  year  from  this  source  of  poisoning. 
If  damaged  corn  must  be  fed,  the  danger  is  lessened  if  it  can  be  fed 
mixed  with  oats  or  oats  and  bran.  r 

Little  Grain  Needed  with  Good  Ronghag-e. — In  general,  the 
amount  of  grain  required  to  keep  an  idle  horse  in  good  condition 
during  the  winter  will  depend  to  a  great  extent  upon  the  kind  and 
quality  of  roughage  fed.  If  some  good  legume  hay  is  used,  little, 
if  any,  grain  is  needed,  since  such  hay  helps  to  supply  all  of  the  food 
materials  needed  and  also  to  keep  the  bowels  in  good  condition.  The 
general  condition  of  the  horse  as  to  flesh  and  general  thrift  must  be 
the  best  guide  to  the  feeder  in  selecting  the  ration. 

Use  Bran  Mashes. — One  or  two  bran  mashes  a  week  for  the  horse 
that  is  being  wintered  largely  on  coarse  carbonaceous  feed  is  good, 
cheap  health  insurance.  For  winter  feeding  the  mash  may  be  made 
by  mixing  three  to  four  pounds  of  dry  bran  with  hot  water  and 
allowing  it  to  cool  to  feeding  temperature  in  a  covered  pail.     Bran 


1918]  Extension  Circular  No.  16  3 

mashes  help  to  prevent  much  sickness  and  death  due  to  impaction 
of  the  digestive  organs,  ''straw  colic,"  and  similar  troubles.  A 
handful  or  two  of  oil  meal  a  day  may  take  the  place  of  the  bran 
mashes,  and  will  help  to  keep  the  bowels  properly  regulated.  Bran 
mash  or  oil  meal  fed  as  recommended  is  one  of  the  best  remedies  that 
can  be  used  by  those  in  search  of  a  good  conditioner  for  their  horses ; 
and  it  is  much  cheaper  than  the  condition  powder  and  medicated 
stock  foods  often  used  to  improve  the  general  thrift  of  the  horse 
being  wintered  on  rough  feed. 

Succulent  Feeds,  such  as  roots  and  corn  silage,  have  not  been 
used  in  this  country  to  any  great  extent  for  horse  feeding.  Of  the 
root  crops,  carrots  are  considered  best  for  horses.  Altho  low  in  food 
value,  when  compared  with  grains,  they  have  a  high  value  as  con- 
ditioners. The  serious  objection  to  their  extended  use  is  the  large 
amount  of  hand  labor  required  in  their  production.  Careful  feeders 
have  secured  good  results  in  feeding  moderate  amounts  of  good  corn 
silage  to  horses  that  are  being  carried  thru  the  winter.  Such  silage 
should  be  made  from  well-matured  corn,  put  up  in  a  good  air-tight 
silo,  with  enough  moisture  to  insure  its  being  packed  solid  and  ex- 
cluding all  air.  If  the  corn  is  fairly  dry  when  put  into  the  silo, 
enough  water  should  be  added  to  insure  its  packing  solid.  Ten  to 
fifteen  pounds  of  good  silage  fed  in  connection  with  legume  hay  or 
carbonaceous  roughage  will  usually  give  fairly  satisfactory  results. 
The  greatest  care  must  be  exercised  in  feeding  silage  to  horses,  how- 
ever, as  any  mold  either  in  the  silo  or  in  the  feed  troughs  is  almost 
sure  to  cause  trouble,  and  frequently  death.  Naturally,  more  risk 
may  be  taken  with  cheap  horses  than  with  high-class,  valuable  ones. 

Exercise  is  necessary  to  good  health.  Probably  the  best  place  to 
provide  this  is  a  blue-grass  pasture  which  has  been  allowed  to  grow 
up  somewhat  during  summer  and  fall,  where  not  only  exercise  may 
be  had,  but  considerable  good  picking  as  well.  Small  lots  and  straw 
yards,  unless  used  in  connection  with  a  larger  area,  are  not  satis- 
factory because  horses  do  not  move  about  enough.  In  some  instances, 
stacks,  yards,  and  protected  wood  lots  furnish  sufficient  shelter.  Un- 
der most  conditions,  however,  it  is  more  satisfactory  to  get  up  the 
horses  in  the  evening  and  give  them  some  feed  and  a  dry  bed  in  the 
barn. 

Other  Items  of  Good  Care. — A  few  other  items  of  good  care 
should  not  be  neglected.  Digestive  troubles  are  sometimes  caused 
by  bad  teeth.  Experience  shows  the  importance  of  having  the  horses' 
teeth  gone  over  once  a  year  by  a  competent  veterinarian.  This  ap- 
plies particularly  to  horses  with  some  age.  Feet  should  be  care- 
fully leveled  with  a  hoof  rasp  once  a  month.    The  edge  of  the  wall 


4  The  Winter  Feeding  of  Idle  Takm  Hokses 

should  be  rounded  somewhat  to  prevent  its  chipping  or  breaking  off 
irregularly. 

Good,  clean  drinking  water  should  be  supplied  liberally.  In  cold 
weather  a  tank  heater  should  be  used  to  keep  the  water  trough  free 
from  ice.  Salt  should  also  be  provided,  either  thru  free  access  or 
regular  salting  once  a  week  or  oftener. 

Every  Gain  in  Horse  Power  Will  Mean  a  Saving  of  Man  Labor. — 

It  is  neither  economical  nor  wise  to  starve  the  horse  thru  the  winter 
by  giving  either  too  little  feed  or  poorly  selected  feed.  He  cannot 
do  full  work  in  this  condition  even  tho  he  is  given  enough  good  feed 
when  he  goes  to  hard  work  in  the  spring.  Most  farmers  have  suffi- 
cient time  to  give  their  idle  work  horses  every  necessary  attention 
during  the  winter,  and  it  will  be  of  the  greatest  importance  in  the 
spring  of  1918  to  have  every  farm  horse  in  prime  condition  to  do  a 
real  horse's  work. 


UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS 

Agricultural  Experiment  Station 

URBANA,   ILLINOIS,  JULY,   1918 


CIRCULAR  No.  225 


SELECTION  AND  STORAGE  OF  SEED  CORN 


By  W.  L.  burl  1  son  and  E.  A.  WHITE 


No  Time  is  Wasted  When  a  Hoop  is  Placed  ix  the  Top  of  the  Sack  Used 

FOR  Gathering  Seed 


Fig.  1. — This  is  a  Good  Type  to  Keep  in  Mind  When  Selecting  Seed  Corn 


SELECTION  AND  STORAGE  OF  SEED  CORN 

By  W.  L.  Bublisox,  Associate  Chief  ix  Crop  Production,  and 
E.  A.  White,  Assistant  Professor  in  Farm  Mechanics 

Illinois  has  passed  thru  a  scGd-corii  crisis.  The  seed-corn  situa- 
tion for  1918  will  be  recorded  as  the  most  serious  in  the  history  of 
corn-growing  America. 

The  northern  part  of  Illinois  produced  practically  no  seed  corn. 
Central  Illinois  saved  a  small  amount  of  good  seed,  but  not  even 
enough  for  its  own  use.  Great  quantities  of  corn  had  to  be  moved 
from  southern  counties  of  the  state  and  many  nearby  sections  of  Indi- 
ana and  Missouri,  in  order  to  supply  the  demand  created  by  the  lack 
of  seed  corn  in  northern  Illinois.  This  meant  that  seed  grown  in  lo- 
calities with  rather  long  seasons  had  to  be  used  in  localities  of  shorter 
seasons.  All  this  contains  an  element  of  danger,  and  in  order  to 
eliminate  so  far  as  possible  late  maturing  seed  for  the  1919  planting, 
strong  emphasis  must  be  placed  on  the  early  selection  of  a  full  supply 
of  seed  this  fall. 

If  the  supply  is  to  be  sufficient  for  next  year,  two  facts  are  to  be 
kept  clearly  in  mind : 

1.  Seed  corn  must  be  selected  early,  and  from  the  field. 

2.  It  must  be  properly  stored. 

WHEN  AND  HOW  TO  SELECT  SEED  CORN 

Select  seed  corn  before  the  first  killing  frost.  For  the  extreme 
northern  part  of  the  state,  October  12  is  the  average  date  for  the  first 
killing  frost ;  for  the  central-northern,  October  15 ;  for  the  central, 
October  16 ;  for  the  central-southern,  October  20 ;  and  for  the  extreme 
southern,  October  24.  However,  general  killing  frosts  sometimes  oc- 
cur three  weeks  earlier  than  these  dates,  so  that  seed-corn  week  should 
begin  September  15  for  northern  Illinois,  September  20  for  the  central 
district,  and  September  25  for  the  southern  third  of  the  state.  Let 
ea>ch  community  proclaim  a  "seed-corn  iveek"  to  begin  ivitli  the  date 
mentioned  for  the  district. 

If  corn  is  allowed  to  remain  in  the  field  during  cold,  moist  weather, 
the  germination  and  vitality  will  be  greatly  diminished,  if  not  entirely 
lost.  The  moisture  content  of  corn  is  often  30  percent  or  more  when 
the  seed  is  ready  to  pick.  If  freezing  weather  catches  the  seed  ears 
when  they  contain  a  relatively  high  percentage  of  water,  the  corn  is 
likely  to  be  of  no  value  for  seed  purposes. 


Circular  No.  225 


[Juhj, 


Fig. 


-Why  Not  Have  a   Seed-Corx  Week  for  Each  of  These  Districts? 


1918] 


Selection   and  Storage  of   Seed  Corn 


The  following  points  should  be  observed  in  selecting  seed  corn 
from  the  field : 

T 

1.  Ears  of  niedinm  size  only  should  be  ehoscB. 

2.  The  grains  should  be  well  dented   (corn  will  make  satisfactory  seed  as 

soon  as  the  grains  are  well  dented). 

3.  The  ears  should  be  of  good  shape,  but  early  maturity  must  not  be  sacri- 

ficed for  fancy  points. 

4.  Ears  should  be  chosen  which  hang  down,  because  they  shed  water. 

5.  The  shank  should  be  of  medium  length  and  diameter. 

6.  There  should  be  two  good  stalks  in  the  hill  from  which  a  seed  ear  is  taken. 

Let  the  state  have  a  seed-corn  reserve.  Select  sufficient  seed  for 
two  years.  This  will  not  cost  much  as  compared  to  what  it  might 
mean  to  Illinois.  It  is  a  standard  insurance  against  the  recurrence 
of  the  near  disaster  of  1917-1918. 


Fig.  3. — The  Ear  on  This  Stalk  has  the  Eight  Angle 


Circular  No.  225 


[July, 


Moisture  Content  and  Germination  of  Corn  Harvested  at  Various  Dates 

During  Fall  and  Winter  of  1917-1918 

From  Nebraska  Experiment  Station  Bulletin   163 


Condition  of  corn  at  time 
,    of  first  frost,  October  8 


Shocked  corn : 

1.  Fairly  well  matured,   ears 

solid  

Corn  standing  in  field: 

2.  Fairly   well  matured,   ears 

solid    

3.  Somewhat     rubbery,     ears 

twist    

4.  Very    rubbery,    grain    me 

dium  soft 

5.  Grain  very  soft . 

Late  dough  stage 

Milk  stage    


6. 


Minimum   temperature,   degrees 
F 


Moisture  and  germination  of  corn 
gathered  on — 


October  8^ 


Mois- 
ture 


percent 


30 


35 


43 
47 
50 
63 


Germin- 
ation 


■percent 

98 

98 

94 

92 
92 

82 
44 


24 


November  19 


Mois- 
ture 


percent 
17 

17 

21 

26 
27 
34 
36 


Germin- 
ation 


percent 


83 
56 

34 

14 

10 

1 


17 


January  17 


Mois- 
ture 


percent 


14 


Germin- 
ation 


percent 


14 
17 


19 

22 


61 

20 
6 
0 
0 


-21 


^The  first  selection  was  made  after  the  first 
the  early  morning  of  October  8. 


killing  frost  which  occurred  in 


It  will  be  noticed  from  the  accompanying  table  that  the  germina- 
tion test  of  the  corn  gathered  early  was  satisfactory  in  every  case  ex- 
cept when  gathered  in  the  milk  stage.  The  moisture  content,  however, 
of  corn  gathered  early  is  high,  and  this  necessitates  care  in  handling 
the  seed  ears.  Additional  data  in  the  Nebraska  bulletin  from  which 
the  above  figures  are  taken  show  that  in  nearly  every  case  seed  selected 
after  October  8  fell  in  germination  test. 


WIS]  Selection  and  Storage  of   Seed  Corn  7 

STORAGE  OF  SEED 

The  chief  problems  in  storing  seed  corn  are  to  provide  a  means 
whereby  the  moistnre  content  can  be  reduced  to  such  a  point  that 
the  germ  is  not  injured  by  freezing,  and  then  to  maintain  this  con- 
dition until  planting  time.  The  minor  j^roblcms  are  to  afford  pro- 
tection against  the  ravages  of  vermin,  to  reduce  the  work  of  storage, 
and  to  have  the  ears  so  placed  that  they  are  accessible  when  the  ger- 
mination test  is  made. 

The  two  prime  necessities  for  successful  seed  storage  are  ventila- 
tion and  heat.  Ventilation  provides  a  means  for  removing  the  excess 
moisture.  Heat  prevents  freezing  and  hastens  the  drying  process. 
In  many  years  proper  ventilation  is  all  that  is  required.  However, 
some  artificial  means  for  heating  should  be  provided  in  case  it  is 
needed.  Kiln-dried  corn  possesses  strong  germination  usually.  The 
seed  ears  should  be  dried  in  a  room  having  a  temperature  not  above 
110  degrees.  Corn  containing  less  than  14  percent  of  moisture  is  not 
easily  injured  by  cold  weather,  but  seed  containing  more  moisture 
should  not  be  exposed  to  freezing  temperature. 

The  Wisconsin  Experiment  Station  has  reported  some  very  defi- 
nite facts  in  this  connection.  In  tests  by  that  station  corn  kept  in  a 
warm,  dry  room  or  attic,  gave  a  germination  test  of  98  to  100  percent ; 
corn  Avell  dried  before  freezing  germinated  as  well ;  when  the  seed  was 
left  in  the  shock  or  in  the  open  crib  during  the  wanter  months,  the 
germination  and  vitality  were  so  low  that  the  product  was  unfit  for 
seed. 

A  large  amount  of  the  trouble  experienced  with  seed  corn  in 
1917-18  could  have  been  prevented  by  heating  the  storage  rooms,  if 
no  more  than  just  enough  to  prevent  freezing.  The  protection  against 
vermin  can  generally  be  secured  by  using  a  form  of  construction  which 
offers  no  harbors  for  mice  and  rats ;  or,  if  this  is  not  sufficient,  wire 
netting  can  be  used  to  line  the  seed  room.  The  presence  of  cats  also 
helps  to  reduce  this  trouble. 

Seed  corn  should  never  be  stored  in  sacks,  piles,  or  even  by 
placing  one  row  of  ears  immediately  on  top  of  another.  The  individual- 
ear  method  of  storage  is  the  only  safe  one  to  use,  at  least  until  the 
moisture  content  has  been  reduced  to  18  percent  or  lower.  This 
method  of  storage  facilitates  ventilation,  which  hastens  the  drying 
process,  tends  to  prevent  molding,  and  lessens  the  trouble  caused  by 
mice  and  rats. 

Systems  of  Storage 

There  are  several  systems  that  have  given  excellent  satisfaction 
for  the  individual-ear  method  of  storage.  No  matter  what  method  is 
used,  seed  corn  should  be  stored  at  least  one  foot  off  the  floor,  and  for 
convenience  it  should  not  be  placed  over  seven  feet  above  the  floor. 


Circular  No.  225 


[Juty, 


Fig.  4. — Lath  Rack  System,  a  Favorite  Method  of  Storage 
The  ears  need  not  be  removed  until  after  the  germination  test. 


Latli-Rack  Systejn.—The  lath-rack  system  is  shown  in  Fig.  4. 
By  placing  two  sets  of  racks  side  by  side  and  leaving  an  alley  between 
the  rows  of  racks,  every  seed  ear  wdll  be  accessible.  There  should  be 
a  space  of  at  least  three  inches  between  the  laths.  The  ends  of  the 
racks  should  be  at  least  lx6-inch  lumber;  the  footings  2x6-inch  lumber, 
2  feet  long.  If  desired,  these  racks  may  be  built  as  part  of  the  seed 
house,  in  which  case  the  footings  would  not  be  required. 


1^18] 


Selection   and   Storage  of   Seed  Corn 


Fig.  5. — Xail  System 


Fig.  6. — Post  System 


Nail  System. — The  nail  system  is  shown  in  Fig.  5.  Two  rows 
of  ten-penny  nails,  three  inches  apart,  are  driven  from  each  side  of  a 
lx4-inch  piece  of  lumber,  so  that  they  will  make  an  angle  45  degrees 
from  vertical.  The  nails  are  four  inches  apart  in  the  vertical  direc- 
tion. The  lx4-inch  pieces  are  placed  six  inches  center  to  center.  The 
rows  of  racks  are  placed  four  feet  apart,  which  allows  for  alleys. 


10 


Circular  No.  225 


[July, 


Post  System. — In  the  post  system  (Fig.  6),  nails  from  which  the 
heads  have  been  cut  are  driven  into  a  post,  with  the  same  spacing  as 
used  in  the  nail  system.  Whenever  the  posts  are  available,  this 
method  is  very  satisfactory ;  otherwise  it  is  not  to  be  recommended. 


Fig.  7. — Twine  System.     Oxe  op  the  Commox  Methods  of  Haxging  Seed  Ears 

By  this  plan  large  quantities  of  corn  can  be  stored  in  a  limited  Fpaee.     The 
ears  are  held  firmly  in  place. 

Twine  Systeyn. — The  twine  system  (Fig.  7)  requires  about  one- 
fourth  pound  of  bundle  twine  per  bushel.  The  units  can  be  sus- 
pended from  the  rafters  or  from  especially  constructed  racks.  When 
this  system  is  used,  the  seed  room  can  be  filled  from  the  back  forward, 
leaving  no  aisles. 


1918] 


Selection   axd  Storage  of   Seed   Corn 


11 


f^ 


^ 


12 


Circular  No.  225 


[July, 


Wire-Prong  System. — The  wire-prong  system  (Fig.  8)  is  com- 
parable in  every  respect  with  the  twine  system,  except  for  the  different 
method  of  holding  the  ears.  No.  9  wire,  woven  or  electric-weld,  may 
be  used.  The  patent-prong  hanger  (Fig.  9)  can  be  purchased  on  the 
open  market. 


Fig.  10. — Wire  Eack  tor  Storing  Seed  Corn 

Wire-Rack  System. — The  wire-rack  system  (Fig.  10)  has  been  de 
veloped  commercially.  Each  rack  holds  100  ears.  The  seed  room 
can  be  filled  with  these  racks,  or  alleys  may  be  left,  as  desired. 


Space  Required  for  Storage 

If  alleys  are  left  in  the  storage  room,  making  every  ear  accessible, 
approximately  20  cubic  feet  of  space  is  required  for  each  100  ears 
stored;  if  no  alleys  are  left,  approximately  12  cubic  feet  of  space  is 
required.  (About  80  to  100  ears  make  a  bushel.)  Alleys  are  neces- 
sary if  the  rack,  lath,  nail,  or  post  system  is  used.  The  twine,  prong, 
or  wire-rack  system  can  be  used  with  or  without  alleys,  as  desired. 


1918]  Selection  and  Storage  of   Seed   Corn  13 

SEED  HOUSES 

The  very  common  practice  of  hanging  seed  ears  in  corn  cribs  or 
other  open  buildings  may  secure  excellent  ventilation,  but  it  offers  no 
protection  against  freezing.  In  order  to  insure  a  supply  of  seed  in 
adverse  seasons,  this  method  of  storage  should  be  discontinued.  It  is 
economical  but  not  safe.  Under  certain  conditions  seed  corn  may  be 
stored  in  a  dry  basement,  but  this  practice  should  not  be  encouraged 
unless  the  ventilation  is  good.  Frequently  the  ventilation  of  a  base- 
ment is  very  poor  and  the  relative  humidity  of  the  air  high,  aft'ording 
excellent  conditions  for  the  growth  of  mold.  There  is  probably  no 
better  place  in  which  to  store  seed  corn  than  in  a  well  ventilated  room 
in  the  house,  provided  this  room  can  be  heated.  This  reduces  the 
danger  of  freezing  to  a  minimum.  There  are  decided  objections,  how^- 
ever,  to  the  litter  w^hich  is  certain  to  result  when  corn  is  brought 
into  a  dwelling-house.  The  safest  and  most  desirable  arrangement  is 
to  have  a  house  built  especially  for  storing  seed  corn. 

In  designing  a  seed-corn  house,  especial  attention  must  be  given 
to  the  problems  of  ventilation  and  heating.  Just  so  far  as  possible, 
advantage  should  be  taken  of  natural  conditions  for  providing  venti- 
lation. The  heating  of  the  house  will  have  to  be  provided  for  by 
artificial  means.  From  the  standpoint  of  economy  it  is  desirable  to 
combine  the  storage  room  wath  some  other  building,  as  the  same 
foundation  and  roof  will  then  serve  two  purposes.  The  most  desirable 
combination  to  make  will,  of  course,  depend  upon  local  conditions. 
Work  such  as  washing  or  butchering,  requiring  the  use  of  hot  water, 
should  not  be  done  in  such  a  house  if  the  steam  produced  passes  into 
the  place  used  for  keeping  seed  corn. 

Fig.  11  illustrates  a  combined  garage  and  seed  house  constructed 
of  wood.  This  building  is  16x22  feet.  On  the  first  floor  there  is 
I'oom  for  an  automobile,  *a  work  bench,  and  a  stove.  By  installing 
double  doors  and  putting  the  work  bench  under  the  stairway,  this 
building  can  be  used  to  house  two  automobiles.  The  second  story  will 
hold  from  45  to  90  bushels  of  seed  corn,  depending  upon  the  system  of 
storage  wdiich  is  used.  Ventilation  can  be  secured  by  opening  the 
second-story  doors.  In  cold  weather  these  doors  are  closed  and  the 
building  heated  from  a  fire  in  the  stove.  The  heat  passes  from  the 
first  to  the  second  story  thru  openings  around  the  inside  of  the  walls. 

Fig.  12  illustrates  a  combined  garage  and  seed  house  the  same 
size  as  the  one  described  above  but  constructed  of  clay  blocks  with  a 
stucco  exterior.  Brick  may  be  used  in  place  of  the  clay  blocks  and 
stucco,  if  desired.  If  the  first  floor  of  such  a  building  is  not  needed 
for  a  garage,  it  would  make  an  excellent  work  shop  where  a  forge 

Note. — The  buildings  illustrated  by  Figs.  11,  12,  and  13  have  been  designed 
by  Mr.  C.  W.  Billiard,  architect,  of  the  University  of  Illinois, 


14 


Circular  No.  225 


[July, 


1918] 


(Selection  and  Storage  of   Seed  Coen 


15 


Fig.  -12.— Combined    Garage    and    Seed-Corn    House.      Clay    Block;    Stucco 

Exterior 


//i 


Fig.   13.— Combined  Farm   Shop,  Garage,  and   Seed-Storage  House.     Wooden 

Construction 


16  Circular  iSTo.  225 

could  be  installed.  In  cold  weather  a  fire  could  be  started  in  the  stove, 
which  would  make  the  shop  a  very  comfortable  place  in  which  to 
repair  machinery. 

If  a  large  seed  house  is  desired,  the  building  illustrated  in  Fig.  13 
can  be  used.  This  building  is  24x46  feet,  giving  room  on  the  ground 
floor  for  a  garage,  shop,  and  seed  cleaning  and  grinding  room.  The 
second  floor  will  hold  from  150  to  300  bushels  of  seed  corn  and  1,500 
bushels  of  small  grain.  The  six  bins  are  located  in  the  taller  part  of 
the  building,  and  an  inside  cup  elevator  is  necessary  to  flll  them.  A 
gasoline  motor  is  necessary  to  generate  the  power  required  to  operate 
the  machinery  in  this  building.  By  the  use  of  slides  and  an  elevator 
the  grain  in  the  bins  can  be  cleaned  or  ground  and  delivered  to  a 
wagon  outside  the  building  with  no  hand  work,  everything  being  done 
by  machinery.     Two  stoves  are  provided  for  heating  the  building. 

Working  drawings  for  these  buildings  will  be  furnished  upon  re- 
quest. Address  the  Division  of  Farm  Mechanics,  College  of  Agricul- 
ture, Urbana,  Illinois.  The  drawings  should  be  ordered  by  series  •and 
number  according  to  the  following : 

Series  A     No.   1     Garage  and  seed  house,  wooden  construction 

Series  A     No.  2     Garage  and  seed  house,  clay  block  and  stucco  construction 

Series  A     No.  3     Garage,  shop,  and  seed  house,  wooden  construction 


UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS 


Agricultural  Experiment  Station 


CIRCULAR  No.  215 


THE  WAR  GARDEN  HOTBED 


By  C.  E.  DUEST 


URBANA,  ILLINOIS,  MARCH,  1918 


THE  WAR  GARDEN  HOTBED 

I  I  By  C.  E.  durst,  Assistant  Chief  in  Olericulture 

In  order  to  grow  some  vegetables  successfully  in  our  climate,  the 
plants  must  be  started  under  glass.  Head  lettuce,  early  cabbage,  and 
cauliflower,  for  instance,  require  such  a  long  season  of  cool  weather 
that  they  could  seldom  be  matured  properly  in  this  section  if  we 
waited  to  plant  the  seeds  in  the  open.  In  other  words,  we  must  fur- 
nish them  a  longer  period  of  cool  weather  than  our  climate  ordi- 
narily affords,  by  planting  the  seeds  under  glass.  On  the  other  hand, 
sweet  potatoes  and  eggplants  require  such  a  long  season  of  warm 
weather  to  complete  their  growth  that  we  could  not  grow  these  crops 
in  Illinois  at  all  if  we  did  not  give  them  a  good  start  under  protection. 
Again,  the  earlier  we  bring  tomatoes  into  bearing,  the  larger  crops 
we  secure,  for  on  good  soil  and  with  a  suitable  variety,  fruit  is  borne 
continuously  after  bearing  begins  until  the  plants  are  destroyed  by 
frost.  Even  if  none  of  the  above  circumstances  applied  to  our  cli- 
mate, the  starting  of  many  vegetables  under  glass  would  be  justified 
by  the  greater  earliness  of  the  products  thus  obtained. 

The  best  conditions  for  growing  plants  are  furnished  by  green- 
houses, but  these  are  expensive  to  build  and  to  operate,  and  most 
home  gardeners  will  find  it  preferable  to  use  a  hotbed.  The  expense 
of  a  small  hotbed,  distributed  over  its  lifetime,  will  probably  not 
exceed  one  dollar  per  season.  If  the  initial  cost  is  too  great  for  one 
family,  two  or  more  may  cooperate  in  the  expense  and  management. 

LOCATION 

A  hotbed  should  be  located  in  a  well-drained  spot  protected  on 
the  north  by  a  building  or  a  tight  fence.  On  level  land,  the  desired 
drainage  and  exposure  may  usually  be  obtained  by  plowing  or  dig- 
ging so  as  to  leave  a  good  slope  to  the  south,  and  by  opening  a  fur- 
row or  trench  to  lead  surplus  water  away. 

KINDS  OF  HOTBEDS 

Hotbeds  are  always  provided  with  some  form  of  artificial  heat. 
There  are  three  kinds,  depending  on  how  the  heat  is  furnished.  The 
fire  hotbed^  is  heated  from  an  open  fire  pit  at  one  end,  the  smoke 
and  gases  being  led  thru  flues  extending  beneath.  The  pipe-heated 
hotbed  is  heated  by  hot-water  or  steam  pipes  placed  under,  or  around 
the  edges,  of  the  bed.  The  manure  hotbed  is  heated  by  fermenting 
horse  manure  placed  beneath  the  surface.  ' 


^Directions  for  building  a  fire  hotbed  are  given  in  Bulletin  144  of  this  station. 


The  Wak  Garden  Hotbed  3 

The  manure  hotbed  is  the  most  practicable  for  home  gardens,  and 
is  the  only  type  which  will  be  discussed  here.  There  are  two  kinds, 
the  surface  and  the  pit  hotbed.  The  pit  hotbed  is  sunk  partly  be- 
low the  surface,  while  the  surface  hotbed  is  built  entirely  above  the 
ground. 

HOW  TO  CONSTRUCT  A  PIT  HOTBED 

Unless  the  location  is  poorly  drained,  the  pit  hotbed  will  be 
found  most  satisfactory.  It  is  harder  to  make  than  a  surface  bed, 
but  it  is  warmer,  it  requires  less  manure,  and  it  is  adapted  for  much 
colder  weather. 

Thawing  Out  tlie  Soil. — The  site  for  a  pit  hotbed  should  be  cov- 
ered with  18  to  24  inches  of  fresh  horse  manure  some  time  during 
January  in  order  to  thaw  out  the  ground  in  time  for  digging.  There 
should  be  no  snow  or  ice  on  the  surface  when  this  is  applied,  other- 
wise thawing  may  be  greatly  delayed.  The  same  manure  may  be 
used  for  this  purpose  that  will  later  be  placed  in  the  pit. 

Tyi^e  of  Construction. — The  war  garden  hotbed,  in  order  to  be 
in  keeping  with  the  national  policy  of  conservation,  should  be  eco- 
nomical of  constructional  materials.  Fig.  1  shows  a  cross-section  of  a 
hotbed  that  not  only  meets  these  requirements  but  is  of  the  greatest 
efficiency  as  well.  Instead  of  having  plank,  brick,  or  concrete  walls 
that  extend  all  the  way  to  the  bottom  of  the  pit,  this  bed  has  a  frame 
at  the  top  only,  which  is  supported  on  bricks  or  stakes.  This  plan 
of  construction  not  only  economizes  material  to  the  utmost,  but  per- 
mits a  pit  that  extends  out  5  or  6  inches  farther  on  all  sides  than 
the  frame ;  thus  the  edges  of  the  bed  are  kept  practically  as  warm 
as  the  center.  Furthermore,  this  kind  of  frame  can  be  raised  with- 
out difficulty  when  the  plants  become  large.  It  can  be  taken  apart 
at  the  close  of  the  season  and  the  lumber  stored  in  a  dry  place ;  thus 
it  will  last  longer  than  the  permanent  frame  of  lumber.  With  the 
frame  removed,  the  site  can  be  readily  dug  up  and  used  for  summer 
crops,  whereas  a  permanent  frame  would  be  an  obstacle  to  the  prepa- 
ration and  use  of  the  area  and  might  offer  a  lodging  place  for  in- 
sects, plant  diseases,  and  vermin.  A  temporary  frame  permits  chang- 
ing the  location  of  the  hotbed  from  year  to  year  if  desired.  A  wood 
frame  radiates  less  heat  than  one  of  brick  or  concrete. 

When  to  Make  the  Hothed. — The  hotbed  should  be  made  early  in 
February.  In  our  climate,  the  pit  should  be  dug  deep  enough  to 
hold  12  to  15  inches  of  manure.  Fairly  fresh  horse  manure  is  the 
only  kind  adapted  for  hotbeds.  It  should  contain  only  enough  bedding 
to  make  it  fork  well.  Better  results  are  secured  if  the  manure  is  piled 
up  two  or  three  weeks  in  advance  and  turned  occasionally  to  insure 
uniform  fermentation  thruout  the  pile.  Water  should  be  used  if 
necessary  to  prevent  fire-fanging. 

Size  and  Shape. — The  hotbed  should  l)e  of  a  size  and  shape  that 
will  fit  the  kind  of  sash  at  baud.     Any  odd  window  sash  may  be 


Circular   No.   215 


[Marchf 


1918] 


The  War  Garden  Hotbed 


used.  Standard  hotbed  sash,  as  used  by  gardeners,  are  6x3  feet  or 
6x3  feet,  2  inches,  and  if  the  sash  are  to  be  purchased,  this  kind 
should  be  selected.  Double-strength  glass  is  preferable  to  the  single 
strength.  Four  of  these  sashes  make  a  hotbed  of  very  satisfactory 
size  for  a  large  garden  and  two  of  them  will  serve  for  a  small  garden. 

The  Frame. — The  frame  for  a  hotbed  like  that  illustrated  is  made 
of  12-inch  boards.  However,  narrower  boards  will  give  satisfactory 
results.  When  the  bed  is  longer  than  6  feet,  the  boards  on  those 
sides  should  be  2  inches  thick ;  otherwise  1-inch  lumber  will  suffice. 
The  parts  of  the  frame  may  simply  be  nailed  together,  but  in  this 
case  the  boards  are  certain  to  split  at  the  ends  sooner  or  later.  By 
using  cleats  across  the  ends  of  the  boards  as  shown  in  Fig.  2,  much 
tighter  joints  are  secured  and  the  frame  will  last  several  years 
longer.  An  inside  support  should  be  placed  across  the  middle  of  the 
frame  to  prevent  the  sides  from  bending  inward  (see  Fig.  2). 

Digging  the  Pit. — After  the  frame  is  made,  it  should  be  placed 
over  the  hotbed  site,  and  the  outline  of  the  pit  marked  around  it 
with  a  spade,  allowing  5  or  6  inches  on  all  sides.  The  frame  should 
then  be  set  aside  and  the  pit  dug.  This  should  be  of  such  a  depth 
that,  when  the  bed  is  finished,  the  surface  of  the  soil  inside  the  bed 


J'^if!.    2. — Method   of   .Jointing    tiie    Frame 


6  CiKCULAK   No.    215  [March, 

will  be  slightly  higher  than  the  ground  level  on  the  outside;  this 
precaution  may  prevent  flooding  of  the  bed  with  water  from  melting 
snows  or  heavy  rains.  For  Illmois  conditions,  a  pit  12  to  15  inches 
deep  will  hold  enough  manure  to  provide  the  necessary  warmth. 

Setting  tlie  Frame. — After  the  pit  is  dug  the  next  operation  is 
to  set  the  frame.  Some  persons  first  place  the  manure  in  the  pit  and 
simply  set  the  frame  on  top  of  it,  but  it  is  far  better  to  support  it 
on  stakes  or  temporary  brick  piers  to  prevent  it  from  settling  out  of 
place.  One  support  should  be  placed  near  each  corner.  The  frame 
should  be  set  at  a  pitch  to  the  south  of  about  II4  inches  to  the  foot. 

It  is  important  to  set  the  frame  squarely  so  that  the  sash  will 
fit  snugly.  To  accomplish  this  in  the  easiest  way,  compare  the  diag- 
onals. When  these  are  of  equal  lengths,  the  frame  will  be  exactly 
square,  that  is,  if  the  opposite  sides  of  the  frame  are  of  equal  lengths. 

Placing  Manure  in  the  Pit. — After  the  frame  is  set,  the  manure 
should  be  placed  in  it.  Spread  about  6  inches  over  the  bottom,  shak- 
ing to  pieces  any  hard  lumps,  and  tramp  it  well.  Then  add  another 
layer,  and  so  on,  until  the  proper  height  is  reached.  If  the  manure 
promises  not  to  heat  readily,  moisten  it  with  hot  water  occasionally 
when  placing  it  in  the  pit. 

With  a  frame  12  inches  deep,  as  illustrated  (Fig.  1),  the  manure, 
when  thoroly  compacted,  should  reach  slightly  above  the  lower  edge. 
Thus,  when  5  or  6  inches  of  soil  are  added,  there  will  remain  about 
the  right  amount  of  room  for  the  growing  plants. 

The  Soil. — If  the  plants  are  to  be  grown  directly  in  the  bed,  about 
5  to  6  inches  of  soil  should  be  used.  If  they  are  to  be  grown  in  flats, 
which  is  the  better  method  for  most  plants,  only  2  to  3  inches  of 
soil  should  be  placed  over  the  manure.  The  soil  may  be  added  when 
the  bed  is  made  or  a  few  days  later.  Sand  and  rotted  manure  are 
often  mixed  with  the  soil  to  improve  the  texture  and  fertility. 

Soil  that  is  too  rich  in  organic  matter  encourages  diseases  of 
the  seedlings.  Therefore,  if  the  seedlings  are  shifted  to  richer  soil 
before  they  begin  to  need  much  plant  food,  it  is  better  to  use  a  soil 
that  is  rather  low  in  organic  matter ;   some  florists  use  pure  sand. 

It  is  often  difficult  to  secure  a  good  mellow  soil  when  the  beds 
are  made.  If  the  surface  soil  removed  when  digging  the  pit  is  of 
suitable  nature,  this  may  be  used.  Sufficient  soil  is  sometimes  stored 
in  a  cellar  or  pit  during  the  winter.  But  it  is  better  to  expose  it 
to  freezing  weather  as  much  as  possible.  One  of  the  best  methods 
is  to  place  the  soil  in  a  conical  pile  on  the  outside  in  the  fall.  Here 
it  will  remain  comparatively  dry,  and  by  covering  it  with  manure 
early  in  January,  it  will  be  in  good  condition  when  needed. 

After  the  soil  or  the  plant  flats  are  placed  in  the  bed,  there  should 
remain  5  or  6  inches  of  growing  space  for  the  plants.  As  the  manure 
decays,  the  surface  will  settle  somewhat,  thus  allowing  more  room 
for  the  plants  as  they  become  larger. 


1918] 


The  Wab  Gaeden  Hotbed 


After  the  bed  is  made,  the  sash 
should  be  placed  on  top,  and  a 
layer  of  soil  and  manure  should  be 
banked  around  the  outside  to  re- 
tain the  heat,  and  to  protect  the 
bed  from  driving  winds.  All  soil 
and  manure  not  needed  should  be 
carted  away;  if  left  near  the  hot- 
bed they  may  interfere  with  sur- 
face drainage. 

Protection  in  Cold  Weather. — 
For  protection  in  cold  weather,  ex- 
tra covers  in  the  fonn  of  mats, 
boards,  shutters,  burlap,  or  old  car- 
pets, should  be  placed  over  the 
sash.  Very  satisfactory  covers  can 
be  made  of  building  paper^  nailed 
to  frames  constructed  of  lx4-inch 
strips.  The  best  method  of  making 
the  frame  is  to  saw  the  pieces  at 
a  45°  angle  and  connect  them  by 
means  of  corrugated  joints,  as 
shown  in  Fig.  3.  Enough  straw 
or  manure  should  be  kept  at  hand 
to  cover  over  the  edges  of  the  frame 
at  night  during  early  spring.  In 
severe  weather,  the  entire  bed  may  need  covering  to  keep  the  plants 
from  freezing. 

Time  to  Plant  the  Seeds. — If  a  good  grade  of  manure  is  used,  the 
bed  will  heat  violently  for  a  week  or  ten  days.  The  temperature 
may  rise  as  high  as  125°  F.  During  this  time  the  bed  should  be  aired 
every  day  and  covered  at  night.  Do  not  plant  the  seeds  until  the 
bed  has  gone  thru  this  period  of  heating  and  the  temperature  has 
dropped  to  about  75°  or  80°  F. 


Fig.  3. — Hotbed  Cover  Made  of  1x4- 
Inch  Strips  and  Building  Paper 


HOW  TO  MAKE  A  SURFACE  HOTBED 

Surface  hotbeds  are  well  adapted  for  poorly  drained  locations 
and  for  use  late  in  the  season.  As  already  stated,  they  are  difficult 
to  keep  warm  in  cold  weather,  and  require  more  manure  than  pit 
hotbeds.  They  are  easier  to  make,  however,  for  digging  is  unneces- 
sary and  frozen  ground  is  no  hindrance.  The  manure  is  simply 
spread  out  over  the  ground  and  packed  well,  and  the  frame  and  sash 
are  placed  on  top.    More  manure  is  then  banked  around  the  outside. 


^Tar  paper  should  not  be  used,   as  the  fumes  are  injurious  to  plant  life. 


Circular  No.  215 


J( 


Fig.  4. — Cross-section  of  a  Surface  Hotbed 

The  same  kind  of  frame  as  described  for  the  pit  hotbed  will  serve 
also  for  a  surface  bed.  The  north  side  of  the  frame  is  sometimes 
made  of  wider  boards  than  the  south  side,  so  that  the  bottom  of  the 
frame  may  be  set  practically  on  the  level.  In  a  surface  hotbed  the 
frame  is  scarcely  ever  placed  on  any  supports  other  than  the  manure. 
A  cross-section  of  a  surface  hotbed  is  showai  in  Fig.  4. 

COLD  FRAMES 

Cold  frames  are  like  hotbeds  except  that  they  have  no  artificial 
heat  of  any  kind.  They  are  used  chiefly  for  "hardening  off"  plants 
grown  in  the  hotbeds  or  greenhouses  before  transplanting  them  to 
the  open.  They  are  covered  with  glass  sash  early  in  the  season,  but 
for  use  in  the  late  spring,  muslin  or  canvas  covers  fastened  to  rollers 
will  be  found  convenient,  cheap,  and  serviceable.  A  canvas-covered 
cold  frame  is  shown  in  Fig.  5. 


Cloth-covered  Cold  Frame 


The  growing  of  plants  in  hotbeds  and  cold  frames  is  discussed 
in  Circulars  198  and  216  of  this  station. 


SIMPLE  APPLICATIONS 

OF 

TRIGONOMETRY  TO  ARTILLERY 


BY 


Aubrey  J.  ICempner,  Ph.D. 


PRICE  TWENTY-FIVE  CENTS 


PUBLISHED  BY 

THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS  PRESS 

URBANA,  ILLINOIS 


SIMPLE  APPLICATIONS 

OF 

TRIGONOMETRY  TO  ARTILLERY 


BY 

Aubrey  J.  Kempner,  Ph.D. 

Assistant  Professor  of  Mathematics  in  the  University  of  Illinois 


PUBLISHED  BY 

THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS  PRESS 

November,  19  i8 


.!v;  PREFACE 

In  writing  this  pamphlet  it  was  the  purpose  of  the  author  to  bring 
some  topics  which  occupy  a  prominent  position  in  the  standard  text- 
books on  artillery  into  close  connection  with  the  mathematical  work  of 
a  college  course  in  trigonometry. 

Mr.  W.  H.  Rayner  of  the  College  of  Engineering  at  the  University 
of  Illinois,  who  is  at  present  giving  a  course  in  Orientation  for  Heavy 
Artillery,  very  kindly  read  the  manuscript.  The  author  is  under  obli- 
gation to  Mr.  Rayner  for  this  assistance,  since  the  range  of  his  own 
knowledge  of  artillery  matters  is  limited  to  a  careful  study  of  some  of 
the  standard  textbooks. 

The   following  books   are  particularly  mentioned   for  reference: 

1.  Alger,  P.  R.,  The  Groundwork  of  Practical  Naval  Gunnery, 
2nd.  ed.,  1917. 

2.  Bishop,  H.  G.,  Elements  of  Modern  Field  Artillery,  2nd.  ed., 
1917. 

3.  Moretti,  0.  and  Danford,  R.  M.,  Notes  on  Training  Field  Ar- 
tillery Details,  6th.  ed.,  1918. 

4.  Spaulding,  O.  L.,  Jr.,  Notes  on  Field  Artillery,  2nd.  ed.,  191 7. 

5.  Gunnery  and  Explosives,  War  Department  Document  No. 
391,  1911, 

6.  Manual  of  Field  Artillery,  Vol.  2,  War  Department  Document 
No.  614,  1917. 

The  University  Library  possesses  all  of  these  books.  In  the  text  1-4 
will  be  referred  to  by  the  name  of  the  author,  5  and  6  will  be  quoted  as 
"Gunnery"  and  "Manual",  respectively. 

Besides,  the  author  had  the  privilege  of  reading  the  proof-sheets  of 
an  article  by  Professor  /.  K.  Whitiemore,  entitled  "Firing  Data,"  which 
has  since  appeared  in  the  American  Mathematical  Monthly,  October, 
1918. 

The  problems  i  of  page  7  andi,  3,  and  5  of  pages  8,  9,  and  10  are 
taken  from  Alger's  excellent  work ;  in  the  problems  of  Sections  B  and  C 
emphasis  has  been  laid  on  the  character  and  on  the  degree  of  accuracy 
of  the  methods  of  approximation. 

Sections  B  and  C  are  independent  of  Section  A. 


OUTLINE 

Sec.  A:  Simple  applications  of  trigonometry   (without  use  of  the 

"mil")— The  trajectory 5-10 

Properties  of  the  ballistic  curve;  influence  of  air  re- 
sistance   5 

Definitions  connected  with  the  trajectory;  problems....  6-8 

Formulae  concerning  the  trajectory;  problems 8-10 

Sec.  B:  Definition  and  simple  applications  of  the  "mil". — The  parallax  11-17 

Definition  of  mil;  problems 11-12 

The  rule  kz=h:(-^^);  problems 12-14 

^1000^ 

Definition  of  parallax;  formula  for  parallax 14 

Correction  for  obliquity  (two  methods);  problems 14-17 

Sec.  C:  Calculation  of  firing  data  for  direct  and  indirect  fire.... 18-29 

I.      Target  visible  from  gun;  to  find  range.    Problems 18-21 

II.  Target  not  visible  from  gun;  to  find  range 22 

III.  Target  visible  from  gun;  to  find  direction  of  firing 22 

IV.  Target  not  visible  from  gun. — Aiming  point. — Deflec- 
tion   22-29 

'                 (a)     Simplest  case:   aiming  point=battery  comman- 
der's station;  problems 22-23 

(b)     Aiming  point  and  battery  commander's  station 

distinct 23-29 

Aiming  point;  deflection 23-24 

The  relation  c?=^±P±r 24-25 

Determination  of  the  deflection;  problems 26-29 

Remarks 29 


SECTION  A. 

Simple  Applications  of   Trigonometry    {without  use   of  the   "mil"). 

The  Trajectory. 

There  is  a  marked  difference  between  the  methods  of  calculation 
applied  in  the  Heavy  or  Coast  Artillery  and  the  Mobile  or  Field  Ar- 
tillery. In  the  Heavy  Artillery  angles  must  be  determined  much  more 
accurately  than  in  the  Field  Artillery,  and  formulae  of  approxima- 
tion which  are  entirely  sufficient  for  the  latter  service  are  totally  inade- 
quate to  the  needs  of  the  former.  In  determining  the  firing  data  of  a 
heavy  gun,  the  mathematical  operations  required  are  often  as  delicate 
as  in  a  refined  experiment  in  physics,  involving  for  example  five  place 
logarithms. 

In  particular,  the  approximations  to  which  the  use  of  the  so-called 
"mil"  measurement  of  angles  leads,  are  not  employed  in  the  Heavy 
Artillery. 

For  this  reason  most  problems  of  the  present  section  are  based  on 
data  referring  to  Heavy  Artillery. 

All  definitions  and  therefore  also  all  formulae  hold  without  change 
for  Field  Artillery. 

The  projectile  is  assumed  to  move  in  vacuo ;  then  the  curve  of 
flight,  the  trajectory,  is  part  of  a  parabola ;  of  course  the  actual  path 
of  the  projectile  is  profoundly  modified  by  the  air-pressure.  We  men- 
tion particularly  the  following  points  concerning  the  actual  path,  the  so- 
called  "ballistic  curve  :"* 

1.  While  the  parabola  has  an  axis  of  symmetry,  the  ballistic  curve 
is  not  symmetric  with  respect  to  any  line ; 

2.  the  ballistic  curve  lies  entirely  underneath  the  corresponding 
parabola ; 

3.  the  ballistic  curve  is  more  blunt  at  the  end  of  the  trajectory 
than  at  the  beginning ; 

4.  the  highest  point  of  flight  lies  in  the  second  half  of  the  curve ; 

5.  for  a  considerable  fraction  of  the  whole  path,  the  ballistic 
curve  follows  the  corresponding  parabola  closely. 

The  great  influence  of  the  resistance  of  the  air  on  the  trajectory 
may  be  seen  from  the  following  little  table  which  gives  some  interesting 
data  for  the  three-inch  Field  Artillery  gun.** 


*Compare  for  this  section:  Alger,  pp.  1-34;  Moretti  and  Danford,  Ch.  Ill;  Gunnery,  pp.  13- 
24;  Manual,  pp.  97-101.  There  is  lack  of  uniformity  among  authors  concerning  the  notation 
of  the  elements  defined  on  pp.  6,  7  of  this  pamphlet. 

**Gunnery,  p.   19. 

5 


Angle  of 
Departure 

Muzzle 
Velocity 

Range 

Maximum 
Ordinate 

Time  of 
Flight 

Air 

Vacuo  (appr.) 

1°  11.2' 
1°  11.2' 

1700  ft.  sec. 
1700  ft.  sec. 

1000  yds. 
1245  yds. 

17.3  ft. 

19.4  ft. 

2.07  sec. 
2.20  sec. 

Air 

Vacuo  (appr.) 

2°  56.7' 
2°  56.7' 

1700  ft.  sec. 
1700  ft.  sec. 

2000  yds. 
3089  yds. 

93.1  ft. 
119.2  ft. 

4.46  sec. 
4.75  sec. 

Air 

Vacuo  (appr.) 

5°  12' 
5°  12' 

1700  ft.  sec. 
1700  ft.  sec. 

3000  yds. 
5434  yds. 

257.0  ft. 
370.9  ft. 

7.83  sec. 
9.63  sec. 

Air 

Vacuo  (appr.) 

7°  54.2' 
7°  54.2' 

1700  ft.  sec. 
1700  ft.  sec. 

4000  yds. 
8200  yds. 

536.0  ft. 
853.8  ft. 

11.25  sec. 
14.61  sec. 

Air 

Vacuo  (appr.) 

11°  10.1' 
11°  10.1' 

1700  ft.  sec. 
1700  ft.  sec. 

5000  yds. 
11440  yds. 

975.0  ft. 
1694.0  ft. 

15.12  sec. 
20.58  sec. 

The  table  brings  out  clearly  the  great  flatness  of  the  trajectory  at 
ordinary  ranges.  For  a  rough  construction  of  the  ballistic  curve,  the 
abscissa  corresponding  to  the  maximum  ordinate  may  be  assumed  three- 
fifths  of  the  horizontal  range.     (See  "Definitions,"  below). 

Definitions  (see  Fig.  i)  : 


Let  G  in  Fig.  i  be  the  gun  (more  accurately  the  muzzle  of  the 
gun),  T  the  target,  GN  a  horizontal  line,  GB  a  tangent  to  the  curve  at 
G ;  then 

Curve  GTN  =  trajectory  (in  vacuo  a  parabola,  in  air  the  "bal- 
listic curve"), 

GN  =  horizontal  range, 

GT  =  range  (as  a  length)  ;  also  line  of  sight ;  line  of  position, 

LNGT  ==  e,  angle  of  site,  angle  of  position, 

GB  =  line  of  departure, 

LTGjB  =  4>,  angle  of  departure, 

I.NGB  ^  4>  -\-  €  =  i}/,  quadrant  angle  of  departure,* 

ATGA  =  4>',  angle  of  elevation, 

/_NGA  =  <P'  -\-  €,  quadrant  angle  of  elevation,* 


*When  no  confusion  is  possible,  the  "quadrant  angle  of  departure   (of  elevation)"  is  called 
simply  the   "angle  of  departure    (of  elevation)." 


/.AG B  =  j\  jump,  •         . 

LCTG  =  &),  angle  of  fall, 

DE  =  maximum  ordinate.         ,    .  ' 

The  meaning  of  most  of  these  terms  is  clear  from  the  figure.  A 
few  words  must  be  said  concerning  the  angles  <^,  4>',  j,  e. 

The  angle  ^'  (or  <^'  +  e  when  referred  to  the  horizontal)  is  the 
angle  which  the  axis  of  the  bore  makes  with  the  line  of  sight  (or  with 
the  horizontal)  at  the  instant  before  firing.  However,  the  axis  of  the 
gun  changes  its  direction  by  a  small  (experimentally  known)  angle  /, 
while  the  projectile  moves  in  the  gun,  so  that  at  the  moment  when  the 
projectile  leaves  the  muzzle  of  the  gun,  the  axis  of  the  bore,  and  there- 
fore also  the  tangent  to  the  trajectory  at  G,  makes  an  angle  (j)'  -\-  j  =  <l> 
with  the  line  of  sight  (or  <^  +  ^  with  the  horizontal).  The  angle  /  is 
always  very  small,  but  may  be  positive  or  negative.  In  aiming  the  gun, 
the  (known)  jump  must  be  taken  into  account.  In  case  gun  (G)  and 
target  (T)  be  in  the  same  horizontal  plane,  T  coincides  with  N,  the 
''range"  coincides  with  the  "horizontal  range,"  because  e  =  o,  and  the 
angle  of  departure  is  equal  to  the  quadrant  angle  of  departure,  the 
angle  of  elevation  equal  to  the  quadrant  angle  of  elevation.  For  the 
parabola  in  this  case  the  angle  of  fall  is  equal  to  the  angle  of  departure, 
while  for  the  ballistic  curve  the  angle  of  fall  is  then  greater  than  the 
angle  of  departure. — The  angle  of  site,  e,  is  counted  positive  when  target 
lies  higher  than  gvm,  negative  when  lower. 

PROBLEMS 
I.     For  the  following  quadrant  angles  of  elevation,  jump,  site,  find 
the  angle  of  departure  and  the  quadrant  angle  of  departure.     Draw 
curves  showing  all  angles.     (Alger,  p.  26). 

Data  Answers 


c^' 

=  2° 

y  =  +  5' 

e=15° 

</> 

=  2°  5' 

e+^  =  17°  5' 

3° 

—  3' 

12°  15' 

2°  57' 

15°  12' 

3° 

—   7' 

—  10°  30' 

2°  53' 

—  7°  37'- 

4° 

+    6' 

—    9°  37' 

4°  6' 

—  5°  31' 

6° 

—   8' 

—     6°  22' 

5°  52' 

—  0°  30' 

2.  An  observation  balloon  is  about  3000  ft.  above  the  surface  of 
the  earth  ;  its  horizontal  distance  from  an  enemy  gun  is  4000  yds.  Find 
the  angle  of  site. 

3.  A  gun  is  to  fire  over  a  hill  270  ft.  high.  The  horizontal  dis- 
tance of  the  crest  of  the  hill  from  the  gun  is  700  yds.  How  large  must 
the  angle  of  departure  be,  at  least  ?  Answer  :     7°2o'. 

7 


4-  A  target  is  at  a  horizontal  distance  of  3700  yds.  from  the  gun, 
and  is  200  yards  lower  than  the  gun.  Find  the  angle  of  site  and  the 
distance  in  a  straight  line  from  the  gun  to  the  target  (range). 

Since  we  do  not  assume  any  knowledge  of  analytic  geometry  on 
the  part  of  the  student,  the  use  of  coordinates  must  be  briefly  ex- 
plained by  the  instructor  if  the  following  formulae  and  problems  are 
taken  up.  The  derivation  of  the  formulae  involves  analytic  geometry 
and  some  calculus  so  that  they  must  be  accepted  without  proof.  This 
set  is  inserted  because  it  affords  good  exercise  in  working  with  trig- 
onometric formulae  and  because  the  artilleristic  meaning  of  the  prob- 
lems is  very  clear. 

In  figure  i  let  x,  y  (measured  in  feet)  be  the  coordinates  of  any 
point,  P,  of  the  trajectory  in  vacuo,  i//  =  <^  +  e  the  angle  of  departure, 
t  the  time  of  flight  (in  seconds)  until  the  projectile  reaches  P,  V  the 
initial  velocity  (in  feet  per  second),  and  g  =  32.2,  then  the  following 
formulae  hold  :* 

X  —  t-V-  cos  }p  y  —  t-V-  sin  i/'  —  ^  gt^. 

Eliminating  t,  we  obtain  the  relation  between  x  and  y : 

g-x- 
y  --  X-  tan  ip zj^ :—■ 

From  this  the  horizontal  range  X  (in  feet)  is  obtained  by  as- 
suming V  =  o: 

_      V^-  sin  2\j/  _ 


g 

The  total  time  of  flight  T  (for  the  horizontal  range  X)  is  given  by 


X       __      j  2X  ■  tan  ijj 


V-  cos  i//  \  g 

PROBLEMS 

I.  The  data  being  as  given  in  the  first  two  columns  of  the  follow- 
ing table,  find  the  results,  in  vacuum,  required  by  the  other  columns. 
(Alger,  p.  32). 

*AIger,   p.    28  ■  '  .  ' 


Initial  Velocity 

Angle  of  Departure 

Horizontal  Range 

Time  of  Flight 

V    (f.   s.) 

cb  -\-  e  =  ij/ 

X    (yds.) 

T    (sees.) 

1000 

5°  34' 

1999 

6.03 

1100 

4°  35' 

1995 

5.46 

1250 

3°  30' 

1971 

4.74 

1400 

2°  10' 

1533 

3.29 

1500 

7°  28' 

6002 

12.11 

1750 

8°  12' 

8951 

15.50 

2000 

12°  30' 

17500 

26.89 

2400 

7°  40' 

15767 

19.89 

2600 

3°  10'  . 

7719 

8.92 

2900 

16°  40' 

47840 

51.66 

2.  In  the  present  war  the  Germans  bombarded  Paris  from  the  Go- 
bain  Forest,  about  70  miles  from  Paris.  Show  that,  in  vacuo,  and  as- 
suming g  =  32.2,  the  initial  velocity  must  be  at  least  between  3449  and 
3450  f.  s.,  and  that  the  corresponding  time  of  flight  v/ould  be  151.54- 
sec.  (The  expression  for  X  shows  that  for  a  given  V  the  range  is 
greatest  for  i/f  =  45°). 

3.  The  data  being  as  given  in  the  first  three  columns  of  the  fol- 
lowing table,  find  the  result,  in  vacuum,  required  by  the  fourth  and 
fifth  columns   (see  Fig.  i),   (Alger,  p.  33). 


Initial  Veloc- 
ity V    (f-  S-) 

Angle  of  De- 
parture 

t 
(sees.) 

(yds.) 

V 
(ft.) 

1000 

6°  34' 

3.01 

999 

146 

1100 

4°  35' 

2.73 

998 

120 

1250 

3°  30' 

2.37 

986 

90 

1400 

2°  10' 

1.64 

765 

44 

1500 

7°  28' 

6.05 

2999 

590 

1750 

8°  12' 

5.00 

2887 

846 

2000 

12°  30' 

20.00 

13017 

2218 

2400 

7°  40' 

10.00 

7929 

1592 

2600 

3°  10' 

8.00 

2900 

16°  40' 

30.00 

In  the  first  five  questions  of  this  problem,  and  in  the  eighth,  3;  is 
practically  the  maximum  ordinate. 

4.  A  body  is  projected  in  vacuum  with  an  angle  of  departure  of 
45°,  and  an  initial  velocity  of  200  f .  s.  Compute  the  coordinates  of  its 
position  after  6  seconds. 

Ans. :    X  —  848.5  ft.,  y  =  268.9  ft. 


5-  The  measured  range  in  air  of  a  12"  shell  of  850  pounds  weight, 
fired  with  2800  f .  s.  initial  velocity,  and  an  angle  of  departure  of  7°  32', 
was  11,900  yds.,  and  the  time  of  flight  was  19.5  seconds.  What  would 
the  range  and  time  of  flight  have  been  in  vacuum?     (Alger,  p.  34). 

,  Ans. :    X  =  21097  yds.,  T  =  22.8  seconds. 

6.  Vigneulles.  in  the  Saint  ]\Iihiel  salient  in  France,  is  about  24 
miles  from  the  German  fortress  of  Metz.  Under  what  angle  of  depart- 
ure would  an  American  12"  gun  with  initial  velocity  2800  ft.  per  sec. 
have  to  be  fired  at  V.  to  hit  M.     (neglecting  the  air  resistance)  ? 

Ans.:  ij/i  =  i5°40.9',  i/'^  =  74°i9-i'-  Explain  why  there  are  two 
answers.  Would  ifn  {xp^)  have  to  be  increased  or  decreased  when 
the  air  resistance  is  taken  into  account  ? 

Problems  of  the  type  given  in  this  section  will  make  clear  to  the 
student  the  mathematical  background  of  problems  dealing  with  "danger 
space"  and  "clearing  the  crest"  or  "firing  over  a  mask."  However, 
such  problems  are  treated  in  Field  Artillery  by  very  simple  methods  of 
approximation  and  are  for  this  reason  omitted  here. 


10 


SECTION  B. 
Definition  and  Simple  Applications  of  the  "inil" — The  Parallax. 

A  first  difficulty  which  the  student  will  encounter  in  artillery  work 
lies  in  the  fact  that  the  U.  S.  Field  Artillery  measures  angles  generally 
in  so-called  "mils".*  The  sighting  instruments  of  the  guns  are  grad- 
uated in  this  unit,  instead  of  degrees,  and  the  tables  are  all  made  out 
accordingly.  The  mil  will  therefore  have  to  be  carefully  considered  in 
a  trigonometry  course  which  is  to  prepare  for  artillery  service.  In  the 
Heavy  and  Coast  Artillery  the  conventional  system  of  measuring 
angles  in  degrees,  minutes  and  seconds  is  used  together  with  the  mil 
system.  It  should  also  be  noted  that  the  Field  Artillery,  which  has  up 
to  the  present  measured  lengths  in  yards,  is,  as  far  as  length  measure- 
ments are  concerned,  in  a  stage  of  transition,  since,  in  order  to  agree 
with  French  practice,  lengths  are  in  the  future  to  be  measured  in 
meters. 

According  to  some  text-books  the  mil  was  originally  defined  as 
one  one-thousandth  of  a  radian.** 

There  would  thus  be  2000.7r  =  6283  (approx.)  mils  in  360°.  This 
would  be  a  very  inconvenient  unit  for  numerical  computations.  The 
mil  actually  adopted  in  the  army  is  the  sixteen-hundredth  part  of  a 
right  angle : 

I         '  ^  2/ 

I  mil  =  right  angle  =  .05625°  =      —     , 

1600  "  8 

6400  mils  =  360°,  3200  mils  =  180°,  1600  mils  =  90°. 

The  student  may  verify  that  the  mil  is  about  4  seconds  (that  is, 
about  2  per  cent),  smaller  than  i-iooo  radian. 

The  following  is  quoted  from  official  instructions  of  the  United 
States  Army : 

Definition:  All  U.  S.  mobile  artillery  sights  zvill  be  graduated 
clockziiise  in  mils.  A  mil  is  1-6400  of  a  circle.  The  arc  zvhicJi  subtends 
a  mil  at  the  center  of  a  circle  is,  for  practical  purposes,  equal  to  i-iooo 
of  the  radius.  The  arc  and  its  tangent  are  nearly  equal  for  angles  not 
greater  than  350  ■mf/i'.*** 


*Compare  for  this  section:  Bishop,  p.  47  ff. ;  Moretti-Danford,  pp.  57,  58  for  definitions  of 

mil  and  parallax;  numerous  applications  pp.  62-130;  Gunnery,  pp.  33,  34,  38;  Manual  pp. 1 15-121. 

**According  to  other  text  books  the  mil  was  first  defined  as  arc  tan   .00 1.     The  difference 

between  this  angle  and  the  angle   i-iooo   radian   is  only  about  one  millionth   of  one   minute. 


"350  mils  zz:      3?o  .  360=^ 


6400 


—    ^^  16 


11 


PROBLEMS 

1.  Change  i  mil  to  degrees;  to  minutes;  to  seconds. 

2.  Change  to  mils  : 

1°;  i';  i" ;  60° ;  200° ;  75°  20' ;    142°  35';   40';  5°  10';   i/;   1°  25'. 

3.  Change  to  degrees  and  draw  the  angles : 

100  mils  ;  80  mils  ;  2400  mils  ;  1360  mils  ;  5200  mils  ;  50  mils. 

4.  Given  a  triangle  with  angles  120°;  51°  30';  8°  30',  change  all 
angles  to  mils  and  check  by  180°  =  3200  mils. 

5.  Given  a  triangle  with  angles  1280  mils;  760  mils;  1160  mils. 
Change  all  angles  to  degrees  and  check. 

In  military  textbooks  an  abbreviation  for  "mil"  does  not  seem  to 
be  in  use.  Frequently  the  angle  in  mils  is  given  without  any  notation, 
as  A  =  310. 

The  last  two  sentences  quoted  in  the  official  instructions  point 
toward  the  most  important  applications  of  the  mil,  which  we  now 
discuss. 

In  the  right  triangle 
OMN  (Fig.  2)  let  ZO  = 
a  radians  =  k  mils,  0M= 
r,  MN  =  h,  and  let  / 
be  the  arc  between  OM 
and  ON  of  a  circle  about  O  as  center.  Then  tan  0  —  h:r.  For  very 
small  angles  O  the  ratio  h:  I  is  very  nearly  unity ;  with  increasing  angles 
O  the  ratio  h  :  /  also  increases  ;  but  for  O  —  20°  the  fraction  h  :  /  has  only 
reached  the  value  1.04+.  For  O  =  15°,  h:  1=  1.02+ ;  for  O  =  10°,  h:l 
=  1.01+;  for  O  =  5°,  h:l  =  1.003 — .  The  error  made  by  replacing 
the  arc  by  the  tangent  is  thus  about  four  to  five  per  cent  for  a  350  mil 
angle,  about  two  per  cent  for  a  270  mil  angle,  about  one  per  cent  for  a 
150  to  200  mil  angle,  about  Vs  per  cent  for  a  75  to  100  mil  angle.  There- 
fore h:r  =  l:r  (approx.)  for  small  angles  0.*  But  l:r  =  a,  and  a 
=  ^:iooo   (appr.),  hence,   for  small  angles,  h:r  =  k  :iooo   (appr.), 

k  =  h:{r/iooo). 

In  the  most  important  applications  of  the  mil  in  gunnery  r  is  the 
gun  range  and  measures  usually  some  thousands  of  yards,  while  h  is 
comparatively  small  (height  of  a  tree,  or  of  a  hill,  or  a  high  building, 


*Trigonometrical!y,  h:r  ^^  l:r  (appr.)  expresses  that  lim  (tan  x:x)  ^1:2  i  when  ,r  approaches 
o  and  is  measured  in  radians. 

! 

12 


etc. ;  or  it  may  be  a  comparatively  short  line  in  the  horizontal  plafte, 
such  as  the  distance  from  the  gun  to  the  battery-commander's  station). 

We  have  thus  the  important 

Rule  :    //  r  and  h  are  both  measured  in  the  same  unit,  then  the 

angle  subtended  by  h  in  Fig.  2  is  h:  ( 1  mils  (appr.). 

According  to  this  rule  i  yd.  subtends  at  1000  yds.  an  angle  of  one 
mil,  2  yds.  subtend  at  2000  yds.  an  angle  of  i  mil,  etc. 

A  sighting  instrument  graduated  in  mils  enables  an  observer  to 
determine  immediately  each  of  the  quantities  r,  h,  k  from  the  other  two. 
In  estimating  the  error  caused  by  applying  the  rule  stated  above,  two 
sources  of  error  must  be  considered.  Firstly,  the  mil  is  used  as  if  it 
were  exactly  i/iooo  radian,  thus  causing  a  constant  error  of  about  two 
per  cent.  Secondly,  we  have  an  error  which  varies  with  the  angle  and 
which  is  caused  by  replacing  l:r  by  h:r.  These  two  errors  tend  to 
counteract  each  other.  Therefore  the  rule  gives  correct  results  when 
the  error  from  the  second  cause  is  as  large  as  the  error  from  the  first 
cause,  that  is,  about  two  per  cent.  This  happens  for  an  angle  in  the 
neighborhood  of  fifteen  degrees  (about  270  mils),  as  we  know.  For 
this  question  compare  Whittemore. 

PROBLEMS* 

1.  Given  that  a  target  is  3000  yds.  distant  from  the  gun  and  200 
feet  higher  than  the  gun.    Find  the  angle  of  site.     (See  Fig.  i). 

2.  Find  the  angle  of  site  when 

(a)  range  =  2500  yds.,  target  200  yds.  higher  than  gun. 

(b)  range  =  4700  yds.,  target  150  ft.  lower  than  gun. 
Ans.  (b)  :  —  10.6  mils. 

3.  A  tower  of  150  ft.  height  subtends  at  the  gun  an  angle  of  30 
mils.    Find  the  distance  from  gun  to  tower. 

Ans. :    About  5000  feet. 

4.  A  tree  subtends  at  a  distance  of  1500  ft.  an  angle  of  60  mils. 
How  high  is  the  tree? 

1        5.     Find  the  error  made  in  finding  k  in  the  following  problems  by 
the  rule  given  in  the  text. 


*Most   problems   involving   the   mil    are   conveniently    worked    by    slide-rule. 

13 


(a)  ;-  -•  2000  yds,  h—      loo  ft. 

(b)  r  =  2000  yds,  h  —     400  ft. 

(c)  r  =  2000  yds,  h  =    1000  ft. 

(d)  r  =  2000  yds,  h  =    2000  ft. 

(e)  r  =  2000  yds,  h  =    6000  ft. 

(f )  r  —  2000  yds,  h  =  loooo  ft. 
is)  ^  ~  2000  yds,  h  =  20000  ft. 

PARALLAX.  CORRECTION  OF  PARALLAX  FOR  OBLIQUITY 

Definition  :    The  parallax  of  a  line  at  a  point  is  the  angle  subtended 
by  the  line  at  the  point. 

In  Field  Artillery  this  angle  is  measured  in  mils. 

Assume  first  that  the  point  O  at  which  a  line  MN  =  h  subtends 
an  angle  of  k  mils  lies  on  the  perpendicular  bisector  of  h.     (See  Fig.  3). 
To  find  the  distance 

OF  =  /  of  h  from  O,  ^^-^        ^.    __,^^ — "f  \ 

we  should  have 

I  =  h/2  ■  cot  k/2. 
However,  when  I:  his 
a   small   fraction,   we 
may  apply  the  rule  of  page  13  and  obtain: 

k/2  =  (h/2)  :  (//looo),  or  /:iooo  =  h:k,ov 

1000  h  _  ,    (    k     \ 
k  '  V  1000  / 


P    h 


M  V 


/  = 


Since  for  h :  /  small,  / :  /'  nearly  unity,  we  may  in  this  case  also  use ; 

1000  h 


I' 


(appr.). 


We  assume  from  now  on  the  fraction  h/l  so  small  that  our  approx- 
imation formulae  hold.  . 

If  O  does  not  lie  exactly  on  the  perpendicular  bisector  of  h,  but  so 
close  to  it  that  /^ONM  is  approximately  isosceles,  (looo/z)  :  k  will  still 
give  a  good  approximation  for  the  distance  of  0  from  h. 

If  /SONM  is  not  approximately  isosceles,  this  expression  cannot 
be  used.    We  proceed  then  as  follows  : 

Consider  (Fig.  4)  the  parallax  of  MN  =  h  at  O.  Draw  the  per- 
pendicular bisector  PO'  of  MN,  making  PO'  =P0  =  /  (say). 


14 


N     /N 


p  h 


M  ^ 


Then  /NO'M  =  h:-^ mils  (appr.),  while ZiVOM,  the  angle  we 

lOOO 

are  interested  in,  is  obviously  smaller.    Therefore,  a  correction  must  be 

applied  to    0'   to  ob- 
tain  O,    (or  to   0   to 
obtain  0').     For  this 
purpose      the      angle 
MPO  =  7,     the     so- 
called    "angle    of   ob- 
liquity", is  introduced. 
It  is  easily  seen  that 
if  we  assume  a  rela- 
tion    of     the      form 
O    =    /(y)  ■  0',  then 
/(y)    increases    from 
o    to    I    when    y    in- 
creases   from    o°    to 
90° ;  the  general  be- 
haviour of  the  factor  /(y)   is  therefore  similar  to  the  sine  function. 
In  Field  Artillery,  the  following  values  are  usually  chosen,  with 
corresponding  rough  interpolations : 

60° 


30 


45 
•7 


00 


/(y)   I     o  .5 

The  angle  y  is  frequently  estimated ;  its  accurate  value  is  not  re- 
quired in  general."^ 

The  factor  /(y)  is  the  "factor  of  obliquity" ;  its  application  gives 
the  "correction  for  obliquity."  When  greater  accuracy  is  required, 
small  "obliquity  tables"  are  used. 

Example:  Given  h  =  300  yds.,  OM  =  4400  yds.,  IMNO  =  45°. 
To  find  IMON. 

Solution  :    First  method.    Let  IMON  =  k  mils. 

Since  AdN  is  small  as  compared  with  OM,  the  angle  of  obliquity 
y  zvill  be  approximately  equal  to  /LMNO  ;  we  assume  y  =  45°. 

In  AO'MN,  if  k  denotes  the  number  of  mils  in  0', 

4400 


k'  =  300 : 


1000 


68.2  —  mils. 


"■Jt  may  therefore  be  replaced  by  angle  ONM,  if  convenient   (since  h:l  is  assumed  small). 


15 


But  k  ~  k'  sin  y  =  68.2  •  .7  =  477  =  48  —  mils. 

Another  method  for  treating  the  correction  for  obliquity  is  often 
employed,  for  example  in  the  problem  of  determining  the  "deflection" 
in  indirect  firing  (see  p.  2"/).  This  method  will  be  sufficiently  explained 
if  we  apply  it  to  the  example  just  worked  out.  (M  may  be  assumed  to 
be  a  gun,  O  the  target,  MO  the  range,  N  the  "battery  commander's 
station" ;  the  required  angle  MON  is  a  so-called  "offset"). 

Solution :  Second  method.  Drop  a  perpendicular  MNi  from  M 
on  to  NO,  then  - 

MNi  "  h  ■  sin  MNO  =  300  -sin  45°  =^  300  •  .7  =  210  (appr.). 

From  A  OMNi,  then,  by  the  rule  of  p.  13. 


/  0N^  \  (  0M\ 

k  =  h:  ( )=/i:  ( Happr) 

VicxDO  /  V  1000/ 


210: 


4400 
1000 


48—  mils. 


To  estimate  the  accuracy  of  our  work  by  these  two  methods,  solve 
/SOMN  by  the  theorem  of  sines,  obtaining  O  =  2°45'48"  =  49.1  mils. 

PROBLEMS 

I.  A  line  of  length  h  yards  has  a  parallax  of  k  mils  at  a  distance  / 
yards  from  the  line.  The  angle  of  obliquity  is  90°.  From  any  two 
values  in  each  line  of  the  following  table  find  the  remaining  one  by  the 
rule  of  p.  13. 


h 

/ 

k 

100 

2000 

50 

200 

1000 

200 

330 

2200 

150 

220 

2500 

88 

270 

500 

540 

2.  Find  in  the  preceding  problem  for  each  question  the  error  in  k 
due  to  the  use  of  the  method  of  approximation. 

3.  The  quantities  h,  I,  y,  0  =  k  mils,  have  the  meaning  indicated 
in  Fig.  4.    Solve  in  each  line  for  the  unknown  quantity : 


h 

/ 

y 

k 

200 

1500 

60° 

7 

400 

? 

45° 

60 

7 

900 

30° 

100 

4.  A  ship  of  650  ft.  length  is  sailing  due  northwest.  For  an  ob- 
server on  another  boat  due  west  her  parallax  is  55  mils.  How  far  are 
the  ships  apart  ? 

16 


Ans. :    8400—  ft.  (taking  the  corection  factor  .71). 

5.  A  bridge  crosses  a  river  850  ft.  wide ;  the  river  flows  in  a 
straight  course.  From  a  boat  on  the  river  the  bridge  appears  under  an 
angle  of  4^  degrees.  Find  approximately  the  distance  from  the  boat 
to  the  bridge. 

850 

Ans.:- — -1000  ft. 
80 


17 


SECTION  C. 

CALCULATION  OF  FIRING  DATA  FOR  i;)IRECT  AND 
INDIRECT  FIRE. 

For  greater  simplicity  we  assume  in  this  section  throughout  that 
the  gun  {more  accurately,  the  muzzle  of  the  gitn),  the  target,  and,  as 
far  as  they  zvill  he  used,  the  "battery  commander's  station"  and  the 
"aiming  point"  all  lie  in  a  horizontal  plane. 

Moderate  differences  in  altitude  between  the  gun  and  the  target 
do  not  offer  serious  difficulties  in  practice. 

In  pointing  a  gun  it  is  first  necessary  to  know  the  range  and  di- 
rection of  firing.*  The  determination  of  these  quantities  is  the  only 
problem  which  we  shall  discuss  in  this  section.  When  range  and  di- 
rection are  known,  "range  tables",  constructed  for  each  type  of  gun, 
give  the  angle  of  elevation  under  which  the  gun  must  be  fired. 

In  the  Field  Artillery  the  range  is*  determined  by  rough  computa- 
tions or  measurements,  and  an  error  of  a  hundred  yards  or  more  is 
apparently  accepted  as  normal ;  corrections  are  based  on  actual  observa- 
tions of  the  results  of  firing.  In  the  Coast  and  Heavy  Artillery,  on  the 
other  hand,  every  effort  is  made  to  secure  a  hit  with  one  of  the  first 
shots. 

We  abstract  entirely  from  relatively  small,  but  very  important  cor- 
rections which  must  be  made  in  pointing  the  gun  and  which  are  due  to 
rifling,  wind,  etc.  for  the  direction,  and  to  wind,  temperature,  air- 
pressure,  etc.  for  the  range. 

OUTLINE 

I.     Determination  of  range  when  target  is  visible  from  gun. 

II.  Determination  of  range  when  target  is  not  visible  from  gun. 

III.  Determination  of  direction  of  firing  when  target  is  visible 
from  gun. 

IV.  Determination  of  direction  of  firing  when  target  is  not  vis- 
ible from  gun.   (Deflection). - 

DETERMINATION  OF  RANGE. 

For  the  determination  of  the  range  several  methods  are  available 
of  which  we  mention  the  following: 

I.     Target  visible  from  gun;  find  range. 
la.    From  the  maps. 


*Compare  for  this  section:     Bishop,  pp.  49-39;  Moretti  and  Danford,  pp.  68-130;  Spaulding, 
Ch.   V;   Gunnery,   Ch.   V;   Manual,  pp.    113-128. 

18 


For  the  whole  Western  Front  in  Europe  there  exist  extremely 
accurate  maps  of  each  "sector",  covering  the  whole  possible  field  of 
operations.  Such  maps  are  covered  with  a  system  of  "index  lines", 
that  is,  by  two  sets  of  parallel  straight  lines  which  divide  the  map  into 
squares.  The  most  detailed  maps  are  on  a  scale  of  i  :  5000,  so  that  one 
square  mile  in  nature  is  represented  by  about  one  square  foot  on  the 
map.  When  the  target  is  visible,  its  position  on  the  map  can  be  fairly 
accurately  determined,  and  since  the  position  of  the  gun  on  the  map 
is  likewise  known,*  the  range  is  found  either  by  actual  measurement 
on  the  map  or  by  using  the  Theorem  of  Pythagoras  in  an  obvious  way. 

lb.     By  using  range  finding  instruments. 

Theoretically,  the  simplest  range  finder  is  an  instrument  consisting 
of  two  telescopes  joined  by  a  rigid  (horizontal  or  vertical)  bar  of 
known  length.** 

The  telescopes  are  both  focussed  on  the  target  and  the  angles  read 
off  which  the  lines  of  vision  make  with  the  horizontal  (or  vertical)  bar. 
In  the  triangle  formed  by  the  bar  and  the  two  lines  of  vision  one  side 
and  two  angles  are  known  and  the  required  distance  (one  of  the  re- 
maining sides)  may  be  easily  determined.  (Since  the  range  is  large 
as  compared  with  the  distance  of  the  telescopes,  the  parallax  method 
with  correction  for  obliquity  would  apply).  However,  this  type  of 
range  finder  is  not  sufficiently  accurate,  since  a  very  small  error  in  the 
angles  causes  a  large  error  in  the  distance,  on  account  of  the  short  base. 
(Compare  Ic).  A  type  of  optical  range  finder,  based  on  the  refraction 
of  light  in  a  system  of  prisms,  is  actually  used. 

Ic.  Trigonometric  Methods  and  Use  of  Parallaxes, 
A  point  C  is  selected  (which  we  assume,  for  simplicity,  to  lie  in 
a  horizontal  plane  with  gun  and  target)  from  which  both  gun  G  and 
target  T  are  visible.  The  distance  from  gun  to  C  is  measured,  and  the 
angles  at  G  and  at  C  in  AGGT  are  observed.  Then  the  range  GT  is  de- 
termined by  the  theorem  of  sines.  Obviously  this  is  again  the  method 
of  lb  except  that  the  base  is  now  chosen  arbitrarily. 

The  work  is  considerably  simplified  if  G  is  made  equal  to  90°,  as 
is  frequently  possible.  The  problem  then  reduces  to  the  solution  of  a 
right  triangle. 

*In  Heavj'  Artillery,  trigonometric  (surveying)  methods  are  frequently  employed,  when 
the  position  of  the  gun  must  be  very  accurately  determined  (with  reference  to  fixed  points 
on  the  map).  We  assume  the  location  of  the  gun  on  the  map  to  be  known  with  sufficient 
accuracy. 

**In  one  instrument,  Berdan's  range  finder,  a  horizontal  bar  of  six  feet  length  is 
employed. 

19 


PROBLEMS 

1.  Assuming  G  =  90°,  find  the  range  GT  for 

(a)  GC  =  82oyds.,  C  =  75°55'. 

(b)  GC  =  20oyds.,  C  =  87°  5'. 

(c)  GC=  looyds.,  C  =  88°25'. 

2.  In  problem  i,  find  in  (a),  (b),  (c)  the  change  in  the  range 
due  to  an  increase  in  C  of  5'. 

3.  GC  =  1500  yds.,  C  =  72° 2,0',  G  =  86°2o'.  Using  the  theorem 
of  sines,  find  range  GT. 

4.  GC  =  550  yds.,  C  =  45°5o',  G  =  i25°25'.     Find  range  GT. 

When  GC  is  small  as  compared  with  the  range,  and  G  =  go°,  the 
range  may  be  found  by  the  rule  of  p.  13. 

Example :  From  G  a  fine  GC  of  150  yds.  length  is  measured  off  at 
right  angles  to  GT.  The  angle  at  C  is  measured,  C  =  1560  mils.  Find 
range  GT. 

Solution :  T  -{-  C  =  90°  =  1600  mils,  T  =  40  mils.  Applying  our 
rule,  we  have,  for  range  =  x  yds. 

/     .r    \  150-  1000 

'5°  '•   \1^}  =  40,  ^  -       -^        =  3750  yds. 

(The  true  value  of  x  is  150  •  cot  2°  15'  =  3818 —  yds.). 

Compare  for  this  kind  of  work  the  problems  of  pp.  13-14. 

When  GC  is  small  as  compared  with  the  range,  and  G  different 
from  90°,  the  range  may  be  found  by  using  parallaxes  and  sufficiently 
accurate  obliquity-factors. 

Example :  From  the  gun  G  a  line  GC  of  200  yds.  length  is  meas- 
ured off.  AG  is  found  to  be  43 "52^/^'  =  780  mils,  /.C  is  I33°52%'  = 
2380  mils.     Find  range  GT  =  I 

(a)  by  solving  the  triangle  GCT, 

(b)  by  using  the  parallax  method. 

Solution:     (a).    From  T  =  180° — (G+C)  =  2°i5', 

/:sin  i33°52^/^'  =  20o:sin  2°i5', 

we  find  /  =  3672  yds. 

(b).  Compare  p.  15,  first  method.  Fig.  5  is  only  schematic.  The 
student  is  advised  to  draw  a  figure  to  scale.    We  assume  that  GT  —  I 

20 


G    100    D   100 


may  be  replaced  with  suf- 
ficient accuracy  hy  DT  =  I' 
(in  case  the  error  thus 
committed  is  too  serious, 
an  estimated  correction  is 
easily  applied).  Since  GC 
is  small  as  compared  with 
GT,  the  angle  of  obliquity 
TDC  —  y  may  be  zvith  suf- 
ficient accuracy  taken  to  be 
equal  to  ITGC.  Then, 
by  Section  B,  /.GTiC  = 
AGTC :  s'mTGC  (approx.). 
Taking  ITGC  as  45°  (in- 
stead of  43°52%' ;  in  cor- 
rections for  obliquity  rough 
approximations  to  the  angles  are  always  considered  sufficient),  we 
have  T  =  3200  —  G  —  C,  and  Ti  —  T:  .71  =  40 :  71  mils  =  56  +  mils. 

Therefore  56  =  200  :  ' 

1000 

GTi  =  GT  (appr.)  =  3570  +  yds.  =  3600—  yds. 
The  error  committed  is  about  100  yds. 

PROBLEMS 

1.  In  the  triangle  formed  by  the  gun  (G),  the  target  (T),  and  the 
point  C  assume 

(a)  GC  =  300yds.,  G  =  90°,  C  =  1520  mils, 

(b)  GC  =  180  yds.,  G  =90°,  C  =  1560  mils, 

(c)  GC  =  600  yds.,  G  —  90°,  C  =  1400  mils. 

Find  range  GT  by  solving  the  right  triangle  and  also  by  using  the 
rule  of  p.  13,  and  find  the  error. 

2.  In  the  triangle  GCT  assume 

GC  ^=  300  yds.,  G  =  2000  mils,  C  =  1140  mils. 

Find  the  range  GT  hy  using  parallaxes,  and  determine  the  error 
committed. 

Ans. :  By  the  theorem  of  sines  4585  yds. ;  by  parallax  method 
4500  (choosing  obliquity  factor  .9). 


21 


II.  Target  not  visible  from  gun;  find  range. 

Ila.  Frequently  the  position  of  the  target  on  the  map  is 
known  and  the  method  indicated  under  la  may  be  applied. 

lib.  In  case  the  position  of  the  target  T  on  the  map  is  not 
known  with  sufficient  accuracy  and  cannot  be  determined  for  example 
by  aeroplane  observations  or  by  aeroplane  photography,  trigonometric 
methods  may  be  applied  as   follows : 

Select  two  points  A,  B  whose  distance  can  be  measured  and  which 
are  visible  each  from  the  other,  and  such  that  T  is  visible  from  A  and 
from  B.  Measure  angles  TAB  and  ABT.  Then  in  AABT  any  quan- 
tity can  be  determined.  Enter  the  points  G,  A,  B,  T  on  the  map  and 
find  range  GT  hy  measurement  or  by  the  Theorem  of  Pythagoras.  It 
is  of  course  assumed  that  the  relative  positions  of  A  and  of  5  to  G  are 
known. 

Other  trigonometric  methods  are  easily  devised. 

DETERMINATION  OF  DIRECTION  OF  FIRING. 

III.  Target  visible  from  gun. 

Usually  the  gun  and  target  are  not  visible  one  from  the  other. 
When  the  target  is  visible  from  the  gun,  it  is  possible  to  sight  directly, 
taking  afterwards  in  aiming  the  gun  the  necessary  corrections  into 
account.  This  is  called  "direct  firing"  or  "direct  laying."*  In  this  case 
only  the  range  has  to  be  determined  which  may  be  done  by  one  of  the 
methods  explained.  Another  method  consists  in  entering  gun  and 
target  on  the  map  and  determining  the  direction  of  firing  by  means  of 
map  and  compass.     (.See  Moretti  and  Danford,  p.  113). 

IV.  Target  not  visible  from  gun. — Aiming   Point;  Deflection. 

3n  this  problem  we  may  assume  not  only  the  range  known  but 
also  the  length  of  any  other  segment  which  may  be  useful,  provided  at 
least  one  end  point  of  the  segment  can  be  reached  by  an  observer.  (By 
the  methods  explained  in  I  and  II). 

IVa.  Assume  a  point  B  chosen  as  the  "Battery  Commander's 
Station",  from  which  both  gun  and  target  are  visible  and  such  that 
BG  =  c  can  be  measured.  Angle  GBT  is  measured  at  B.  In  ABGT 
two  sides  (range  and  c)  and  the  angle  opposite  one  side  are  known 


*See   Kemarks,   p.   29.         •  I    ' 

■'  \ 


so  that  Z.BGT  can  be  determined  by  the  theorem  of  sines.  The  gun 
first  aims  in  the  direction  GB,  and  then  swings  through  the  angle  EOT. 
Since  in  practice  the  range  is  usually  some  thousands  of  yards  while  c 
is  a  few  hundred  yards,  the  given  angle  lies  opposite  the  larger  side  and 
there  is  no  ambiguity. 

It  is  clear  that  (for  c /range  sufficiently  small)  the  parallax  method 
may  be  used  to  determine  T  and  hence  G  =  3200  —  B  —  T  mils.  If, 
in  particular,  the  angle  at  B  is  not  far  different  from  90°,  no  correction 
will  be  required  for  obliquity. — IVa.  is  not  usually  applied  in  practice, 
in  spite  of  its  theoretical  simplicity  (compare  Remarks,  p.  29).  It  may 
serve  to  arouse  interest  in  the  solution  of  triangles. 

PROBLEMS 

1.  Review  problem  5,  page  13. 

2.  For  each  set  of  data  in  the  following  table  find  /_BGT  by  trig- 
onometry and  also  by  the  method  of  parallaxes.  In  each  case  find  the 
error  caused  by  the  method  of  parallaxes.  In  which  cases  does  inspec- 
tion show  that  the  method  of  parallaxes  will  not  give  satisfactory  re- 
sults? (See  "Definition  of  mil,"  p.  11;  compare  pp.  14,  15  and  ex- 
amples pp.  15,  16,  20). 


BG 

GT 

GBT 

(a) 

250  yds. 

3200  yds. 

60° 

(b) 

320  ft. 

1050  yds. 

45° 

(c) 

700  ft. 

900  yds. 

45° 

(d) 

275  yds. 

300  yds. 

30° 

(e) 

400  ft. 

1800  yds. 

60° 

(f) 

1250  yds. 

750  yds. 

30° 

IVb.     Use  of  the  "Aiming  Point". 

Assume  again  a  point  B  (Battery  Commander)  from  which  G  and 
T  are  both  visible  and  such  that  BG  is  easily  measured.  (BG  will 
usually  be  chosen  not  more  than  a  few  hundred  yards  in  length). 

Next,  a  point  P  is  selected,  the  so-called  Aiming  Point,  which  must 
be  clearly  visible  from  G  and  from  B.  (F  is  usually  chosen  as  distant 
as  possible  from  B  and  G  consistent  with  visibility  ;  GP  and  BP  will 
therefore  measure  up  to  several  thousand  yards). 

Since  all  lengths  which  we  shall  use  may  be  assumed  known,  our 


23 


problem  will  consist  in  determining  certain  angles.    The  idea  is  to  have 
the  gun  first  aimed  in  the  direction  GP,  that  is,  as  if  the  (visible)  aiming 

P     point  were  the  target, 
-T  y^         and  then  to  swing  the 

gun  through  the  angle 
PGT,  where  the  angle 
POT  =  c?  is  the  quan- 
tity which  is  to  be  de- 
termined from  the 
known  data.  ( See 
Fig.  6). 


Definition :  The  angle  PGT  =  d  is  called  flic  angle  of  deflection. 
It  is  announced  in  mils,  at  least  in  the  Field  Artillery. 

The  deflection  is  a  fundamental  quantity  in  artillery  work,  and  its 
determination  one  of  the  most  important  mathematical  problems  in 
Field  Artillery  Service. 

In  Field  Artillery,  the  deflection  is  the  angle  PGT  measured  count- 
er clockzvise.  The  angle  PBT  '—  A  is  likewise  measured  counter  clock- 
wise. Both  angles  are  measured  from  o  mils  to  6400  mils.  The  (small) 
angles  GTE  —■  T  and  GPB  —  P  are  the  "offset  angles"  or  the  "offsets," 
and  are  counted  positive. 

The  figures  of  p.  25  will  illustrate  the  manner  of  measuring  the 
angles. 

In  each  case  the  equation  printed  with  the  figure  is  read  off  without 
any  difficulty.  For  example,  in  7a,  A  -{-  P  =  d  -\-  T ;  in  yc,  (360°  —  A) 
+  (/  +  T  +  P  =  360°;  in7f,  (360°  —  d)  +T=  (360°— A)    +  P. 

Rule:  One  obtains,  f^r  all  petitions  of  G  and  Tr  a  relation  of 
the  type  n  £  x'J  cs^x.  €  .  -  t'  -^  '   ■•    P 

d  =  A±P±T, 

and  each  of  the  four  possible  combinations  of  signs  actually  can  occur, 
as  our  figures  show.  Many  rules  exist  to  decide  quickly  which  combin- 
ation must  be  chosen  in  a  given  case.  In  a  trigonometry  course  it  is 
sufficient  to  derive  the  relation  from  the  figure  in  any  particular 
problem. 


■24 


DETERMINATION  OF  THE  DEFLECTION. 

Accurate  Solution :  Since  A  is  given  by  measurement,  the  de- 
termination of  d  depends  on  finding  the  offsets  P  and  T. 

In  APBG  the  angle  at  B  can  always  be  measured,  since  by  assump- 
tion both  P  and  G  are  visible  from  B.  Since  the  lengths  GP  and  GB 
may  also  be  assumed  known,  we  find  P  from 

sin  P    _  sjruRBG  . 
~GB~  '         ~GP 

In  AGBT  the  angle  at  B  can  be  measured,  and  the  sides  GT  and 
GB  may  be  assumed  known.    Hence 

sin  T  sin  TBG 

GB     ^    ~Gf 

from  which  we  find  T.  (The  three  angles  :  A,  TBG,  PBG,  are  not  inde- 
pendent of  each  other,  so  that  it  would  really  be  sufficient  to  measure 
A  and  one  of  the  other  angles.     (See  problems  of  p.  28). 

In  Field  Artillery  Service,  this  method  is  not  employed.  Instead, 
there  are  several  methods  of  approximation  in  use  which  are  closely  re- 
lated to  each  other  and  which  are  based  on  the  use  of  parallaxes. 
We  turn  to  a  brief  discussion  of  one  of  these  methods. 


26 


DETERMINATION  OF  THE  DEFLECTION  BY  MEANS  OF 

PARALLAXES. 

The  method  of  parallaxes  can,  as  we  know,  be  applied  with  advant- 
age only  when  we  have  to  deal  with  lengths  of  which  some  are  many 
times  longer  than  others.  This  is  one  reason  why  B  is  selected  close  to 
G,  while  P  is  selected  as  distant  as  possible. 

To  find  T,  assume  the 
perpendicular  GTi  dropped 
from  G  onto  BT  (Fig.  8). 
Then  GT.  =  GBsm  GBT, 
where  both  factors  on  the 
right  side  are  known.  From 
ATGTi  we  find  T  by  the 
rule  of  p.  13 : 

/  TT^  \ 

T  (in  mils)  =  GTi  A 1 

^  \  1000/ 

We  replace  TTi  (which  is 
not  known)  by  GT.  Since 
GTi  is  small  compared  with 
GT,  the  ratio  GT:TiT  is 
nearly  unity,  so  that  the 
new  error  thus  introduced 


is  small.    Therefore 

T  (in  mils) 


GT. 


\  1000/ 


In  practice  GTi  is  usually  not  determined  from  GTi=  GBs'm  GBT, 
but  is  estimated  by  the  battery  commander  at  B  from  his  gnowledge 
of  length  GB. 

P  is  found  in  the  same  way  by  estimating  the  length  of  the  per- 
pendicular GPi  from  G  to  BP  and  determining  P  from  the  right  tri- 
angle GPiP.    Thus 

/  GP    \ 

P  =  GPr.{ )• 

\  1000  / 

In  most  handbooks  on  Field  Artillery  the  perpendiculars  are 
dropped  from  B  onto  GT,  GP.  The  subsequent  work  is  practically  as 
above.  The  arrangement  in  the  text  is  adopted  from  Professor  Whitte- 
more's  article. 


*This  is  exactly  the  method  explained  in  the  second  solution  of  the  example  of  p.  15. 
When  GT^  is  estimated,  hardly  any  computation  is  required  to  find  T.  But  it  is  important  to 
note  that  an  error  of,  say,  s  per  cent  in  estimating  GT  causes  an  error  of  s  per  cent  in   T. 

27 


PROBLEMS 

This  set  consists  of  a  few  problems  to  be  solved  by  applying  the 
theorem  of  sines,  as  explained  on  p.  26.  While  the  accurate  method 
of  finding  the  deflection  is  not  used  in  the  Field  Artillery,  it  may  give 
the  student  a  clearer  understanding  of  the  background  of  the  theory 
of  indirect  firins:. 


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28 


Since  it  is  necessary  to  work  with  the  sines  of  angles  in  the  accur- 
ate solution,  the  angles  are  given  in  degrees,  because  every  angle  in 
mils  would  have  to  be  changed  to  degrees  before  tables  can  be  used. 
Besides,  the  base  GB  has  been  chosen  larger  in  comparison  with  the 
range  GT  than  is  permissible  when  the  method  of  parallaxes  is  em- 
ployed. This  was  done  in  order  to  avoid  triangles  with  one  angle 
nearly  zero.    The  student  is  advised  to  construct  the  figures. 

Problems  to  be  solved  by  the  method  of  parallaxes  have  not  been 
inserted,  because  an  artillery  officer  receives  in  the  army  a  thorough 
training  in  the  determination  of  the  deflection  by  methods  of  approx- 
imation. 

Remarks:  It  will  be  noticed  that  if  the  battery  commander's 
station  {B)  is  chosen  as  aiming  point,  that  is,  if  B  and  P  coincide,  IVb 
yields  IVa  as  a  special  case. 

It  might  therefore  seem  an  unnecessary  complication  to  choose  a 
separate  aiming  point.  However,  the  method  of  approximation  ex- 
plained above  (or  similar  methods)  permit  a  very  rapid  calculation  of 
P  and  T  within  the  limits  of  accuracy  required  for  Field  Artillery,  so 
that  no  appreciable  loss  of  time  is  involved  in  choosing  for  B  and  P 
distinct  points. 

On  the  other  hand,  it  is  desirable  to  choose  the  aiming  point  as 
distant  as  possible,  while  the  battery  commander's  station  is  generally 
desired  at  a  moderate  distance  from  the  gun.  This  arrangement  is 
considered  best  for  practical  reasons  connected  with  the  question  of 
fire  control  by  the  battery  commander  and  which  arise  largely  from  the 
fact  that  the  Field  Artillery  never  uses  individual  guns  as  a  unit,  but 
whole  batteries. 

In  fact,  the  indirect  method  of  pointing,  with  a  distant  aiming 
point  distinct  from  the  battery  commander's  station,  is  frequently  em- 
ployed even  when  the  target  is  visible  from  the  guns,  on  account  of  the 
advantage  of  centralized  fire  control. 


Correction :     p.  24  read  Rule : 

One  obtains,  however  B  and  P  are  chosen,  a  relation  of  the  type 

d  =  A±P±T. 


29 


AN  OUTLINE 

FOR  THE  STUDY  QF  -        -  ^,  ^Ij: 

ECONOMIC  READJUSTMENTS 

following 

THE  WAR  OF  1914-18 

PREPARED   FOR  COMMITTEE 

IN  CHARGE  OF  THE  COURSE  ON  WAR  ISSUES 

in  the 

UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS 

by 

MAURICE  H.  ROBINSON 


PRICE  TWENTY-FIVE  CENTS 


Published  1919 

by  the 

UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS  PRESS 

URBANA 


AN  OUTLINE 

FOR  THE  STUDY  OP 

ECONOMIC  READJUSTMENTS 

;  following 

THE  WAR  OF  1914-18 

PREPARED   FOR   COMMITTEE 
IN  CHARGE  OF  THE  COURSE  ON  WAR  ISSUES 

in  the 

UNIVERSITY   OP  ILLINOIS 

by 

MAURICE  H.  ROBINSON 


PRICE  TWENTY-FIVE  CENTS 


I.     ECONOMIC  SYSTEMS 


A.  Socialistic  Systems 

1.  Communism.  All  capital  owned  by  the  State.  Men  and  women 
assigned  to  their  daily  tasks  by  committees  or  rulers,  who  are 
elected  or  who  seize  the  authority  by  force  and  hold  it  by  might. 
The  products  of  capital  and  labor  controlled  by  authorities  and 
distribted  in  accordance  with  the  rules  of  the  community  or- 
ganization. Children  are  the  wards  of  the  community.  Primi- 
tive tribes  are  often  conducted  on  the  communistic  basis. 

2.  Socialism.  Admits  private  property  in  consumption  but  re- 
quires community  ownership  and  operation  of  the  tools  of  pro- 
duction. This  system  magnifies  the  state  and  minimizes  the 
individual.  It  stresses  justice  in  distribution  more  strongly 
than  efficiency  in  production. 

B.  Individualistic  Systems 

1.  Anarchism.  A  system  in  which  the  individual  is  given  free  play 
and  works  out  his  own  economic  salvation  without  government 
control  of  any  kind. 

2.  Private  Property  Operated  under  Government  Control.  Some- 
times called  the  Capitalistic  System.  

(a)  This  system  is  in  general  use  among  all  civilized  nations. 
It  is  a  combination  of  communism,  socialism,  and  individ- 
ualism, each  system  being  adopted  in  those  fields  of  eco- 
nomic life  where  experience  has  demonstrated  its  peculiar 
fitness.  Some  nations  are  more  communistic  than  others; 
some  more  individualistic.  Thus,  most  governments  have 
made  the  roads  common  property  although  they  quite  gen- 
erally assess  the  cost  of  maintaining  the  public  highways 
in  accordance  with  certain  individualistic  norms,  such  as 
value  of  adjacent  property,  income,  or  to  a  certain  extent 
the  use  of  the  facilities  thus  provided.  Again  some  nations 
are  more  socialistic  than  others;  some  own  and  operate 
railways  and  other  public  utilities;  some  own  and  operate 
factories  and  some  own  and  operate,  or  lease  to  private 
operators,  mines,  lands,  forests,  and  other  valuable  natural 
resources. 

3 


C.  The  Characteristic   Features  of  the  Present  Economic  System 

1.  Privately  owned   property 

2.  Freedom  of  association   in  business  enterprises 

3.  Business  enterprises  conducted   by 

(a)  Individual  proprietors 

(b)  Partnerships 

(c)  Corporations 

(d)  Business    enterprises,   united   into    aseociations,   trusts,   and 
composite  corporations. 

4.  Individual    initiative    and     individual     responsibility    in    business 
enterprises. 

5.  Large  and  small   business  enterprises 

(a)  Freely  exchanging  their  products 

(b)  Freely  competing  for  capital,  for  labor,  and  for  markets. 

6.  A  uniform  medium  of  exchange  furnished  by  the  government  or 
controlled  by  it. 

7.  A  Private  Banking  System  dealing  in  money  and  credits. 

8.  Government  control  over  the  various  activities  of  the  indu^rial 
organization. 

D.  international  Commercial   Policies 

1.  As  to  freedom  of  trade 

(a)  Free  trade  countries  .    ' 

(b)  Restricted  trade  countries 

1.  Tariff  for  revenue 

2.  Tariff  for  protection 

a.  Agricultural  products 

b.  Manufactured  products 

3.  Preferential  tariffs 

4.  Export  duties 

(c)  Foreign  trade  encouraged 
1.    Bounties  and  subsidies 

(d)  Commercial  treaties 

2.  International  Commerce 

(a)  Economic  advantages 

1.    Geographical  distribution  of  production 
4 


2.    Law  of  comparative  costs. 

(b)  Shipping  facilities 

1.  Ships  and  ports 

2.  Sea  routes  and  strategic  channels 

Influence  of  distance  and  dangers  of  the  sea. 

b.  Strategic  channels;  e.  g.,  Gibraltar,  Dardanelles,  Suez 
canal,  Panama  canal,  Straits  Settlement,  the  Baltic 
canal,   Panama  canal,  the  English   Channel. 

3.  The  merchant  fleet  and  the  navy 

(c)  The  freedom  of  the  seas 

(d)  The  balance  of  trade  and  international  payments. 

E.  Economic   Progress   under  the   Present  System 

1.  In   national   wealth 

(a)  The  United  States 

(b)  Great  Britain 

(c)  Prance 

(d)  Germany  annd  Austro-Hungary 

(e)  Italy 

(f)  Other  countries 

2.  In  national   income 

(a)   Countries  mentioned   above 

F.  The  Distribution  of  Wealth  under  the  Present  System 

References:      Spargo:    Socialism 

Kent:    Cooperative  Communities  in  the  United  States;    Bul- 
letin No.  35  of  the  Department  of  Labor,  July  1901. 

Orth:     Socialism  and  Democracy  in  Europe 

Text-books  on  the  Principles  of  Economics 

Taussig:     Tariff  History  of  the  United  States 

Hough:     Ocean  Trade  and  Traffic 

Fisk:      International   Commercial   Policies 

Raymond:     American  and  Foreign  Investment  Bonds,  Ch.  II 

King:     The  Distribution  of  Wealth  in  the  United  States 

Zenker:      Anarchism. 

5 


11.      IMMEDIATE    EFFECTS    OF    THE    WAR    ON    THE    ECONOMIC 
ORGANIZATION 

A.  Mobilization   of  men 

]    1.      Preparation  for  mobilization 
2.      The  call  to  arms 

(a)  In  European  countries 

1.  Number  and  character  of  men  called  to  arms  in  the  va- 
rious countries 

2.  Dates  of  mobilization 

(b)  In  the   United  States 

1.    The  nature  of  the  selective  draft  system 

B.  Mobilization   of  Capital 

1.  Kinds  of  capital   mobilized 

2.  Amount  of  capital   devoted  to  war  purposes 

3.  Methods  of  commandeering  capital   in  various  countries 

4.  The  creation   of  new  capital   for  war  purposes 

5.  Economic   effects   of   diverting   capital    from   its    normal    uses    to 
those  of  v/ar 

6.  The  speeding  up  process 

(a)  In  tlie  production  of  food 

(b)  In  the  production  of  coal  and  other  fuel 

(c)  In  tlie  production  of  war  material 

7.  Curtailing  the  production  of  luxuries  and  non-essentials 

(a)  By  government  order 

(b)  By  government  purchase 

(c)  By  appeals  to  patriotism 

(d)  By  withholding  labor  and  capital 

8.  Limiting  the  use  of  luxuries  and  non-essentials 

(a)  By  government  order 

(b)  By  patriotism  r 

6  - 


C.  The   Industrial   Army 

1.      Effect  of  mobilization   on  the  character  of  the  working  popula- 
tion in 

(a)  Various  countries 

(b)  Various  industries 

(c)  The  work  of  women,  cliildren,  and  the  physically  unfit. 

D.  The  effects  of  war  on  the  consumption  of  goods 

(a)  Food 

(b)  Equipment  for  the  army 

(c)  Clothing  for  the  working  classes 

(d)  Arms  and  munitions 

E.  Destructive  effects  of  the  war 

1.  On  men  in  the  army 

(a)  Men  killed;    men  permanently  disabled;    men  wounded   and 
temporarily  disabled 

2.  Effect  of  war  in  causing   labor  to   be  devoted  to  worl<   less  pro- 
ductive than  while  peace  prevailed 

3.  On  capital 

(a)  Destruction  of  cultivated  lands  in  France,  Belgium,  Serbia, 
Roumania,  Italy,  and  Russia 

(b)  Destruction  of  buildings  and  machinery 

1.  Necessary  for  the  progress  of  the  war 

2.  For  other  than  necessary  purposes 

(c)  Capital    rendered    partially    or    entirely    useless    during    the 
period  of  the  war. 

F.  The   Effects  of  the   Mobilization   of  IVlen  and  Capital   on  the   Internal 
organization  of  Business   Enterprises. 

References:      Ne-well,   F.   H. :      Reconstruction    Agencies,    Political 

Science  Review,  February  1919. 
National   Industrial   Conference  Board:     Problems   of   Industrial 

Readjustment  in  the  United  States. 
Littlefield,  Walter:     War  Casualties  of  All  the  Nations,  Current 

History,  February  1919,  pp.   239-248. 

Getting  Back  to  a  Peace  Basis,  ibid.,  pp.  249-254 

Emerging    from    War    Conditions,    Current    History, 

March  1919,  pp.  464-468 

Ford,  George  B.:     Summary  of  War  Damage  in  France,  Current 
History,  March   1919,   pp.    516-521. 
7 


Reports,  First  and  Second,  of  the  Provost  Marshal  General  to 
the  Secretary  of  War,  1917  and  1918. 

Friedman,  Elisha  M.:  American  Problems  of  Reconstruction, 
Part  I  and  Part  II 

Dawson,  Wim.  H.:     After  War  Problems,  Part  II 

Reports  of  Food  and  Fuel  Administrations.  Annual  Reports  of 
the  Secretary  of  War  for  the  years  1914-1918.  Reports  of 
various  Corporations,  especially  the  Du  Pont  Powder  Co., 
The  U.  S.  Steel  Corporation,  The  Bethlehem  Steel  Corpora- 
tion, The  General  Motors  Corporation,  The  Packard  Motor 
Car  Co.,  The  Nordyke  &  Marmon  Co.,  The  General  Chemical 
Co.,  The  American  Woolen  Co.,  and  others. 

The   Cost   of   the  War:    Mechanics    &    Metals    Nat. 

Bank. 

Bogart,  E.  L.:     The  Direct  Cost  of  the  War.     1918. 

Crammond,  Edgar:  Costs  of  the  War,  Journal  of  the  Royal 
Statistical  Society,  May  1915,  p.  362. 

Rossiter,  W.  S. :  Economic  Costs  of  the  War,  American  Eco- 
nomic Review,  March  1916,   Supplement,  p.  104. 

Lippincott,  Isaac:     Problems  of  Reconstruction. 


III.     THE    PROBLEM    OF   PRICES 

A.  The  Functions  of  Money 

1.  As  a  medium  of  exchange 

2.  As  a  standard  of  values 

3.  As  a  standard   of  deferred    payments 

B.  The  Effect  of  the  War  on  the  Output  of  Gold 

C.  The   International    Flow  of  Gold   during  the  war — polinies   and  prac- 
tises of  various  nations. 

D.  Credit  in  war  time 

1.  Issue  of  paper  money  based  on  a  reserve  of  gold 

2.  The  gold  reserve  in  war 

(a)  The  proclamation  of  Sept.  7,  1917 

3.  The   issue  of  paper  money   by  various  governments 

4.  The  use  of  Federal   Reserve  Notes 

E.  The  price  level 

1.  Before  the  war  

2.  Effect  of  war  on  the  price  level 

(a)  In  various  countries 

(b)  In  various  industries 

F.  The  Effect  of  the  war  on 

1.  The  cost  of  living 

2,  The  rate  of  wages 

G.  The  Problem  of  Price  Adjustment 

1.  To  what  extent  will  prices  fall 

2.  The  contraction  of  credit 

9 


3.  The  effect  of  high   prices  on  the   production   of  gold — proposals 
for  encouraging  the  production  of  gold  by  governmeat  subsidies 

4.  The  international  flow  of  gold  after  the  war 

5.  The    proposal    for    an    international    clearing    house    for    interna- 
tional payments 

6.  The  release  of  war  goods  for  peace  purposes 

7.  The   resumption   of   normal    production 

(a)  The  industries 

(b)  The  crops 

8.  Effect  of  falling  prices  on 

(a)  business  activity 

(b)  the  employment  of  labor 

H.     Government  work  on    roads  and   buildings 

I.      The  Prposal  for  a  Tabular  Standard  of  Prices 

1.  Jevon's  Plan,  1877 

2.  Fisher's  Plan,  1912 

References:  Nat.  Ind.  Conference  Board,  War  Time  Changes 
in  the  Cost  of  Living.     Report  No.  14. 

Cooper,  Henry  E. :  The  Gold  Situation.  Equitable  Trust 
Co.,  N.  Y. 

Report  of  British  Parliamentary  Committee  on  Problems  of 
Currency  and  Foreign  Exchanges  during  period  of  Re- 
construction. Reprinted  in  Federal  Reserve  Bulletin, 
December  1918. 

Anderson,  B.  M.,  Jr.:  When  Prices  Drop,  and  Price  Read- 
justment.    Nat.  Bank  of  Commerce,  N.  Y.,  Dec.  1918. 

Price  Statistics,  reported  in  Federal  Reserve  Bulletin, 
monthly,  and  in  The  Annalist,  Dunn's  and  Bradstreet's, 
weekly. 

Kemmerer,  E.  W.:  The  War  and  Interest  Rates,  Chapter 
XVI,  in  Friedman,  American  Problems  of  Reconstruc- 
tion. 

Fisher,  Irving:  Stabilizing  the  Dollar  in  Purchasing  Power, 
Chapter  XX  in  Friedman,  Am.  Problems  of  Reconstruc- 
tion. 

Fisher,  Irving:  A  Remedy  for  the  Rising  Cost  of  Living, 
Standardizing  the  Dollar,  American  Economic  Review, 
Vol.  Ill,  No.  1.     Supplement,  March  1913. 

Kinley,  David:  Objections  to  a  Monetary  Standard  Based 
on  Index  Numbers.  The  American  Economic  Review, 
Vol.  Ill,  No.   1,  March  1913. 

10 


IV.     THE    GOVERNMENT   AND   THE    PROBLEMS   OF    ECONOMIC 
READJUSTMENT 

A.  The  control  of  food 

1.  Act  of  August  10,  1917;    establishment  of  the  Food  Administra- 
tion 

2.  Organization  of  the  Food  Administration 

3.  The   Food   Licensing  order  of  October  8,  1917,  and   amendments 

B.  The  control  of  coal 

1.  Act   of   August  10,   1917 

2.  The  Fuel  Administration — created  by  executive  order  of  August 
23,   1917 

3.  The  work  of  the   Fuel    Administration 

(a)  Contracts  for  sale  of  coal  and  coke,  Dec.  21,  1917,  regulated. 

(b)  The  license  system  of  March  15,  1918 

4.  Limitation   of   non-war   industries  through  the  Fuel  Administra- 
tion 

C.  Control  of  shipping 

1.  Act  of  May  12,  1917,  concerning  enemy  ships 

2.  Foreign  ships   in   Port;    Espionage  Act 

3.  Exportation   of  Arms  and  munitions 

4.  Control   of  other  exports 

(a)  Act  of  Auggust  10,  1917 

(b)  Proclamation  of  February  14,  1918 

D.  Trading  with   enemy 

1.      Act  of  October  6,  1917 

E.  War   Insurance 

1.      Act  of  Oct.  2,  1914,  as  amended  Aug.  11,  1916,  June  12,  1917,  am! 

11 


Oct.   6,  1917,   in  re  Marine  Insurance,   Seamen's  Insurance,  and 
Military  and  Naval  Insurance 

F.  Control  of  railway  transportation 

1.  Priorities  Act  of  August  10,  1917 

2.  Control   Act,    May  21,   1918 

3.  Proclamation   taking   over    Railways,  December  26,   1917 

4.  The   Government  administration   of  the   Railways 

(a)  The  administration 

(b)  The  contracts  with  the  Railways. 

(c)  The  future  of  the  Railways 

G.  The  control   of  telegraph,  telephones,   and   cables 
H.     Control   of   Financial   operations 

1.  War   Finance  Corporation  Act  of  April  5,   1918 

2.  The  loaning  of  capital 

3.  The  control   of   new   and   refunding   issues 

I.      Government   Reorganization   for  war   purposes 

1.      The  Overman  Act  of  May  20,  1918 

References:     Statutes  and  Proclamations  relating  to  the  several 
subjects.      Copies    of   the    more    important    statutes    and 
proclamations  may  be  found  in  "Collected  Materials  for 
the  Study  of  the  War." 
Reports  of  the  various  departments  and  bureaus  of  the  gov- 
ernment. 
Current  Issues  of  the  Bulletin  of  the  National  City  Bank. 
Current  Issues  of  the  Federal  Reserve  Bulletin 
Current  Issues  of  the  Nation's  Business,  The  Chronicle,  and 

other  periodicals   dealing  with  politics  and   economics. 
Report  of  the  Bureau  of  Foreign  and   Domestic   Commerce 
on  Economic  Reconstruction.     Misc.  Series  No.  73. 


12 


V.     SHIPPING   AND   FOREIGN   TRADE 

A.  The  world's  merchant  fleet  before  the  war 

B.  The  destruction  of  shipping  during  the  war 

C.  The  use  of  many  ships  for  war  purposes 

D.  The  transfer  of  enemy  ships  to  the  allied   nations 

E.  The  taking  over  of  Dutch  ships  by  the   United  States;    proclamation 
of  March  20,  1918. 

F.  The  transfer  of  many  lake  ships  and  ships  used  in  coastwise  traffic 
to  the  transatlantic  route 

G.  The  building  of  new  ships 

1.  Privately  built  ships  in  various  countries 

2.  The   emergency  fleet  corporation 

H.     The  world's  merchant  fleet  after  the   war 

I.      Ship  building  vs.  shipping  policy  of  the   United  States 

1.  American   Registry   Laws 

2.  Panama  Canal  Act  of  1912,  as  amended  August  18,  1914. 
Its  use  in  war  by  order  of  May  23,  1917. 

J.  The  Seamen's  Act 

K.  Shipping  Subsidies 

L.  The  merchant  fleet  and  the  navy 

M.  Government  Insurance  of  War  Risks 

N.     Arguments  for  and  against  Government  ownership  of  merchant  ves- 
sels 

O.     Agreements  between  steamship  companies 

P.     Freight  Rates 

1.  Before  the  war 

2.  During  the  war 

15 


3.      After  the  war 

Q.     Terminal    Facilities 

1.      New   York-San    Francisco,   and   other  cities 

R.     Proclamation   concerning   exports,   February   14,   1918 

S.      Statistics   of    international   trade   during    and   following   the   war 

T.     Trade  acceptances  and   their  use 

U.     Post-war  international  trade  as  affected  by 

1.  The    return   of   American   securities 

2.  Loans  to  foreign   countries 

V.     Settlements  for  the   balance  of  trade 

W.     Combinations  for   Export  Trade 

1.      The  Webb   Law  of  April   10,   1918 

References:     Hough:    Ocean  Trade  and  Traffic  / 

Reports  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  '      ' 

Statutes  and   Executive   Proclamations 
Reports  of  the  Emergency  Fleet   Corporation 
Reports  of  the  Bureau  of  Domestic  and  Foreign  Commerce 
Snow,  C.  D.  and  Krai,  J.  J.:     German  Trade  and  the  War 


14 


VI.     WAR    DEBTS   AND   WAR    FINANCE 

X.     Debts  of  the  nations  before  the  war 

B.  The  costs  of  the  war 

1.  Costs  in  destruction  of  property  and  the  loss  of  life 

2.  Cost  in  war  debts 

C.  Raising  funds  for  the  war  by   taxation 

The   Constitutional    Amendment   of    1913   relating  to  the  Income 
lax. 

2.  The   Revenue  Act  of  October  3,  1917 

(a)  Kinds  of  taxes  provided  for. 

(b)  Proceeds  of  the  Tax. 

3.  The    Revenue   Act  of   February,   1919 

D.  Taxation   in    England,    France,   and   Germany. 

E.  Raising   Funds  for  the  War   by   loans — the   United   States 

1.  The  First  Liberty   Loan,  June  15,  1917 

2.  The  Second    Liberty    Loan,   November   15,   1917 

3.  Tl-e  Third   Liberty   Loan,  May  9,  1918 

4.  The  Fourth    Liberty    Loan,   October  20.   191S 

5.  Thi  Victory    Loan  of  April,   1919 

F.  The  use  of   Loans   in   England,   France,   Germany,  etc. 

G.  Principles   governing   the   use   of  taxes   and    loans 

H.     Characteristics  of  the   policy   adopted   by  the   United   States 

1.  Extensive    use   of    income    taxes — heavy    progressive    super    tax 
rates  witli  the  exemption  materially  reduced 

2.  Use  of  excess  profits  tax. 

3.  Extension    of   consumption    taxes — but    used    to   less    extent    than 

15 


\  in   former  emergency  measures — attempt  to   place   tax  on  luxu- 

ries, e.  g.,  amusements,  lodge  Initiations,  etc. 

4.  Discussion  of  constitutional  amendment  for  federal  land  and 
property  taxes.  Signing  of  the  armistice  removed  the  immedi- 
ate need   for  increased  revenue.  , 

5.  Treasury  notes  used  extensively  in  anticipating  the  returns 
from  liberty  loans 

6.  Bank  credit  greatly  expanded — large  use  of  the  Federal  Reserve 

notes 

I 

7.  Use  of  War  Savings  Certificates  and  bonds  of  small  denomira- 
tions — an  appeal  to  persons  of  small  means 

8.  Noticeable  attempt  to  place  burden  according  to  ability  to 
bear  it 

9.  Percentage  of  expenditure  raised  thru  taxes  comparatively  Jarge 
I.      Organization  for  the  collection   of  taxes  and   the  placing  of  bonds 

1.  The  work  of  the   Department  of   Internal    Revenue 

2.  The  organization  of  the  several    liberty   loan  committees 

3.  The  work  of  the  Federal   Reserve  System  in  placing  the  loans 


J.      International   loans 

1.  By  the   United   States 

2.  By   England  and  others 


K.     Effects  on  the  War  debts  on  industry  and  finance 

1.  Effect  on  tax  policy 

2.  Effect  on   international  trade 

3.  Effect  on   business  activity 

L.     War  Indemnities 


1.  War  indemnities  in  the  past 

2.  Determination  of   kinds  and   amounts 

3.  Effect  of   indemnities  on   international  trade 

References:      Raymond:      American     and     Foreign    Investment 
Bonds.     Chapter  IT.  |  . 

16 


Bogart:    Direct  Costs  of  the  War. 

Statutes  relating  to  the  Revenue  and  the  loans. 

Federal  Reserve  Bulletin. 

Report  of  the  Committee  of  the  American  Economic  Asso- 
ciation on  War  Finance. 

Seligman,  E.  R.  A.:  Fiscal  Reconstruction,  being  Chapter 
XXIII  in  American  Problems  of  Reconstruction. 

Reports  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 

Roberts,  Geo.   E. :      A  Creditor  Country. 

National  City  Bank:  Internal  War  Loans  of  Belligerent 
Countries. 

National  Bank  of  Commerce:     War  Finance  Primer. 


17 


VII.  LABOR  PROBLEMS  OF  THE  READJUSTMENT  PERIOD 

A.  The  genesis  and  development  of  labor  problems 

1.  The  evolution   of  modern    industrial  society 

2.  Labor  and   production 

3.  Labor  and  distribution 

4.  Analysis   of   the   labor   problem 

B.  Recent  tendencies   in   the   labor   problem 

1.  Conditions   incident  to   the  war 

(a)  Temporary  conditions:  Dislocation  of  the  labor  supply,  la- 
bor shortage,  breaking  down  of  labor  safeguards,  acute  in- 
dustrial unrest,  etc. 

(b)  Permanent  results  of  the  war:  Greater  solidarity  of  the 
ranks  of  labor,  development  of  the  idea  of  industrial  de- 
mocracy, greater  demands  of  labor  for  a  larger  share  of 
the  differential,  international  cooperation  between  labor 
forces. 

V 

2.  Labor   problems   of   the    reconstruction    period 

(a)  Redistribution  of  the  labor  supply  highly  concentrated  in 
war  industries. 

(h)  Unemployment  due  to  the  demobilization  of  the  military 
and  naval  forces  and  the  slowing  up  of  industry. 

(c)  Industrial  unrest  accentuated  by  the  lack  of  employment, 
the  continuation  of  high  prices,  and  the  insistence  of  labor 
unions  for  better  standards  of  pay,  hours  and  conditions  of 
work. 

(d)  The  child  lahor  problem 

(e)  The  woman  labor  problem 

(f)  Autocratic  control  of  industry 

(g)  The  training  of  skilled  lahor,  in  which  we  were  found  v/ant- 

ing  during  the  war  period 

f 
(h)   The  adjustment  of  wages  to  the  price  level 

18 


(i)   The  spread  of  Bolshevism  and  other  forms  of  radicalism 
(j)   The  immigration  problem 

C.     Suggested  remedies 

1.  Extensive  public  works — by  federal,  state,  and  local  governments 
to   furnish  employment  during  the  readjustment  period 

2.  Land  grants  to  returning  soldiers  and  sailors 

3.  Exclusion  of  immigrants  until  the  readjustment  of  our  indus- 
tries has  been  effected  and  the  domestic  labor  supply  has  been 
absorbed 

4.  Retention  of  the  present  high  wage  levels,  at  least  until  the 
level  of  prices  falls 

5.  The  introduction  of  more  democratic  control  of  industry  in  order 
to  establish  industrial  peace 

6.  Forceful  suppression  of  Bolshevism  and  other  forms  of  radi- 
calism 

7.  Contir.ustioM   of   coordinated   war   labor    administration   to   aid    in 

tne  settlement  of  industrial  disputes 

8.  Extension  of  the  United  States  Employment  Service  to  connect 
the  sources  of  supply  and  demand  for  labor 

9.  Establishment  of  state  and  federal  bureaus  of  industrial  research 
to  aid  in  the  scientific  adjustment  of  the  several  problems  in- 
volving labor  in  industry 

10.  The  organization  of  a  national  labor  party  to  cooperate  with 
«tnte  labor  parties — when  organized — to  advance  the  interest  of 
labor  during  the  reconstruction  period  and  after 

11.  Reduction   of  the  hours  of  employment 

References:    Chapman,  S.  J.:   Labor  and  Capital  After  the  War. 
Reports  of  the  Secretary  of  Labor. 
Cole,  G.  D.  H.:     Recent  Developments  in  the  British  Labor 

Movement.     American  Economic  Review,   Sept.  1918. 
Sprague,   O.   M.  W. :     Relations   between   Labor  and   Capital 
and  Reconstruction.  Am.  Econ.  Rev.  Dec.  1918,  p.  763. 
Monthly  Labor  Review,  Vol.  VI,  No.  5,  pp.  1102,  1163,  1239; 

Vol.  VI,  No.  3,  p.  81;   Vol.  VII,  No.  2,  pp.  172,  216;  Vol. 

VII,  No.   3,  pp.   58,   64,   319;    Vol.  VII,  No.   4,  pp.  44,   69, 

192;   Vol.  VII,  No.  5,  pp.  69,  72,  259. 
Cole,  G.  D.  H. :    Self-Government  in  Industry. 
Henderson,  Arthur:    The  Aims  of  Labor. 

19 


VIII.     THE    ROLE    OF    CAPITAL 

A.  Nature  and   Function   of  Capital 

1.  The   importance   of  capital 

2.  The  creation   of  capital 

3.  Varieties  of   capital 

(a)  Land  and  buildings. 

(b)  Roads   and  vehicles. 

(c)  Machinery  and  tools.  '.i 

(d)  Live  stock. 

(e)  Crops,  materials,  iiuished  goods,  money. 

4.  The   uses  of  capital  , 

(a)  Capital  as  an  aid  in  production. 

(b)  Capital  as  an  instrument  in  war.  , 

5.  The   formation,   structure,   and   operation   of   business   enterprises 

(a)  Independent  business   ventures. 

(b)  Cooperating  business  ventures. 

1.  Cooperation  in  peace. 

2.  Cooperation  in  war. 

B.  The  adaptation  of  existing   business  enterprises  to  war  work 

1.  Voluntary  transition  from  peace  work  to  war  wark 

2.  Transition    under  the   direction   of  the   Government 

3.  Illustrations  of  transition   in 

(a)  The  steel  industry. 

(b)  The  motor  vehicle  industry.  .       .  ' 

(c)  The  chemical  industry. 

(d)  Other  industries. 

C.  The  creation  of  new  business  enterprises  for  war  work 

1.      Provision  for  new  capital 

(a)  by  private  owners  , 

(b)  through  the  war  Finance  corporation  i 

(c)  by  direct  Government  action. 

20 


D.  The   Interest  Rate 

1.  Before,  during,  and  after  the  war. 

2.  Effect  of  a  changing   interest  rate  on  the  formation  and  opera- 
tion of  new  business  Enterprises. 

E.  Problems  of  Capital  during  and  after  the  War 

1.  Problems    of    business    management    in    view    of    an    increasing 
price  level 

2.  The  increase  in  the  cost  of  production 

(a)  Costs  of  materials 

(b)  Costs  of  labor 

3.  War  conditions   and   efficiency 

(a)  Scientific  study  of  costs 

(b)  Use  of  the  Taylor  system 

(c)  The    stimulation    of   shop    efficiency    by    bonuses    and    other 
direct  methods 

(d)  Some  results  of  capitalistic  efficiency 

4.  The   return  to  normal   activities  in  various  lines 

5.  The  cancellation   of  war  contracts 

6.  Changes    in    the   organization   incident  to   return  of  the   soldiers 
and  the  munition  workers 

F.  The   Farm   problem   after  the  war 

G.  The    Reward   of  the   capitalist  employer 

1.  The    nature   of  the   capitalist's   profits 

2.  Profits  as  affected   by  war  and  the  return  of  peace 

3.  The  excess   profits  tax 

4.  Present   position   of  the   entrepreneur 

References:     Monthly  Labor  Review,  Vol.  VII,  No.   5,  p.  1198. 
Kemmerer,  E.  W. :    The  War  and  Interest  Rates,  Chap.  XXI, 

in  American  Problems  of  Reconstruction,  p.  391. 
Gilbreath,   F.   B.   and   L.   M.:     Scientific   Management,   Chap. 

VII,  in  American  Problems  of  Readjustment,  p.  125. 
Schwab,  C.  M.:     Readjustment  of  the  Steel  Industry,  Chap. 

VIII,  (a),    in     American     Problems     of    Reconstruction, 
p.  13.5. 

Hesse,  B.  C:     Readjustment  of  Chemicals,  Chap.   VIII,    (b), 
21 


in  American  Problems   of  Reconstruction,   p.   145. 
Reports  of  Bureau  of  Labor  Statistics. 

of  the  Federal   Trade   Commission. 

of  the  War   Finance   Corporation. 

of  the  Capital  Issues  Committee. 


22 


IX.     POST   WAR    RELATIONSHIP   OF    LABOR    AND   CAPITAL 

A.  Relationship  during  the  war 

1.  The  response  of  labor  to  the  demands  of  war 

(a)  In  England 

(b)  In  France 

(c)  In  Germany 

(d)  In  the-  United  States 

2.  The  effect  of  rising  prices  on  the  laborer's  remuneration 

B.  Wage  Adjustment 

1.  Voluntary  adjustment  of  v/ages  based  on  price  statistics 

2.  Adjustment   through    official    and   semi-official   agencies 

(a)  The  work  of  the  English  ministry  of  labor  and  the  ministry 
of  munitions. 

(b)  The  work  of  the   United   States  War  Labor  Board,   created 
April  9,  1918. 

1.  Organization  and   functions. 

2.  jMethod  of  procedure. 

3.  Some  important  decisions. 

(c)  The  ship-building  labor  adjustment   Board. 

(d)  Other  adjustment  commissions 

1.  The   President's   Commission 

2.  The    National   Adjustment    Commission 

3.  The  Arsenals  and  Navy  Yards  Commissions. 

C.  The    National    Employment  Service 

1.  Organization   and   work 

2.  Its  function  during  and  following  the  war 

3.  The   government's   policy   as  to  the  future 

D.  The   Soldier  and  the   Land 
1.      The  English  program 


2.      Secretary   Lane's  proposal,  as  outlined  in 

(a)  Letter  to  Hon.  H.  I.  Osborne,  Cong.   Record,  Nov.   12,  1918, 
p.  12638 

(b)  Annual  Report  for  1918 

E.  The   Housmg   Problem 

1.  The  housing  problem   in   England,  during  and  following  the  war 

2.  The   housing   problem    In  the   United   States 

(1)  Provision   by   employers 

(2)  Housing   of  the   Emergency    Fleet  Corporation   workers 

F.  The   Workers'   Representation    in    Industrial    Management 

1.  The  program  of  the  British  labor  party  as  to  wages  and  repre- 
sentation 

2.  The  War  aims  memorandum  of  the  inter-Allied  Labor  and  So- 
cialist Conference,  London,  February  23,  1918,  as  to  wages  and 
participation  in  management 

3.  The  Program  of  the  American   Federation  of  Labor 

(a)  as  to  free'  transportation 

(b)  as  to  employment 

(c)  as  to  representation 

4.  The  English  program  as  outlined  in  the  Whitley  Reports  of 
March  8,  1917,  October  18,  1917,  June  31,  1918,  and  July  12,  1918 

5.  The   Rockefeller  plan  for  representation 

(a)  The  Colorado  Fuel  and  Iron  Co.  system 

(b)  The  Atlantic  City  Conference  platform  of  December  5,  1918. 

G.  Plans  of  the   Federal   and   State  Governments  for  the  adjustment  of 
economic  relationship  between  owners  and  workers 

h.     To  what  extent  ought  workers  to  be   partakers  of  risk  and  partici- 
pants in  profits? 

References:    Reports  of  the  English  Ministry  of  Reconstruction. 
McCurdy,  Chas.  A.:    A  Clean  Peace. 
The  Whitley  Reports. 
The  Garton  Report. 
Rockefeller,  J.  D.,  Jr.:    The  Colorado  Industrial  Plan. 

Representation  in   Industry. 

Reports  of  the  American  Federation  of  Labor. 
■ of  the  National  War  Labor  Board. 

of  the  War  Labor  Policies  Board  i 

24 


X.     PLANS   FOR    SOCIAL    BETTERMENT 

A.  Safety  first  movement 

B.  Welfare  work 

C.  Vocational    Education  and   Rehabilitation 

1.  The  work  of  the   Red  Cross 

2.  The   Federal    Board   of  Vocational    Education 

D.  Social   Insurance 

1.  Nature  and  function  of  Social    Insurance 

2.  Varieties  of  social   insurance 

(a)  against  accidents 

(b)  against  invalidity 

(c)  against  premature  death 

(d)  against  unemployment 

(e)  old  age  pensions 

3.  Historical  development  and  present  status 

4.  The  program  for  social   insurance  in  the  warring  countries 

E.  The  Problem  of  National   Health 

1.  Conditions   as   to    health    in    the    army    and   among   the    working 
population 

2.  Program  for  the  betterment  of  health 

F.  The  Problem  of  Thrift 

1.  Importance  of  thrift 

2.  Thrift  as  a  habit 

3.  Provision  for  safety  in  investment 

4.  Relation  of  the  thrift  habit  to  individual  and   national  efficiency 

G.  Economy  in  consumption 

25 


1.  The  conservation  of  national   resources 

2.  The  economic  use  of  food  and  clothing 

3.  V/aste  in  the  use  of  drugs,  narcotics,  and  stimulants 

4.  Prevention   of  waste   in   producers'   capital   through   wise   invest- 
ment and  through  the  work  of  the  Capital  Issues  Committee 

References:     Annals  of  the  American  Academy  of  Political  and 
Social  Science,  January  1919. 

The  Survey,  December  7,  1918. 

King,  W.  L.  M.:    Industry  and  Humanity. 

McMurtrie,  Douglas  C:  The  Disabled  Soldier;  The  Red 
Cross  Institute  for  Disabled  Men;  Reconstructing  the 
crippled  soldier. 

Proceedings,  National  Conference  on  Social  Work,  May  15, 
1918 

Proceedings,   National    Municipal   League,    Nov.    20,    1918. 
.  ,        Reports  of  the  Federal  Board  for  Vocational  Education. 

Report  of  Capital  Issues  Committee. 

Vanderlip,  Frank  A.:  National  Thrift,  Chap.  XXII  in  Ameri- 
can Problems  of  Reconstruction,  p.  415. 

Seager,  H.  R.:     Social  Insurance. 

Reports  of  hte  Bureau  of  Labor  Statistics,  on  Workmen's 
Compensation,  Accidents,   and   Unemployment. 


26 


XI.     THE    PROGRAM    OF   THE    SOCIALISTS   AND   THE    ANARCHISTS 

A.  The  Socialists'  Conception  of  the  Present  Economic  System 

B.  The   Socialists'   plan  for   Reorganization 

1.  The  evolutionary  socialists  propose  that  capitalistic  enterprises 
be  gradually  absorbed  by  the  state,  by  the  purchase  of  railways, 
telegraphs,  mines,  and  later  factories  and  stores. 

2.  The  revolutionary  socialists  propose  to  seize  all  privately  owned 
property  in  the  name  of  the  government  and  operate  it  for  the 
benefit  of  all. 

C.  The  plans  of  the  British  labor  party  as  to  private  property 

1.  As  to   ownership 

2.  As  to  operation 

3.  Their   reasons  for  their  program 

D.  The   plans   of  the    Inter-Allied    Labor   and    Socialist   Conference — lield 
in  London  February  23,  1918 

E.  Bolshevism    in   theory   and    practise 

1.  The  principles  of  Bolshevism 

2.  The    Bolshevist  organization 

3.  Their  method  of  procedure 

4.  The  Bolshevist  propaganda 

5.  The  results  of   Bolshevism 

(a)  on  the  distribution  of  wealth 

(b)  on  the  production  of  wealth 

(c)  on  the  future  welfare  of  the  race 

F.  Merits  and  demerits  of  socialism 

G.  Socialism   vs.   private  ownership   under  government   control 

H.     The  way  of  the  anarchist 

27 


References:      Spargo,  John:    Socialism. 
Kautsky,  Karl:    Social  Revolution. 

Lombart,  W. :     Socialism  and  the  Socialist  Movement. 
Skelton,  O.  D. :     Socialism,  a  Critical  Analysis. 
McCurdy,  CO.:    A  Clean  Peace. 
Current  Issues  of  the  Nation. 
Current  Issues  of  the  New  Republic. 
Current  Issues  of  the  Non-Partisan  Leader. 
Report  of  the  Senate  Committee  on  Bolshevism. 
Boyle,    James    E.:     The  Agrarian    Movement    in   the    North- 
west, Am.   Economic  Review,  September  1918,  p.   506. 
Hobson,  J.  A.:    Democracy  After  the  War. 
Walling,  W.  E.  (ed.):    The  Socialists  and  the  War. 


/ 


AN  OUTLINE 

FOR  THE 
^  STUDY  OF  THE 

POLITICAL  AND  SOCIAL  INSTITUTIONS 

OF  THE 

UNITED  STATES,  GREAT  BRITAIN, 
FRANCE,  AND  GERMANY 

WITH  PARTICULAR  REFERENCE  TO  THEIR  BEARING  UPON 
CAUSES  AND  ISSUES  OF  THE  WAR 


Prepared  for  the  Committee 

in  Charge  of  the  Course  in  War  Issues 

IN  THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS 

by 
JAMES  W.  GARNER 


PRICE  TWENTY-FIVE  CENTS 


PUBLISHED,  1919,  BY  THE 
UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS  PRESS 
URBANA 


AN  OUTLINE 


FOR  THE 
STUDY  OF  THE 


POLITICAL  AND  SOCIAL  INSTITUTIONS 


OF  THE 


UNITED  STATES,  GREAT  BRITAIN, 
FRANCE,  AND  GERMANY 


WITH  PARTICULAR  REFERENCE  TO  THEIR  BEARING  UPON 
CAUSES  AND  ISSUES  OF  THE  WAR 


Prepared  for  the  Committee 

in  Charge  of  the  Course  in  War  Issues 

IN  THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS 

by 
JAMES  W.  GARNER 


PRICE  TWENTY-FIVE  CENTS 


I 


1.     ^UMDAMENTAL  THEORIES 


A.     In  RcLpect  to  the  Katui^e  and  FL'ncUcn  of  the  Siate 

1.  Prussian  Theory.  The  State  is  an  abstract  mystical  entity,  a  spiritual 
collective  personality  having  a  life  of  its  own  apart  from  and  above 
that  of  the  people  who  compose  it.  It  is  not  an  artificial  creation  of 
man;  it  is  an  organism,  the  result  of  unconscious  evolution;  it  is  an 
end  rather  than  a  means;  the  individual  exists  for  it,  rather  than  it 
for  the  individual;  there  is  a  certain  quasi  divinity  about  it;  its  chief 
attribute  is  power  and  power  is  the  measure  of  right;  it  is  omnipo- 
tent and  omnipresent.  The  State  may  regulate  the  life  of  the  in- 
dividual in  all  his  daily  concerns;  it  alone  should  educate  him;  it  is 
a  better  judge  of  what  is  good  for  the  people  than  they  themselves 
are.  (Kant,  Hegel,  Fichte,  Nietzsche,  Treitschke).  Note  that  German 
civilization  is  regarded  by  Germans  as  the  product  of  the  State 
rather  than  of  individual  effort  and  enterprise.     . 

Corollaries:  (1)  There  are  no  limits  to  the  authority  of  the  State; 
its  commands  cannot  be  questioned;  it  is  impiety  to  attack  its  auth- 
ority;  blind  and  unthinking  obedience  is  the  duty  of  the  citizen. 

(2)  The  State  has  ends  and  interests  distinct  from  those  of  its  subjects. 

(3)  The  first  duty  of  the  State  is  to  make  itself  strong  and  powerful; 
it  must  unceasingly  strive  for  power  (Nietzsche) ;  it  must  be  self 
assertive,  aggressive,  imperialistic;  the  State  with  a  superior  civili- 
zation has  a  right  and  a  duty  to  impose  its  civilization  upon  those 
less  favorably  endowed;  it  must  therefore  be  militaristic.  ("The  two 
functions  of  the  State  are  to  administer  justice  and  assert  its  power 
without";  "the  second  important  function  of  the  State  is  warfare"; 
"war  is  an  institution  ordained  of  God" — Treitschke). 

(4)  The  right  of  small  States  to  an  independent  existence  need  not  be 
respected  by  powerful  States  ("Small  states  are  ridiculous";  "they 
are  incapable  of  defending  themselves  against  external  attack"; 
"they  do  not  produce  true  patriotism  or  national  pride  and  they  ar& 
generally  incapable  of  culture  in  great  dimensions." — Treitschke.) 

(5)  The  State  is  not  bound  by  the  law  of  nations  or  the  moral  law  ("There 
is  no  such  thing  as  international  law";  "treaties  are  voluntary  self- 
limitations,  binding  only  so  long  as  it  suits  the  contracting  parties 
to  observe  them";  "international  arbitration  is  incompatible  with 
the  nature  of  the  State;  besides,  it  is  a  matter  of  honor  for  a  state 
to  settle  its  disputes  by  itself" — Treitschke). 

3 


Query.  Was  this  theory  of  the  State  in  any  way  responsible  for  the 
late  war?  Name  some  instances  in  which  it  was  applied  in 
practice. 

2.  American  Thieory.  The  state  has  no  existence  apart  from  the  people 
who  compose  it;  it  has  no  ends  or  interests  distinct  from  theirs;  it 
is  not  a  super-personal,  super-moral  mystical  personality.  It  is  the 
organization  of  the  people  for  certain  common  purposes.  It  is  an 
instrumentality,  an  agency  created  by  themselves  and  the  form  of 
which  they  may  alter  at  will;  it  is  a  means,  not  an  end;  it  exists  for 
the  individuals  who  compose  it,  not  they  for  it;  it  is  entitled  to 
obedience  and  in  some  cases  of  sacrifice  but  blind  worship  of  the 
State  as  though  it  were  a  quasi  divinity  is  not  a  part  of  American 
political  philosophy.  It  allows  the  largest  degree  of  individual  free- 
dom consistent  with  the  rights  of  all;  no  industries  are  monopolized 
by  the  State  but  all  are  left  open  to  individual  enterprise;  the  life 
of  the  individual  is  not  over-regulated;  he  is  not  over-governed. 
Paternalism  has  no  place  in  American  theory  or  practice.  Nor  is  the 
United  States  a  militaristic  State.  War  is  not  considered  as  a 
"biological  necessity";  the  principle  of  international  arbitration  has 
made  great  progress  (over  SO  controversies  settled  by  arbitration 
since  1790);  international  engagements  are  regarded  as  perpetually 
binding;  the  rights  of  small  States  are  considered  as  entitled  to  the 
same  respect  as  those  of  large  States.  The  power  of  the  State  is  not 
regarded  as  absolute;  it  is  limited  by  the  moral  law  and  the  law  of 
nations. 

In   Respect  to  Goverr.mant 

1.  Prussian  Theory.  Government  exists  for  the  people  but  cannot  be 
administered  by  the  people.  It  is  a  difficult  art  and  requires  special 
training.  Government  in  Prussia  is  therefore  government  by  trained 
experts.  It  is  a  bureaucracy.  Administrative  offices  are  open  only  to 
those  who  follow  prescribed  courses  of  study  and  pass  state  examina- 
tions. It  is  not  responsible  to  the  people;  they  have  little  share  in 
it;  and  there  is  no  popular  control  over  it.  The  Prussian  conception 
of  democracy  does  not  embrace  the  idea  of  self  government.  But 
the  Prussian  system  has  a  deserved  reputation  for  efficiency. 

Query.     To  what  extent  should  efficiency  be  regarded  as  the  test  of 
a  good  government?   Is  it  the  sole  test? 

2.  American  Theory.  All  governments  derive  their  just  powers  from 
the  consent  of  the  governed.  The  people  have  a  right  to  determine 
for  themselves  the  form  of  government  under  which  they  live;  to 
choose  their  public  officials;  to  exercise  control  over  them;  and  to 
determine  the  functions  which  the  government  shall  exercise.  The 
people  are  their  own  masters;  public  officers  are  public  servants. 
Efficiency  is  not  regarded  as  the  sole  test  of  good  government. 
Stimulation  of  interest  in  public  affairs,  and  the  political  education 
of  the  citizens,  which  result  from  their  participation  in  government 

4 


outweigh  the  advantages  of  efficiency  which  are  claimed  for  the 
bureaucratic  system.  In  short  democracy  serves  as  a  training  school 
for  citizenship. 

Queries:  Are  democracy  and  efficiency  in  government  necessarily 
incompatible?  What  conditions  and  limitations  are  essen- 
tial to  the  success  of  democratic  government?  How  does 
the  German  conception  of  democracy  differ  from  the 
American  conception?  Dangers  of  democracy:  ignorance, 
indifference,  demagogy.  (Compare  Bolshevism:  govern- 
ment by  a  single  class — the  proletariat.) 

C.  In    Respect  to   Constitutional  Safeguards 

1.  What  is  Constitutional  Government?  It  is  government  organized 
and  conducted  in  accordance  with  certain  fundamental  rules,  either 
conventional  or  customary,  which  are  binding  upon  those  who  exer- 
cise authority.  It  is  therefore  a  government  of  "laws  and  not  of 
men". 

2.  How  Framed.  In  the  United  States  constitutions  are  framed  by 
popularly  elected  conventions  and  are  generally  submitted  to  the 
voters  for  their  approval  or  disapproval.  Compare  the  German  state 
constitutions  which  were  "promulgated"  by  kings  and  princes  and 
which  may  be  abrogated  by  them.  What  is  the  American  view  of 
such  a  constitution? 

3.  How  amended.  In  the  United  States  the  state  constitutions  are 
amended  by  the  action  of  the  voters  (upon  proposal  by  the  legisla- 
ture or  by  popular  initiative).  In  England,  Germany  and  France  the 
constitutions  may  be  amended  by  the  Parliaments.  No  distinction  is 
made  between  the  constituent  and  the  legislative  powers.  Note  that 
in  Germany  14  negative  votes  in  the  Bundesrath  may  defeat  an 
amendment  and  that  the  Emperor  controlled  21  votes  in  that  body. 

4.  Character.  A  distinguishing  characteristic  of  American  constitutions 
is  that  they  are  not  only  instruments  for  the  granting  of  powers  but 
are  also  instruments  of  limitations  and  prohibitions.  Compare  the 
English  constitution  which  sets  no  limits  to  the  power  of  Parliament; 
also  the  French  and  German  constitutions  which  contain  few  or  no 
express  limitations  on  the  powers  of  Parliament. 

5.  Supremacy  of  the  Constitution  over  Ordinary  law.  In  the  United 
States  the  courts  have  the  power  to  maintain  the  supremacy  of  the 
constitution  by  refusing  to  enforce  a  statute  which  is  contrary  to  the 
constitution.  In  England,  France,  Germany  and  most  of  the  other 
countries  of  Europe,  the  courts  have  no  such  power.  If  therefore 
the  legislature  in  those  countries  passes  a  law  in  contravention  of 
the  constitution  the  law  is  nevertheless  valid  and  there  is  no  judicial 
recourse  against  its  enforcement. 

D.  In  Respect  to  Liberty. 

1.  Constitutional  Protections.  The  American  constitutions  are  not  only 
instruments  of  government  but  also  charters  of  liberty  (First  eight 

5 


amendments  to  the  Federal  constitution;  bills  of  rights  of  the  state 
constitutions).  Compare  the  constitutions  of  the  German  Empire 
and  of  France.  Nevertheless  the  French  regard  the  Declaration  of 
the  Rights  of  Man  and  of  the  Citizen  of  1789  as  a  part  of  their  publi« 
law.  The  Prussian  constitution  contains  an  elaborate  bill  of  rights 
but  most  of  its  provisions  are  "empty  phrases".  Note  the  power  of 
the  American  courts  to  enforce  the  provisions  of  the  bills  of  rights 
and  to  protect  the  domain  of  liberty  which  they  create. 

Conoeptions  of  Liberty.  In  the  United  States,  England  and  France, 
liberty  of  speech,  press,  assembly,  religion  and  education  is  subject 
to  few  restrictions,  except  in  time  of  war.  In  Germany  no  public 
meetings  may  be  held  without  a  declaration  to  the  police.  Speeches 
must  be  delivered  in  the  German  language,  even  in  Poland  and  Alsace- 
Lorraine.  Editors  are  jailed  for  criticizing  the  government  and  pri- 
vate schools  are  only  tolerated.  During  the  existence  of  the  Anti- 
Socialist  law,  (1878-90),  1000  books  and  pamphlets,  over  80  German 
newspapers  and  60  foreign  journals  were  placed  on  the  index,  and 
1500  persons  were  imprisoned.  Compare  the  following  from  Prof, 
Hintze  of  the  University  of  Berlin:  The  government  of  Prussia  is  a 
"form  of  government  which  does  not  seek  primarily  the  comfort  and 
happiness  of  the  individual  but  rather  the  power  and  greatness  of 
the  State,  since  without  the  latter,  general  prosperity  cannot  be 
regarded  as  secure."  "German  freedom,"  says  Prof.  Troeltsch,  "will 
never  be  purely  political;  it  will  always  be  bound  up  with  the  ideal- 
istic thought  of  duty  and  with  the  romantic  thought  of  individuality." 

Queries:     What  is  meant  by  "political"  liberty?  What  effect  has  the 
denial  of  liberty  upon  the  character  of  the  people? 
Name  some  restrictions  placed  upon  the  liberty  of  Amer- 
ican citizens  during  the  late  war.  ,  , 

Required  reading: 

Beard  and  Ogg:    National  Governments  and  the  World 

War,  Chs.  1,  10. 
Lowell:  Greater  European  Governments,  pp.  3-4;  98-104. 


II.  FORMS  AND  FUNCTIONS  OF  GOVERNMENT 

1.  Monarchy.  Great  Britain  is  a  monarchy  and  so  was  Germany  until 
recently,  i.e.,  States  whose  titular  heads  ruled  by  hereditary  right. 
Is  monarchy  necessarily  incompatible  with  popular  government?  Is 
the  English  government  a  government  by  the  people?  Note  that 
Belgium  is  a  monarchy  but  its  constitution  declares  that  "all  powers 
emanate  from  the  people".  But  compare  the  German  monarchies. 
(In  1905  the  people  of  Norway  voted  to  establish  a  monarchy  in  pref- 
erence to  a  republic.) 

2.  Republic.  The  United  States  and  France  are  republics.  Their 
executive  heads  are  presidents  elected  for  definite  terms.  Is  the 
government  of  England  less  republican  in  spirit? 

Z.  Federal  Government.  A  composite  type  under  which  there  is  a  com- 
mon central  government  and  a  number  of  component  member-states 
each  with  a  large  degree  of  local  autonomy  (the  United  States,  the 
German  Empire,  Switzerland,  Brazil,  Canada,  Australia). 

A.  American  and  German  types  compared: 

<a)  In  the  United  States  the  member-states  are  on  a  footing  of  equality 
in  respect  to  rights  and  privileges;  in  Germany  they  are  unequal. 

<b)  In  respect  to  the  distribution  of  powers  the  American  states  are 
left  in  control  of  many  matters  which  in  Germany  are  conferred 
upon  the  Imperial  Government. 

Query:  Is  the  present  distribution  of  powers  between  the  national 
and  state  governments  in  the  United  States  in  harmony 
with  modern  conditions? 

(c)  A  distinguishing  feature  of  the  German  federal  system  is  that  it  is 
a  system  of  centralization  in  legislation  and  decentralization  in 
administration  (the  state  governments  execute  in  the  main  the 
laws  of  the  Empire). 

(d)  In  the  United  States  the  Supreme  Court  is  the  umpire  which 
determines  disputes  between  the  national  government  and  the 
states  and  keeps  each  within  its  own  sphere.  The  national  govern- 
ment cannot  directly  coerce  a  state.  In  Germany  the  Imperial 
government  may,  thru  the  process  of  "federal  execution",  compel 
a  state  to  perform  its  obligations  as  a  member  of  the  Union. 

B.  Merits  of  Federal  Government. 

(a)  The  only  form  which  combines  the  advantages  of  a  central  govern- 
ment for  the  management  of  common  affairs,  with  the  advantages 

7 


of  local  government  for  the  administration  of  local  concerns.  It 
allows  uniform  regulation  where  uniformity  is  essential  and  at  the 
same  time  permits  diversity  where  local  conditions  make  it  desir- 
able, 
(b)  It  is  well  adapted  to  large  states  composed  of  diverse  nationalities 
or  of  populations  with  widely  varying  interests  and  standards  of 
right  and  wrong. 

Queries:  Would  any  other  form  of  government  be  so  well  suited 
to  the  conditions  prevailing  in  the  United  States? 
Would  it  not  be  well  adapted  to  the  British  Empire? 
Instead  of  dividing  Austria  into  a  number  of  petty  states 
would  the  interests  of  the  various  nationalities  in  that 
county  be  better  subserved  by  federation,  leaving  to  each 
a  wide  degree  of  local  autonomy  or  by  making  them 
independent? 

C.     Weaknesses  of  Federal  Government 

(a)  In  respect  to  national  defense  and  the  performance  of  international 
obligations. 

(b)  Danger  from  diversity  of  law  where   there  should  be  uniformity 
(law  of  insurance,  bills  and  notes,  marriage  and  divorce,  etc.) 

(c)  Danger  of  conflicts  between  the  central  and  local  governments. 

(d)  Complexity,   delay   and   expense  resulting  from  a  dual  system  of 
legislation  and  administration. 

4.  Unitary  or  Centralized  government.  A  system  in  which  the  powers 
of  government  are  not  distributed  between  a  central  government  and 
a  number  of  local  governments  but  are  concentrated  in  a  single  cen- 
tral government.  The  government  of  France  is  a  good  example.  The 
local  governments  are  under  the  control  of  the  central  government. 
What  are  the  merits  and  demerits  of  such  a  system? 

5.  Parliamentary   Government 

A.  Definition:  A  system  in  which  the  executive  and  legislative  functions 
are  not  separated.  The  titular  executive  is  an  irresponsible  heredi- 
tary monarch  or  a  president,  the  real  executive  being  a  ministry  or 
cabinet  which  is  usually  a  committee  of  the  legislature.  The  ministry 
formulates  all  important  legislation,  steers  it  through  the  legislature 
and  then  carries  it  into  execution.  It  is  immediately  responsible  to 
the  legislature  and  mediately  to  the  people  for  its  political  policies 
and  must  resign  when  it  ceases  to  have  the  confidence  of  either. 
(England,  France  and  most  of  the  countries  of  Europe). 

B.  Working  in  England  and  Francie.  The  parliamentary  system  has  not 
worked  as  smoothly  in  France  as  in  England  because: 

(a)  It  is  not  indigenous. 

(b)  The  ministers  are  subjected  to  excessive  control  by  the  legis- 
lature. 

■      •         -         k 


(c)  The  right  of  interpellation  is  abused. 

(d)  There  is  a  multiplicity  of  political  parties. 

C.  The  German  System.  In  Germany  the  true  parliamentary  system 
has  not  heretofore  existed,  because  the  ministers  are  not  members 
of  the  legislature  nor  are  they  responsible  to  it.  They  were  appointed 
by  the  Emperor  and  were  responsible  to  him  alone.  (Compare  the 
Saverne  case). 

D.  Merits  of  the  Parliamentary  System.  The  legislature  and  executive 
work  in  harmony.  The  same  body  which  formulates  legislative  pol- 
icies carries  them  into  execution.  By  means  of  the  power  of  dissolu- 
tion an  appeal  may  be  taken  at  any  time  to  the  electorate  to  deter- 
mine conflicts  between  the  executive  and  the  legislature.  Is  the 
English  government  more  responsive  to  public  opinion  than  that  of 
the  United  States,  as  is  sometimes  asserted? 

E.  Demerits.     Instability;   lack  of  concentration  of  power. 

6.  Presidential  Government:  (the  United  States).  A  system  in  which 
the  executive  and  legislative  functions  are  in  the  main  kept  separate. 
The  executive  is  independent  of  the  legislature  both  as  to  tenure  and 
political  policies,  being  responsible  to  it  only  for  criminal  acts.  Mem- 
bers of  the  cabinet  are  not  members  of  the  legislature;  they  do  not 
necessarily  belong  to  the  party  in  control  of  the  legislature;  they  are 
appointed  by  the  executive  and  are  responsible  to  him  alone. 

Queries:  Should  members  of  the  cabinet  be  allowed  seats  in  Con- 
gress even  if  not  responsible  to  it?  Why  was  the  Par- 
liamentary system  not  introduced  into  the  United  States? 

7.  Functions  of  Government: 

A.  The  Paternalistic  Theory:  the  government  is  a  better  judge  of  what 
the  common  welfare  requires  than  the  people  are;  the  government 
should  guide  and  direct  them;  regulate  their  daily  lives;  watch  over 
them;  and  provide  for  the  satisfaction  of  all  their  common  needs. 
(Example:  Prussia,  to  a  large  extent).  What  is  the  effect  of  such 
a  system  of  government  on  the  character  of  the  people? 

B.  The  Socialistic  Theory.  The  State  should  in  addition  to  its  functions 
of  police  and  defense  engage  in  various  industrial  undertakings  (such 
as  the  operation  of  railroads,  telegraphs  and  the  like),  promote  the 
social  and  economic  interests  of  the  people,  provide  them  with  free 
education  and  even  amusement,  insure  them  against  old  age  and  sick- 
ness, lend  money  to  farmers,  etc.  The  German  governments  and 
especially  that  of  Prussia  own  the  railroads,  canals,  telegraphs,  tele- 
phones, mines  of  various  kinds,  forests,  conduct  savings  banks,  pawn 
shops,  employment  agencies,  systems  of  insurance,  and  have  a  virtual 
monopoly  of  education.  The  German  cities  own  and  operate  all 
public  utilities,  maintain  opera  houses,  public  markets,  slaughter 
houses  and  even  milk  depots,  lodging  houses,  restaurants,  etc.  The 
governments  of  England,  Australia,  New  Zealand  and  other  countries 

9 


are  now  engaged  in  many  socialistic  undertakings.  How  does  the 
state  socialism  of  these  countries  differ  from  that  of  Germany? 
Should  a  government  undertake  to  perform  a  service  which  may  be 
as  well  done  by  private  enterprise? 

C.  The  Individualistic  Theory:  The  government  which  governs  least 
is  the  best.  The  functions  of  government  should  be  limited  to  the 
maintenance  of  peace,  the  defense  of  the  country,  the  enforcement 
of  contracts,  and  the  punishment  of  crime.  Does  the  American 
government  belong  to  this  class?  Is  the  theory  workable  under 
modern  conditions? 

Required  Reading:    Beard  and  Ogg,  chs.  3,  11,  18.   Lowell,  pp.  13-28;  93- 

97;  120-122;  182-183;  233-249;  254-256;  277;  299-301. 


10 


III.     THE   ELECTORAL   FRANCHISE 

1.  In  the  United  States.     Excluded  classes,  lunatics,  persons  convicted  of 

election  offenses  and  infamous  crimes,  women  in  many  states.  Edu- 
cational and  taxpaying  requirements : 

(a)  In  Northern  states. 

(b)  In  Southern  states.  The  "grandfather"  and  "old  soldier"  de- 
vices in  certain  southern  states.  Woman  suffrage;  limited  vote 
in  many  states,  equal  suffrage  with  men  in  16  states. 

Note  that  in  the  United  States  no  distinction  is  made  between 
national  and  state  suffrage  as  is  made  in  England  between  the  par- 
liamentary and  municipal  franchise  and  in  Germany  between  the 
Imperial  and  state  suffrage.  In  the  United  States  there  is  but  one 
class  of  voters  and  their  qualifications  are  fixed  by  the  states  subject 
only  to  the  provisions  of  the  14th  and  15th  amendments  to  the  Fed- 
eral constitution. 

2.  In  England:     By  the  Reform  Act  of  July  7,  1918,  the  parliamentary  fran- 

chise is  conferred  on  every  man  over  21  years  of  age  who  has  re- 
sided in  the  same  place  for  6  months  and  on  every  woman  over  30 
years  of  age  who  had  formerly  enjoyed  the  privilege  of  voting  in 
local  elections  or  who  is  tae  wife  of  an  elector,  and  who  occupies  a 
dwelling  or  premises  of  the  annual  value  of  5  pounds.  (Excluded 
classes,  peers,  idiots,  lunatics,  bankrupts).  Note:  persons  in  active 
military  or  naval  service  may  vote. 

3.  In  France.    All  male  inhabitants  over  21  years  of  age  except  convicts, 

bankrupts,  persons  under  guardianship  and  persons  in  the  active 
military  or  naval  service  are  qualified  voters.  No  educational  or 
property  qualifications.  Women  may  vote  for  judges  of  commercial 
and  industrial  courts. 

4.  In  Germany 

A.  The  Imperial  Suffrage.  All  males  who  have  attained  the  25th  year 
of  age,  except  bankrupts,  persons  under  guardianship,  beneficiaries 
of  public  charity,  convicts,  and  those  in  active  military  or  naval  ser- 
vice are  qualified  to  vote.  Women  are  excluded  in  all  elections. 

B.  The  Prussian  Suffrage.  Members  of  the  Prussian  legislature  are 
chosen  not  directly  but  by  electors  who  are  in  turn  selected  accord- 
ing to  a  three  class  system  under  which  the  voters  are  grouped  on 
the  basis  of  the  amount  of  taxes  they  pay.  In  1903  the  first  class 
represented  2  percent  of  the  voters,  the  second  class  12.7  percent. 

11 


and  the  third,  85  percent.    (In  2159  districts  in  1911  a  single  voter 
constituted  the  first  class.) 

5.     Methods  of  exercising  the  Franchise. 

A.  In  the  United  States  secret  ballot,  screened  voting  booths,  no  other 
persons  except  election  officers  allowed  in  the  voting  room,  no 
electioneering  within  a  certain  distance  of  the  polling  place,  laborers 
allowed  to  be  absent  from  their  employment  for  the  purpose  of  vot- 
ing, etc.   Substantially  the  same  safeguards  in  England. 

B.  In  France  the  system  of  envelope  voting  prevails  and  in  1914  the 
secret  voting  booth  was  introduced.  Elections  are  held  on  Sundays 
for  the  benefit  of  the  working  classes. 

C.  In  the  German  Imperial  elections  voting  by  envelope  prevails  but 
there  is  no  screened  voting  booth.  "Voters  are  therefore  exposed  to 
pressure  and  intimidation. 

D.  The  Prussian  elections  are  not  held  on  Sundays  as  in  France,  and 
the  law  does  not  secure  to  the  working  classes  a  right  to  absent 
themselves  from  their  employment  for  the  purpose  of  voting.  More- 
over, the  ancient  system  of  viva  voce  voting  prevails.  The  intimida- 
tion to  which  the  voters  are  thus  exposed  deters  large  numbers  from 
voting.  (In  1903,  77  percent  of  the  voters  refrained  from  exercising 
the  franchise  in  the  Prussian  elections).  Compare  the  following 
from  Treitschke:  "The  secret  ballot  is  the  shabbiest  trick  that  was 
ever  proposed  in  the  name  of  liberalism."  (Politics  II,  199).  Note 
that  in  Germany  a  strong  and  effective  pressure  is  exerted  by  the 
government  upon  the  voters,  in  behalf  of  the  candidates  whom  it 
desires  to  be  elected. 

Required  Reading:  Beard  and  Ogg,  ch.  7;  pp.  226-237;  Lowell,  pp.  32-34; 
283-291. 


12 


IV.     LEGISLATIVE  SYSTEMS 

1.  Origin  of  the  principle  of  representation.     Rise  of  the  British  Parliament. 

2.  The  Bicameral  System.  Upper  Chambers.  The  House  of  Lords  in  Eng- 
land. Origin,  composition,  and  powers.  By  the  Parliament  Act  of  1911  it 
lost  the  power  to  reject  money  bills  and  was  left  only  the  power  to  delay 
other  legislation.   Proposed  changes  in  composition  of. 

3.  Thie  Senate  of  the  United  States.  96  members.  Now  popularly  elected. 
Term  6  years.  Equal  representation  of  the  States.  Special  powers,  orig- 
inal purpose  and  early  character.  Reason  for  substitution  of  popular 
choice;  effect  on  character  of  the  Senate.  Elements  of  strength  and  of 
weakness. 

4.  The  Senate  of  France.  300  members.  Chosen  for  9  years,  by  depart- 
mental electoral  colleges.  Senators  must  be  at  least  40  years  of  age.  On 
the  whole,  a  body  of  able  representatives  but  popularly  criticized  for  its 
conservatism.  Proposed  alteration  of  mode  of  election.   Special  powers. 

5.  The  German  Bundesrath.  61  members.  Composed  exclusively  of  mem- 
bers appointed  by  the  executive  heads  of  the  several  states.  Members 
vote  by  state  delegations  and  as  a  unit.  They  vote  according  to  instruc- 
tions and  uninstructed  votes  are  not  counted.  It  is  not  therefore  a 
deliberative  body.  Of  the  61  votes  the  Emperor  controlled  21.  All  im- 
portant bills  originate  in  the  Bundesrath  and  its  ascendancy  over  the 
Reichstag  in  this  respect  is  well  established.  Compare  its  powers  in  this 
respect  with  the  English  House  of  Lords. 

6.  Lower  Chambers.  The  House  of  Commons  in  England,  709  members,  is 
elected  for  a  term  of  five  years  by  practically  universal  suffrage  (male 
and  female)  members  being  apportioned  on  the  basis  of  population.  (Ex- 
plain why  the  recent  Parliament  served  for  8  years — no  general  election 
between  Dec.  1910  and  Dec.  1918).  Single-member  constituencies  (coun- 
ties, boroughs  and  Universities).  Members  not  required  to  be  residents 
of  their  districts.  The  ascendancy  of  the  House  of  Commons  in  the 
legislative  system  is  now  complete.  Note  that  the  House  may  be  dis- 
solved by  the  Cabinet  at  any  time  and  new  elections  held. 

7.  The  House  of  Representatives  in  the  United  States,  435  members.  Chosen 
for  a  term  of  two  years  by  a  suffrage  fixed  by  the  states.  Members  are 
apportioned  among  the  states  decennially  by  Congress  on  the  basis  of 
population  but  the  districts  are  formed  by  the  state  governments.  Single- 
member  districts  (occasionally  representatives-at-large).  Each  state  at 
least  one  member.  The  house  cannot  he  dissolved.  Members  required 
by  custom  though  not  by  law  to  be  residents  of  their  districts. 

13 


8.  The  French  Chamber  of  Deputies.  602  members.  Chosen  for  a  term  of 
4  years,  by  universal  suffrage  (exclusive  of  women)  from  single-member 
districts.  Recent  agitation  for  substitution  of  choice  by  general  ticket 
combined  with  proportional  representation.  Special  functions.  Chamber 
may  be  dissolved  by  the  President  with  the  consent  of  the  Senate  but 
the  power  has  fallen  into  desuetude. 

9.  The  German  Reichstag,  397  members,  is  chosen  for  a  term  of  5  years  by 
manhood  suffrage.  Single-member  districts.  Representation  based  on 
population  but  no  reapportionment  since  1871.  Hence  great  inequalities 
as  to  representation.  Country  districts  greatly  over-represented  and 
cities  under-represented.  The  government  has  refused  to  make  a  re- 
apportionment because  it  would  increase  the  representation  of  the 
Social  Democratic  party.  As  compared  with  the  Bundesrath,  the  Reichs- 
tag plays  a  subordinate  role  in  legislation.  No  control  over  Chancellor 
or  other  ministers.  In  case  it  refuses  to  pass  the  budget  the  government 
may  collect  the  taxes  and  make  appropriations. 

10.  Local  Legislatures.  In  the  United  States,  both  houses  of  the  state  legis- 
latures are  chosen  by  direct  popular  vote.  In  Prussia  the  upper  chamber 
of  the  legislature  is  aristocratic  and  appointive.  The  lower  chamber  is 
chosen  indirectly  by  electors  according  to  a  three  class  system  of  suf- 
frage already  described.  No  reapportionment  of  seats  since  1860.  Result: 
Social  Democratic  party  practically  unrepresented.  (1903  the  two  con- 
servative parties  with  372,132,  votes  elected  202  members  while  the 
Social  Democratic  party  with  314,149  votes  elected  none.) 

11.  Legislative  Procedure.  In  the  English  and  French  Parliaments  all  im- 
portant bills  are  introduced  by  the  ministers.  They  are  prepared  by  a 
skilled  parliamentary  draftsman.  Public  bills  introduced  by  private  mem- 
bers are  rarely  passed.  Different  procedure  for  passing  private  bills. 
Committees  play  a  subordinate  role.  In  England,  Parliament  cannot 
increase  the  budget  as  presented  by  the  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer. 
Contrary  practice  in  France.  In  the  German  Parliament  most  bills  orig- 
inate in  the  Bundesrath  and  must  be  returned  to  it  when  passed  by  the 
Reichstag.  In  the  United  States  committees  play  an  important  part. 
Legislation  by  Congress  is  largely  legislation  by  committees.  Members 
unlimited  right  to  introduce  bills.  Usually  no  distinction  between  pro- 
cedure for  passing  public  and  private  bills.  No  budget.  Legislature  free 
to  increase  or  reduce  government  estimates  of  needed  appropriations. 
The  "pork  barrel"  abuse  in  the  United  States  and  France. 

12.  Direct  Legislation:  The  initiative  and  referendum.  In  a  good  many 
American  states  legislative  measures  may  be  initiated  and  adopted  by 
the  people  without  the  collaboration  of  the  legislature.  This  device  does 
not  exist  in  England,  France  or  Germany.  Note  other  new  institutional 
forms  of  democracy  in  the  United  States,  such  as  the  recall  and  the 
direct  primary. 

Required  Reading:  Beard  and  Ogg,  Chs.  4,  13;  pp.  132-138;  220-226;  237-246. 
Lowell,  pp.  35-61;  104-115;  164-180;   185-194;  251-268. 

I    14 


V.     THE  EXECUTIVE 

Nature  of  the  Executive  power.  Combined  with  the  legislative  function 
in  the  parliamentary  system.  Plural  executives  (Switzerland).  Compare 
the  organization  of  the  national  executive  power  in  the  United  States 
with  that  of  the  States;  in  the  former  case  the  power  is  concentrated 
in  the  hands  of  a  single  person;  in  the  latter  it  is  split  up  and  parceled 
out  between  the  governor  and  other  officers.  Effect  on  efficiency  and 
responsibility.  Multiplication  of  boards  and  commissions  in  the  Amer- 
ican states.   Executive  councils  in  a  few  states. 

The  President  of  the  United  States.  Chosen  for  4  years  indirectly  by 
popular  vote.  Breakdown  of  the  electoral  scheme.  Criticism  of  the  pres- 
ent method.  Candidates  nominated  by  national  conventions.  Presidential 
preference  primary  laws.  Re-eligibility;  independent  of  Congress  as  to 
tenure  and  political  policies.    The  Vice  President. 

The  President  of  the  French  Republic.  Chosen  for  a  term  of  7  years  by 
the  legislature  organized  as  a  national  assembly.  Criticism  of  the  exist- 
ing method.  1848  elected  by  universal  suffrage.  No  nominating  machinery. 
Rarely  elected  to  second  terms.  No  Vice  President.  May  parliament  com- 
pel the  resignation  of  the  President  (Case  of  Grevy). 

The  Crown  in  England.  Hereditary.  Present  law  of  succession.  May  be 
altered  by  Parliament.  People  through  their  representatives  may  deter- 
mine who  shall  be  their  king.  King  holds  his  title  only  by  parliamentary 
will. 

The  Crown  (formerly)  in  Prussia.  Compare  the  Prussian  law  of  succes- 
sion with  that  of  England.  Doctrine  of  divine  right.  Abandoned  in 
England  in  the  17th  Century. 

Powers  of  the  Executive.     The  President  of  the  United  States. 

(a)  Those  conferred  by  the  constitution  and  the  laws. 

(b)  Those  derived  from  custom  and  usage. 

(c)  Those  inherent  in  the  nature  of  the  office. 

Powers:     (a)  as  civil  executive;    (b)  as  military  executive. 

His  share:      (a)   in  legislation;    (b)    in  the  conduct  of  foreign  affairs; 

(c)  appointments  and  administration;    (d)   ordinance  power. 
Woodrow  "Wilson  assigns  to  the  president  the  triple  role  of:    (a)  admin- 
istrative head  of  the  government;    (b)  formulator  of  legislative  pol- 
icies;  (c)  party  leader.   Compare  his  powers  with  those  of  the  King 
of  England  and  the  President  of  France. 
Query:     What  were  some  of  the  extraordinary  powers  conferred  on 
the  President  by  acts  of  Congress  during  the  recent  war? 

15 


7.  Powers  of  the  President  of  France.  Large  powers  conferred  by  the 
constitution  but  by  reason  of  the  parliamentary  system  they  cannot  in 
fact  be  exercised  by  the  President.  Irresponsibility — ^The  only  constitu- 
tional power  which  he  is  free  to  exercise  is  to  "preside  over  national 
ceremonies".  But  a  strong  personality  such  as  Poincare  may  exert  a 
potent  moral  influence  on  the  policy  of  the  ministers.  Former  agitation 
by  the  Radical  party  in  favor  of  abolition  of  the  office. 

8.  Powers  of  the  Crown  in  England.  The  royal  prerogative;  statutory 
powers.  Note  that  the  royal  prerogative  has  been  greatly  reduced  by 
parliament  and  what  remains  can  be  taken  away  at  any  time.  Distinguish 
between  the  theoretical  and  the  actual  powers  of  the  crown;  the  latter 
are  exercised  through  ministers  who  are  responsible  to  the  House  of 
Commons.  Irresponsibility  of  the  King.  Value  of  monarchy  and  why  it 
survives. 

9.  Powers  of  the  Former  German  Emperor.  Extensive  powers,  both  civil 
and  military,  conferred  by  the  imperial  constitution;  other  large  powers 
as  King  of  Prussia,  including  the  royal  prerogative.  He  was  regarded  by 
German  publicists  as  the  fountain  and  source  of  all  law  and  authority. 
The  function  of  Parliament  was  to  furnish  the  crown  with  information 
and  advice.  In  legal  theory  the  legislative  power  belonged  to  the  King. 
"There  is  no  will  in  the  State  superior  to  that  of  the  sovereign,  and  it  is 
from  that  will  that  both  the  constitution  and  laws  draw  their  binding 
force."  (Laband,  Staatsrecht  des  deutschen  Reichs).  Since  the  Parlia- 
mentary system  does  not  exist  in  Germany  these  powers  were  in  fact 
exercised  by  the  emperor-king.  The  ministers  were  his  personal  and 
official  agents;  they  were  subject  solely  to  his  direction  and  were  re- 
sponsible to  him  alone  for  their  official  acts  and  conduct.  The  Emperor 
considered  himself  responsible  only  to  God. 

10.  Government  in  Time  of  War.  Increase  of  the  executive  power,  "War 
Cabinets",  boards  and  other  agencies. 

Required  Reading:     Beard  and  Ogg,  Chs.  5,  8;  pp.  196-202.   Lowell,  pp.  5-17; 

115-118;  131-135;  269-275;  279-281.  .     . 


16 


VI.     JUSTICE   AND   LOCAL  GOVERNMENT 

The  Judiciary. 

A.  in  England  all  judges  are  appointed  for  life  by  the  Crown  and  are 
irremovable  except  upon  address  of  Parliament.  They  are  paid  high 
salaries.  Number  of  judges  as  compared  with  Germany  and  France 
very  small.  Courts  generally  held  by  a  single  judge.  System  of 
circuit  judges.  1907  creation  of  Court  of  Criminal  Appeal.  The  House 
of  Lords  and  Judicial  Committee  of  the  Privy  Council  as  courts. 
Jury  trial  in  criminal  cases  but  juries  rarely  employed  in  civil  cases. 
Juries  never  judges  of  the  law.  Justice  administered  rapidly  and 
without  technicality.  System  of  common  law  and  equity.  No  admin- 
istrative courts  as  on  the  continent.  Power  of  the  judge  to  sum  up 
and  comment  on  the  evidence. 

Queries:  What  is  the  advantage  of  the  system  of  circuit  judges? 
Why  are  juries  rarely  used  in  the  trial  of  civil  cases  in 
England?  What  is  the  objection  to  making  juries  judges  of 
the  law?  Ought  the  judge  be  allowed  to  express  an 
opinion  as  to  the  weight  of  the  evidence? 

B.  In  thie  United  States.  Federal  judges  are  appointed  by  the  Presi- 
dent with  consent  of  the  Senate.  Life  tenure,  but  may  retire  on  full 
salary  at  70  years  of  age.  Removable  only  by  impeachment.  State 
judges  (except  in  a  few  states)  are  elected  by  the  people  for  definite 
terms,  ranging  from  2  to  21  years.  Constitutional  protections  in 
Ijehalf  of  the  accused.  Jury  trial  in  both  criminal  and  civil  cases. 
(In  some  states,  e.g.  Illinois,  juries  are  judges  of  both  the  law  and 
the  facts.)  Judge  is  little  more  than  a  moderator.  No  power  to  sum 
up  and  comment  on  the  evidence.  Emphasize  the  control  which 
American  courts  exercise  over  legislation  and  administration.  Criti- 
cism of  the  administration  of  justice  in  the  United  States:  slowness 
in  the  selection  of  juries,  wide  latitude  of  appeal,  reversals  for 
technicalities  and  harmless  errors. 

Query:     What  are  the  merits  and  demerits  of  the  method  of  choosing^ 
judges  by  popular  vote? 

C.  In  France.  All  judges  except  those  of  the  commercial  and  industrial 
courts  are  appointed.  Popular  election  tried  1790-1804  but  abandoned. 
Life  tenure.  Except  justices  of  the  peace,  colonial  judges  and  judges 
of  the  administrative  courts,  they  are  irremovable  by  the  govern- 
ment. All  courts  except  those  of  justices  of  the  peace  are  held  by  a 
bench  of  judges.  (Compare  English  and  American  Courts).  Criti- 
cism:   Too  many  judges  (over  6000  in  France).  Compare  the  English 

17 


judiciary:  (Hardly  more  than  100  judges  in  England).  French  judges 
poorly  paid.  Jury  trial  in  criminal  cases,  but  not  in  civil  cases. 
(Seven  out  of  12  may  return  a  verdict).  Criticism  of  French  pro- 
cedure: secret  grilling  examination  of  the  accused  before  indictment 
by  juge  d'  instruction;  harassing  examination  by  the  judge  at  the 
trial;  no  cross  examination  by  counsel;  hearsay  evidence  admitted; 
Judges  take  an  active  part  in  the  trial  (compare  American  and  Eng- 
lish practice).  Since  1895  provision  for  reparation  in  case  of  con- 
viction of  innocent  persons  (compare  England  and  the  United 
States.) 

Administrative  Courts:  Jurisdiction  of  controversies  between  individuals 
and  the  administrative  authorities.  Much  criticized  in  England  and 
the  United  States.  French  courts  no  power  to  adjudge  acts  of  the 
legislature  unconstitutional,  but  may  refuse  to  enforce  illegal  exe- 
cutive ordinances. 

D.  In  Germany.  Uniform  system  of  law,  procedure  and  judicial  or- 
ganization for  all  the  empire.  The  judicial  service  is  a  profession. 
Admission  only  after  completion  of  prescribed  course  of  study  and 
a  state  examination.  All  judges  appointed  for  life  and  are  irremov- 
able except  by  the  court  of  which  they  are  members,  sitting  as  a  dis- 
ciplinary tribunal.  No  transfer  except  with  equal  rank  and  pay.  In 
both  Germany  and  France  members  of  the  bar  are  rarely  appointed  to 
high  judicial  position.  (Contrary  practice  in  England  and  U.  S.)  As  in 
France  the  courts  are  collegial  in  organization;  rarely  held  by  a 
single  judge.  Jury  trial  in  criminal  cases  (8  out  of  12  may  return  a 
verdict.)  As  in  France  there  are  special  administrative,  commercial 
and  industrial  courts.  Different  from  France,  however,  the  admin- 
istrative judges  are  irremovable  by  the  government. 

2.     Local  Government. 

A.  In  thie  United  States  the  right  of  local  self-government  is  regarded 
as  an  essential  feature  of  democracy.  Counties,  cities,  villages  and 
townships  elect  their  own  officials  and  determine  their  own  policies. 
Local  officials  are  rarely  appointed  by  the  central  government  and 
except  in  a  very  few  states  none  of  them  may  be  removed  by  the 
governor.  Nor  is  the  local  administration  subject  to  the  control  of 
the  central  government.  But  the  powers  of  the  local  government  are 
in  general  only  such  as  are  granted  to  them  by  the  constitution  or  by 
acts  of  the  legislature.  (Note  that  some  cities  have  "home  rule" 
charters). 

Query:  Since  many  local  officials  (sheriffs,  mayors,  health  officers 
and  the  like)  are  charged  with  the  enforcement  of  state 
laws,  should  not  the  governor  have  the  power  to  direct  or 
even  dismiss  them? 

B.  In  England.  The  local  areas,  counties,  cities,  boroughs,  districts 
and  parishes  have  popularly  elected  councils  which  in  turn  choose 
most  of  the  local  administrative  officials.   Large  powers  of  self-gov- 

18 


ernment  have  been  conferred  upon  them  by  acts  of  Parliament. 
Some  of  their  activities,  however,  such  as  those  relating  to  police, 
care  of  the  poor,  education,  public  health  and  the  like  are  subject  to 
a  certain  control  by  the  central  government.  Few  officials  elected 
by  the  people;  but  are  chosen  by  the  council. 

C.  In  France.  The  local  areas  have  popularly  elected  councils,  and 
mayors  of  towns  and  cities  are  chosen  by  the  municipal  councils 
but  their  powers  are  very  much  limited.  Many  local  officials  are 
appointed  by  the  central  government  at  Paris  or  its  representatives 
in  the  locality  and  many  acts  of  mayors  and  of  city  councils  require 
the  approval  of  the  central  authorities.  The  control  and  tutelage 
exercised  by  the  central  authorities  over  the  local  governments  are 
a  survival  of  the  Napoleonic  Empire  and  have  been  much  criticized 
in  recent  years  by  French  writers. 

D.  In  Prussia.  The  provinces  have  local  assemblies  but  they  are  not 
elected  by  the  people.  The  assemblies  could  be  dissolved  by  the 
Crown  and  many  of  their  acts  required  the  approval  of  the  Crown 
or  a  minister.  The  circle  (K raise)  councils  are  indirectly  chosen 
under  a  complicated  system  which  gives  the  preponderance  of  power 
to  the  large  landowners  and  manufacturers.  They  are  largely  under 
the  control  of  a  central  official  called  the  Land  rath.  Town  and  city 
councils  are  chosen  according  to  a  three-class  system  of  suffrage 
which  keeps  the  control  within  the  hands  of  the  large  tax  payers. 
Mayors  are  elected  by  the  municipal  councils.  In  none  of  the  local 
areas  have  the  people  any  share  in  the  election  of  administrative 
officials.  Prussian  municipal  government  is  government  by  trained 
experts;  on  the  whole  it  has  been  efficient  but  it  is  very  undemo- 
cratic. Compare  the  view  of:  Prof.  SchmoUer  of  the  University  of 
Berlin:  "self  government  means  class  rule  and  corruption;  demo- 
cratic government  usually  brings  forth  capitalistic,  class  rule,  cor- 
ruption, buying  of  votes  and  an  uncertain  changeable  foreign  policy." 

Required  Reading:  Beard  and  Ogg,  Ch.  19.  Lowell,  Ch.  4;  pp.  122-130; 
135-150;  276. 


19 


VII.  GOVERNMENT  OF  COLONIES  AND  DEPENDENCIES 

1.  The  British  Empire:     Growth,  population,  nature  and  extent  of. 

A.  The  British  Colonies  are  not  tributaries;  they  make  no  contributions 
to  the  Imperial  treasury;  they  have  their  own  protective  tariffs. 

B.  Forms  of  Colonial  Government. 

1.  The  self  governing  colonies.   Their  relation  to  the  Empire. 

2.  The  Crown  Colonies. 

3.  India.    Recent  reforms  and  proposed  reforms. 

4.  The  protectorates. 

5.  The  government  of  Ireland. 

C.  The  Problem  of  Imperial  Federation.  Note  that  none  of  the  British 
Colonies  are  represented  in  Parliament.  Why?  But  in  1918  there 
was  a  colonial  representative  in  the  Cabinet. 

2.  American  Territories  and  Dependencies. 

A.  Policy  in  respect  to  the  domestic  territories.  Extension  of  the  con- 
stitution and  gradual  introduction  of  local  self-government.  Repre- 
sentation in  Congress.  Ultimate  admission  to  the  Union  as  states. 

B.  Policy  in  respect  to  the  insular  possessions.  Extension  of  the  Con- 
stitution. 

1.  Military  government. 

2.  Civil  government.  Local  legislatures;  veto  power  of  Congress; 
governor  and  principal  officers  appointed  by  the  President;  rep- 
resentation in  Congress;  inhabitants  made  citizens  of  the  United 
States  (except  Filippinos). 

C.  Results:  educational,  economic  and  political. 

D.  American  semi-Protectorates:  Cuba,  Hayti,  San  Domingo  and 
Panama. 

3.  The  French  Colonial  Empire:   (a)  in  Africa,  (b)  insular  possessions. 

A.  Tunis,  Algeria  and  Madagascar. 

B.  Morocco  and  the  Protectorates. 

C.  The  French  West  Indies. 

Note  that  the  French  Colonies  are  represented  in  Parliament. 

4.  The  German  Colonial  Empire.     How  acquired,  extent,  population. 

A.     Extension  of  the  bureaucratic  system  to  the  African  Colonies.    No 
representation  in  Parliament.   The  Kaiser  was  "protector"  of  all  the 
1        20 


colonies  and  except  as  to  judicial  matters  his  authority  was  un- 
limited. 

B.  Loss  of  the  German  Colonies  during  the  late  War.  Problem  of  their 
disposition. 

C.  Government  of  Alsace-Lorraine,  Poland  and  Schleswig-Holstein.  No 
liberty  of  speech  or  of  press.  Political  policy  in  respect  to  Alsace- 
Lorraine.  Compare  American  treatment  of  Porto  Rico  and  the  Philip- 
pines; also  English  policy  in  respect  to  non-English  races,  e.g.  in 
Canada  and  South  Africa.  Is  the  English  government  of  Ireland  com- 
parable in  any  respect  to  the  German  government  of  Poland? 

Required  Reading:     Beard  and  Ogg,  Ch.  16.   Lowell,  Ch.  5;  pp.  295-298. 


2i 


VIII.     POLITICAL   PARTIES  AND   ISSUES 

In  England. 

A.  The  historical  parties  of  England  were  the  Whigs  and  Tories.  Ahout 
1835  the  Whigs  came  to  be  called  Liberals  and  the  name  Tory  was 
displaced  by  the  term  Conservative.  Since  that  time  the  control  of 
the  government  has  alternated  between  the  two  parties  (Liberals 
in  control  since  1906).  In  1896  a  section  of  the  Liberal  party  refused 
to  follow  the  majority  on  the  question  of  home  rule  for  Ireland  and 
formed  a  party  known  as  the  Liberal  Unionists.  They  ultimately 
joined  the  Conservatives. 

B.  The  Liberal  party  has  laid  special  stress  on  the  liberty  of  the  in- 
dividual, freedom  of  trade  and  contract,  equality  before  the  law, 
extension  of  the  suffrage,  the  reform  of  parliament,  and  the  removal 
of  the  disabilities  of  dissenters.  It  has  been  the  party  of  home  rule 
for  Ireland,  it  has  combatted  high  protective  tariffs,  disestablished 
the  church  in  Wales,  laid  heavy  taxes  on  land  and  unearned  incre- 
ment, shorn  the  House  of  Lords  of  much  of  its  power,  made  liberal 
provision  for  elementary  education,  opposed  church  control  of  the 
schools  and  enacted  much  social  reform  legislation.  Stronghold  of 
this  party  in  Western  England,  Wales,  Scotland,  and  Ireland. 

C.  The  Conservative  party  has  been  the  traditional  supporter  of  the 
existing  order  of  things;  it  has  defended  the  monarchy  and  the 
House  of  Lords;  it  has  been  the  party  of  imperialism  and  of  pro- 
tective tariffs,  (though  it  favors  preferential  treatment  of  the  col- 
onies); it  has  opposed  heavy  income  and  inheritance  taxes;  com- 
batted radicalism  in  social  and  economic  matters;  advocated  a 
referendum  on  bills  rejected  by  the  House  of  Lords;  favored  the 
retention  of  plural  voting;  opposed  home  rule  for  Ireland,  etc. 
Note,  however,  that  the  Conservative  party  has  cooperated  with  the 
Liberals  in  the  enactment  of  many  important  measures  of  a  social, 
economic  and  political  character. 

D.  The  Labor  Party.  Of  recent  origin.  (In  1906,  54  representatives  of 
labor  were  elected  to  Parliament).  It  has  generally  acted  with  the 
Liberal  party.  Liberal  party  took  over  large  part  of  program  of 
Labor  party.  Socialism  and  trades  unionism  coalesced.  Labor  party 
favors  legislation  in  the  interest  of  the  working  classes,  of  women, 
children,  the  aged  and  the  infirm;  government  ownership;  taxation 
of  incomes,  inheritances  and  unearned  increment;  feeding  of  school 
children  at  public  expense;  old  age  pensions,  etc.  Note  that  in  Eng- 
land labor  representatives  are  sometimes  appointed  to  places  in  the 

22 


cabinet.  The  influence  of  the  Labor  party  has  been  out  of  proportion 
to  its  strength  in  Parliament.  Why? 

E.  The  Nationalist  Party.  An  Irish  party  whose  chief  object  is  home 
rule  for  Ireland. 

F.  The  Sinn  Fein  Party.  An  Irish  party  which  demands  absolute  in- 
dependence for  Ireland. 

In  France: 

A.  1914-18.  Conservatives  and  Liberals ;  1871-76  Monarchists  and  Repub- 
licans; 1876-1919  various  Republican  groups. 

B.  Rise  of  the  Radical  party  in  the  early  80's.  A  party  of  social  reform. 

C.  1893,  Socialists  elect  50  representatives  to  the  chamber  of  Deputies. 
Two  groups  (a)  independents;  (b)  unifies.  1899  a  Socialist  (Miller- 
and)  becomes  a  member  of  the  Cabinet. 

D.  1898,  appearance  of  the  Socialist-Radical  party.  Differs  from  Socialist 
party  only  in  degree.  Strongly  anti-clerical  and  anti-individualistic. 
Favors  social  reform,  secular  education,  decentralization,  more  de- 
mocracy. These  three  groups  about  1898  constituted  a  bloc  which 
has  controlled  parliament  until  now  (parties  of  the  Left).  Other 
groups  constitute  the  Right. 

E.  The  General  Confederation  of  Labor.  Largely  a  part  of  revolution- 
ary syndicalism.  Advocates  class  war  and  violence.  Weapons:  the 
general  strike,  boycott,  and  sabotage.  Anti-miliaristic  and  "anti- 
patriotic". 

F.  Note  that  the  characteristic  feature  of  the  French  party  system  is 
the  existence  of  a  multiplicity  of  parties  and  groups.  What  is  its 
effect  on  the  working  of  the  parliamentary  system?  Note  also  that 
in  France  national  issues  do  not  play  the  part  that  they  do  in 
England  and  the  United  States;  that  the  organization  of  parties  is 
very  much  like  that  of  a  club;  and  that  candidates  are  not  nominated 
by  popular  vote. 

In  Germany 

A.  The  two  historic  parties  were  the  Conservatives  and  Liberals,  the 
former  being  the  supporters  of  the  government.  They  were  mainly 
a  party  of  the  landed  aristocracy.  Each  group  gradually  broke  up 
into  two  groups:  (a)  Conservatives  and  Free  Conservatives;  (b) 
National  Liberals  and  Radicals.  Bismark's  reliance  was  upon  the 
National  Liberals  until  1879. 

B.  Rise  of  the  Centre  party  (Clericals)  in  the  early  70's,  essentially 
catholic.  Combatted  radicalism,  defended  the  rights  of  the  states 
and  opposed  secularization  of  the  schools.  Elected  60  members  to 
Reichstag  1871.  By  1903  strongest  party  in  the  Reichstag  (102  mem- 
bers). 1879  Bismark  turned  to  this  party  for  support.  1894-190a 
formed  alliance  with  Conservatives,    ("blue  black"  bloc). 

23 


C.     Existing  Party  groups  in  Germany 

1.  Conservatives  (various  groups).  Stronghold  in  the  country  dis- 
tricts (junker  aristocracy).  Defenders  of  the  monarchy  by  grace 
of  God,  opposed  to  popular  government  and  responsibility  of 
ministers.  Belief  in  state  church  and  religious  teaching  in  the 
schools.   Advocate  militarism  and  imperialism. 

2.  Moderates  (Clericals,  Radical  Liberals  and  National  Liberals). 

3.  Social  Democrats.  Best  organized  and  strongest  party  in  the 
Empire  but  inadequately  represented  in  the  Reichstag.(  Scarcely 
represented  at  all  in  the  Prussian  legislature).  Government 
repression  of,  1878-90.  Attitude  of  Emperor  toward.  No  repre- 
sentation in  the  ministry  until  1918.  Favors  responsibility  of 
ministers,  universal  suffrage  (including  women),  direct  voting, 
secret  ballot,  redistribution  of  seats  in  Parliament,  the  initiative 
and  referendum,  proportional  representation,  freedom  of  speech, 
press,  and  assembly,  secularization  of  the  schools,  income  and 
inheritance  taxes,  international  arbitration,  militia  in  the  place 
of  a  standing  army,  etc. 

4.  Minor  parties:    Poles,  Anti-Semites,  Guelfs,  Alsatians,  Danes. 

5.  (1919  various  radical  groups:  Moderate  Socialists,  Independent 
Socialists,  "Sparticides",  etc.) 

4.     In  the  United  States 

A.  Early  parties:  Federalists  and  Anti-Federalists;  1830-54  Whigs  and 
Democrats;  present  parties:  Republicans  and  Democrats. 

B.  The  Republican  party.  Liberal  interpretation  of  the  Constitution, 
extension  of  the  powers  of  the  national  government,  champion  of 
protective  tariffs,  colonial  expansion,  subsidies  for  the  merchant 
marine,  negro  suffrage. 

C.  The  Democratic  party.  Strict  interpretation  of  the  Constitution, 
states  rights;  individualism;  opposition  to  protective  tariffs,  ship 
subsidies,  imperialism  and  extension  of  the  powers  of  the  national 
government  by  "constructions"  of  the  Constitution,  But  note  that 
neither  party  has  always  adhered  strictly  in  practice  to  its  traditional 
principles. 

X).  Minor  Parties:  The  Prohibition,  Labor,  Socialist  and  Progressive 
(1912-16)  parties.    The  I.  W.  W. 

E.     Attitude  of  Socialist  parties  toward  the  War 

(a)  In  Germany  the  majority  of  the  social  Democratic  party  sup- 
ported the  war  but  a  minority  group  in  the  Reichstag  formed 
an  independent  organization  and  issued  a  manifesto  condemn- 
ing the  action  of  the  majority  for  supporting  the  war  policy  of 
the  government. 

(b)  In  France  the  Socialists  supported  the  government's  war  policy 
from  the  beginning  until  the  end. 

24 


(c)  In  the  United  States  a  national  convention  of  the  Socialist 
party  of  America  held  at  St.  Louis,  April  7,  1917,  proclaimed 
their  "unalterable  opposition  to  the  war",  called  upon  the 
"workers  of  all  countries  to  refuse  to  support  their  govern- 
ments in  their  wars,"  declared  the  declaration  of  war  against 
Germany  to  be  "a  crime  against  the  people  of  the  United  States 
and  against  the  nations  of  the  world,"  asserted  that  there  had 
been  "in  all  modern  history  no  more  unjustifiable  war  than  this" 
and  that  no  "greater  dishonor  had  ever  been  forced  upon  a 
people."  It  urged  upon  all  Socialists  "continuous,  active  and 
public  opposition  to  the  war"  and  "unyielding  opposition  to  all 
proposed  legislation  for  conscription"  (Amer.  Year  Book,  1917, 
p.  395).  Some  of  the  more  moderate  Socialists  protested  against 
these  resolutions  and  subsequently  withdrew  from  the  party. 

Queries:  Why  have  the  Socialist  and  Labor  parties  in  the  United 
States  played  an  insignificant  role  as  compared  with  those 
parties  in  Germany,  France  and  England?  (Only  one 
Socialist  member  of  Congress  at  present;  few  in  the  state 
legislatures).  What  is  the  explanation  of  the  rapid  growth 
of  those  parties  in  Europe?  To  what  extent  are  the 
policies  of  the  Social  Democratic  parties  of  Europe  em- 
bodied in  the  platforms  and  policies  of  the  Democratic 
and  Republican  parties  in  the  United  States? 

F.  Note  that  in  the  United  States  as  in  England  the  two-party  system 
has  generally  prevailed;  that  the  organization  and  methods  of  politi- 
cal parties  are  to  some  extent  regulated  by  law;  and  that  the  parties 
in  most  states  nominate  their  candidates  by  direct  popular  vote. 

Required  Reading:  Beard  and  Ogg,  Chs.  14,  15,  24.  Lowell,  Ch.  3;  pp. 
151-166;  302-8. 


26 


IX.     EDUCATION;   THE  CHURCH;   SOCIAL  REFORM 

Education 

A.  In  the  United  States.  No  state  monopoly  of  education  but  extensive 
national,  state  and  local  aid  to  education.  State  Universities  and 
Colleges  of  Agriculture.  Right  to  establish  private  schools  and 
higher  institutions  of  learning  allowed  without  restriction.  Little 
or  no  government  control  or  supervision  of  private  education.  Priv- 
ate institutions  allowed  to  grant  diplomas  and  certificates.  No  citizen 
may  be  required  to  attend  or  support  a  sectarian  school.  Compulsory 
attendance  of  children  of  school  age.  Women  students  on  equal  foot- 
ing with  men. 

B.  In  England.  No  state  monopoly  of  education.  Many  private  schools, 
and  some  privately  supported  colleges  and  universities.  But  limited 
state  supervision  of  private  schools  which  receive  state  aid.  Local 
school  authorities  free  to  choose  teachers  and  determine  curricula 
of  studies.  No  religious  tests  required  of  teachers.  Religious  in- 
struction not  required  by  the  state  but  church  schools  receive  state 
aid.   Women  students  generally  on  equal  footing  with  men. 

C.  In  France.  No  state  monopoly  of  education,  although  demanded  by 
the  Radical  party,  to  eliminate  clerical  influence  of  church  schools. 
Private  schools  and  universities  may  be  freely  organized,  though  the 
latter  may  not  grant  degrees  and  they  are  subject  to  State  inspection. 
Many  church  schools  but  no  state  aid  for  such  schools.  Clerical  in- 
fluence eliminated  from  public  schools  (secularization).  Religion  not 
allowed  to  be  taught  in  public  schools  but  teaching  of  morality 
required. 

D.  In  Prussia.  Education  regarded  as  a  function  of  the  state.  Educa- 
tion determined  by  the  state  in  accordance  with  the  government's 

views  of  state  functions  and  power.  Virtual  state  monopoly  of  edu- 
cation. Nearly  all  schools,  colleges  and  universities  are  maintained 
by  the  State.  Private  schools  may  be  founded  only  with  the  consent 
of  the  State — a  consent  which  is  rarely  given,  (in  1911  only  480  pri- 
vate schools  in  the  Empire).  No  private  universities,  not  even  theo- 
logical schools.  Private  schools  are  at  all  times  subject  to  govern- 
ment supervision  and  inspection.  The  government  determines  the 
curriculum,  approves  text  books,  prescribes  qualiflcations  of  teachers 
and  tests  results  by  examinations.  No  freedom  of  teaching.  Special 
teachers  of  religion.  Teaching  of  religion  required  in  all  schools. 
Church  authorities  may  visit,  inspect  and  disapprove  religious  text 
books.  Women  students  hitherto  not  on  equal  footing  with  men. 
Separate  schools  for  girls.    Not  until  1909  were  women  admitted  to 

26 


all  courses  in  the  Pruasian  Universities.  "The  mission  of  women  may 
be  comprehended  under  the  words  Kuche,  Kinder,  Klrchc"  (th«  Em- 
peror). The  school  system  is  pervaded  by  the  military  spirit,  many 
teachers  being  reserve  officers. 

Criticism  of  the  German  System.  Excessive  State  control  and  interfer- 
ence. Bureaucratic  regulation  destroys  freedom  and  initiative  of 
teachers.  Domination  of  the  church  (compare  Paulsen,  German  Edu- 
cation, pp.  177-186). 

What  are  the  merits  of  the  German  system? 

2.  Place  of  the  Church  in  the  State 

A.  In  the  United  States.  No  state  church.  "Free  church  in  a  free 
state".  No  taxation  for  support  of  religious  worship,  no  compulsory 
attendance  upon  religious  worship.  No  teaching  of  religion  required 
in  public  schools.  But  church  property  exempt  from  taxation,  state 
protection  of  public  worship,  employment  of  chaplains  in  the  army 
and  in  legislative  bodies,  punishment  of  blasphemy  (Christianity 
a  part  of  the  common  law) ;  clergy  permitted  to  celebrate  marriages. 

B.  In  England  and  Scotland.  An  etablished  church,  recognized  and  in 
part  supported  by  the  State;  creed  prescribed  by  acts  of  Parliament; 
church  governed  partly  by  statute  law;   King  head  of  the  church; 

'  representation  in  Parliament;  church  courts  formerly  jurisdiction  in 

cases  of  a  matrimonial  and  testamentary  character,  "Free"  churches 
in  England — their  legal  position.   Disestablishment  of  the  church  in 

i  Ireland  (1868);  in  Wales  (1914).    Movement  for  disestablishment  of 

the  church  of  England — respective  attitudes  of  the  Conservative  and 

Liberal  parties. 

-J  ^\ 

C     In  France.     Until  1905  church  and  State  united.    Catholic,  protestant 
and  Jewish  clergy  paid  by  the  State.    Head  of  the  State  nominated 
the  bishops  and  archbishops.    Church  largely  controlled  education. 
'  Alleged   hostility  toward  the  Republic.    Schools   secularized    (1882) 

teaching  by  religious  orders  prohibited  (1904),  Concordat  abrogated 
and  church  disestablished  (1905).  All  religious  sects  now  on  equal 
footing  and  clergy  supported  by  church  membership. 

D.  In  Prussia.  Close  connection  between  church  and  state.  Evangelical 
State  church.  Prussian  minister  of  ecclesiastical  affairs.  Struggle 
between  the  Catholic  church  and  the  State  (Kulturkampf),  1873- 
1878.  The  Center  party  defenders  of  the  Catholic  church.  Conser- 
vative party:  public  schools  should  be  under  supervision  of  the 
church.  Social  Democratic  party  would  emancipate  schools  from 
church  domination  (secularization)  and  bring  about  complete  divorce 
of  church  and  state. 

3.  Social  Progress  and  Reform.  In  each  of  the  four  countries  here  con- 
sidered an  immense  amount  of  legislation  in  the  interest  of  social  reform 
and  humanitarian  progress  has  been  enacted  in  recent  years.  Factory 
legislation  originated   in   England,   great   attention   has   been   given  to 

27 


prison  reform  and  social  settlement  work;  England  has  been  the 
classic  land  of  "public  relief"  experimentation.  The  system  of  industrial 
insurance  against  accidents,  sickness  and  old  age  originated  in  Germany 
nearly  40  years  ago  and  has  recently  been  introduced  into  England, 
France  and  the  United  States.  In  England  and  France  systems  of  old 
age  pensions  have  lately  been  introduced  and  workingmen's  compensa- 
tion legislation  has  been  enacted  in  all  four  countries.  In  the  United 
States  the  liquor  prohibition  movement  has  made  vastly  more  progress 
than  in  either  England,  France  or  Germany.  Charity  organization  has 
received  much  attention  in  the  United  States;  the  organization  of  build- 
ing and  loan  associations  has  provided  a  means  by  which  workingmen. 
may  own  their  homes;  and  the  introduction  of  the  indeterminate  sen- 
tence, individualization  in  punishment,  release  of  prisoners  on  parole  and 
the  establishment  of  the  juvenile  court  have  greatly  humanized  the  ad- 
ministration of  the  criminal  law.  In  England  and  the  United  States  the 
legal  and  political  disabilities  of  women  have  been  largely  removed;  in 
France  considerable  progress  has  been  made  in  this  direction;  in  Ger- 
many alone  they  are  still  without  political  rights. 

Query:  Why  have  the  Social  Democrats  in  Germany  uniformly  op- 
posed the  social  reform  schemes  of  the  government?  In 
what  respect  has  English  policy  been  more  in  accord  with 
the  spirit  of  democracy?  i 


28 


X.  THE  SYSTEM  OF  INTERNATIONAL  LAW 

International  law  is  a  body  of  rules,  conventional  and  customary,  which 
civilized  States  regard  as  binding  upon  them  in  their  mutual  relations 
with  one  another. 

It  differs  from  municipal  (national)  law  in  that  it  is  not  enacted  by  a 
legislature  and  there  is  no  sanction  for  its  enforcement  other  than  public 
opinion. 

Formerly  the  rules  of  international  law  consisted  entirely  of  custom  and 
usage  but  much  of  it  (especially  the  rules  governing  the  conduct  of  states 
in  time  of  war)  has  now  been  reduced  to  written  form  and  is  embodied 
in  treaties  and  conventions. 

Steps  in  the  process  of  codification. 

A.  The  declaration  of  Paris  of  1856. 

B.  The  Declaration  of  St.  Petersburg  1868. 

C.  The  Act  of  Brussels  Congress  of  1874   (unratified). 

D.  The  Geneva  Conventions  of  1864  and  1906. 

E.  The  Hague  Conventions  of  1899  and  1907. 

F.  The  Declaration  of  London  of  1909   (unratified). 

G.  War   Manuals  of  different  states.    Compare  the   German  War   Code 

with  those  of  the  United  States,  England  and  France. 

Note  that  most  of  the  Hague  Conventions  of  1907  were  technically  not 
binding  on  any  of  the  belligerents  during  the  recent  war  because 
several  of  the  smaller  belligerent  powers  had  not  ratified  them.  But 
they  were  nevertheless  generally  regarded  as  binding.  Moreover 
such  of  their  provisions  as  were  merely  declaratory  of  the  existing 
law  of  nations  were  legally  binding. 

Violations  of  international  law  during  tlie  recent  war: 

Invasion  of  neutral  States;  alleged  blockade  of  neutral  ports;  extension 
of  the  doctrine  of  contraband;  destruction  of  neutral  merchant  ves- 
sels, hospital  ships  and  vessels  engaged  on  missions  of  philanthropy; 
violations  of  the  Red  Cross  Convention;  employment  of  prohibited 
instruments  and  methods;  unlawful  contributions,  fines  and  requisi- 
tions; maltreatment  of  prisoners  and  hostages;  deportation  of  civi- 
lian populations;  forced  labor  for  military  purposes;  unlawful  bom- 
bardments by  land,  sea  and  air;  outrages  against  non-combatants, 
etc. 

29 


6.  The  German  theory  of  military  necessity  and  the  right  of  reprisal 

7.  Ineffectiveness  of  international  law 
Possible  means  of  strengthening  it: 

(a)  By  application  of  the  rules  of  the  criminal  law:  trial  and  pmi- 
inishment  of  individual  violators  of  the  law. 

(b)  By  holding  the  governments  of  the  violating  belligerents  re- 
sponsible for  damages  resulting  from  violations  of  the  law  of 
nations. 

(c)  By  the  collective  intervention  of  neutral  powers  in  behalf  of  a 
nation  whose  rights  have  been  flagrantly  disregarded  by  another 
State  in  violation  of  the  rules  of  International  law. 

(d)  By  the  establishment  of  a  league  of  nations  to  compel  states 
to  respect  their  international  obligations  and  to  submit  their 
controversies  to  the  decision  of  an  international  tribunal. 
(League  to  enforce  law.) 

8.  Possible  means  of  averting  wars  in  the  future:  I 

(a)  Compulsory  disarmament. 

(b)  Voluntary  substitution  of  judicial  methods  for  the  settlement' 

of  disputes  in  the  place  of  recourse  to  armed  force.  ; 

I 

(c)  Establishment  of  a  system  of  universal  obligatory  international 
arbitration. 

Queries:     To  what  extent  has  arbitration  been  resorted  to  in  prac- 
tice for  the  settlement  of  international  differences?    Give 
some  American  examples.    With  what  countries  has  the 
United   States   arbitration  treaties  at  the  present  time? 
What  classes  of  disputes  are  excluded  from  their  appli- 
cation?   What  has  been  the  attitude  of  the  German  gov-v 
ernment   toward    arbitration?    What   is  an  international  I 
commission  of  inquiry?    What  were  Mr.  Bryan's  "wait-a- 
year"  treaties?    Do  you  think  secret  diplomacy  and  the| 
existence  of  secret  treaties  were  in  any  sense  responsible'; 
for  the  late  war?    Was  the  system  of  alliances  between 
certain  European  pov/ers  prior  to  the  war  conducive  to 
the  general  peace? 

Required  Reading:  Text  of  the  Hague  Convention  respecting  the  Laws 
and  Customs  of  War  on  Land;  Garner,  the  German  War  Code. 
(Copies  on  reserve  in  general  library.) 


XI.     AMERICAN  WAR  AIMS  IN   RELATION  TO  GOVERNMENT  AND 
LIBERTY— PROBLEM    OF    INTERNATIONAL    COOPERATION 
AND  REORGANIZATION 

President  Wilson:  "The  object  of  this  war  is  to  deliver  the  free  peoples 
of  the  world  from  the  menace  and  the  actual  power  of  a  vast  military 
establishment,  controlled  by  an  irresponsible  government  which  having 
secretly  planned  to  dominate  the  world,  proceeded  to  carry  the  plan  out 
without  regard  either  to  the  sacred  obligations  of  treaty  or  the  long 
established  practices  and  long  cherished  principles,  of  international  ac- 
tion and  honor."    (Reply  to  the  Pope's  Peace  Appeal). 

"These  are  the  ends  for  which  the  associated  peoples  of  the  world 
are  fighting  and  which  must  be  conceded  them  before  there  can  be  peace: 

1.  The  destruction  of  every  arbitrary  power  anjnvhere  that  can  separ- 
ately, secretly,  and  of  its  single  choice  disturb  the  peace  of  the 
world;  or,  if  it  can  not  be  presently  destroyed,  at  the  least  its  re- 
duction to  virtual  impotence. 

2.  The  settlement  of  every  question,  whether  of  territory,  of  sovereignty, 
of  economic  arrangement,  or  of  political  relationship,  upon  the  basis 
of  the  free  acceptance  of  that  settlement  by  the  people  immediately 
concerned,  and  not  upon  the  basis  of  material  interest  or  advantage 
of  any  other  nation  or  people  which  may  desire  a  different  settlement 
for  the  sake  of  its  own  exterior  influence  or  mastery. 

3.  The  consent  of  all  nations  to  be  governed  in  their  conduct  toward 

each  other  by  the  same  principles  of  honor  and  of  respect  for  the 
common  law  of  civilized  society  that  govern  the  individual  citizens 
of  all  modern  states  in  their  relations  with  one  another;  to  the  end 
that  all  promises  and  covenants  may  be  sacredly  observed,  no  private 
plots  or  conspiracies  hatched,  no  selfish  injuries  wrought  with  im- 
punity, and  a  mutual  trust  established  upon  the  handsome  foundation 
of  a  mutual  respect  for  right. 

4.  The  establishment  of  an  organization  of  peace,  which  shall  make  it 
certain  that  the  combined  power  of  free  nations  will  check  every 
invasion  of  right  and  serve  to  make  peace  and  justice  the  more 
secure  by  affording  a  definite  tribunal  of  opinion  to  which  all  must 
submit  and  by  which  every  international  readjustment  that  can  not 
be  amicably  agreed  upon  by  the  peoples  directly  concerned  shall  be 
sanctioned. 

These  great  objects  can  be  put  in  a  single  sentence.    What  we  seek 
is  the  reign  of  law,  based  upon  the  consent  of  the  governed  and  sustained 

31 


by  the  organized  opinion  of  mankind."    (President  Wilson,  address   at 
Mount  Vernon,  July  4,  1918.) 

Probliem   of  International   Cooperation  and    Reorganization 

A.  Proposed  League  of  Nations.    Objects: 

(a)  to  establish  and  enforce  the  rules  of  international  law. 

(b)  to  compel  nations  to  submit  their  non-justiciable  disputes  to 
examination  and  report  by  an  international  commission  of  in- 
quiry and  their  justiciable  disputes  to  arbitration. 

B.  The  organization  of  the  League.  (Should  Germany  be  admitted  to 
membership?)  Establishment  of  an  International  Court  of  Justice; 
an  international  police  force;  an  international  legislative  body. 

C.  Means  of  enforcing  the  will  of  the  League: 
(a)     Diplomatic. 

(a)     Economic  pressure,  boycotts,  non-intercourse. 

(c)  Use  of  force. 

D.  Practical  difficulties  in  the  way  of  the  organization  of  the  League 
and  the  enforcement  of  its  will. 

Query:  Would  the  entrance  of  the  United  States  into  such  a  League 
be  in  contravention  of  our  traditional  policy  in  respect  to 
entangling  alliances? 

E.  Existing    examples    of    international    cooperation.     (The    universal 
postal  and  other  unions).    Note  that  the  countries  belonging  to  the 
universal  postal  union  have  agreed  to  arbitrate  all  disputes  arising  5 
over  the  interpretation  of  the  Convention  creating  the  Union. 

F.  Proposal  for  the  creation  of  a  super-national  state  embracing  the 
great  body  of  existing  states.    Is  it  desirable  and  practicable? 

Required  Reading:  Beard  and  Ogg,  Chs.  27-28;  Historical  Light  on  the  i 
League  to  Enforce  Peace;  pamphlet,  League  of  Nations  (No.  131) ;| 
Becker,  America's  War  Aims  and  Peace  Program.  Copies  on  reserve  | 
in  the  general  library. 


32 


AN  OUTLINE 

OF  THE 

HISTORICAL  BACKGROUND 
OF  THE  GREAT  WAR 


Prepared  for  the  Committee 

in  Charge  of  the  Course  in  War  Issues 

IN  THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS 

by 

LAURENCE  M.  LARSON 


PRICE  TWENTY-FIVE  CENTS 


PUBLISHED  BY  THE 

UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS  PRESS 

URBANA 


AN  OUTLINE 


OF  THET 


HISTORICAL  BACKGROUND 
OF  THE  GREAT  WAR 


Prepared  for  the  Committee 

in  Charge  of  the  Course  in  War  Issues 

IN  THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS 


LAURENCE  M.  LARSON 

Professor  of  History 


PRICE  TWENTI'-FIVE  CENTS 


/^■N 


PREFACE 

Purpoee.— By  direction  of  the  War  Department,  the  University  of  Illi- 
nois is  giving  this  year  a  Course  on  the  Issues  of  the  War  for  members  of  the 
Student  Army  Training  Corps.  The  purpose  of  this  course  is  to  give  the 
citizen  soldier  an  intelligent  appreciation  of  the  importance  for  civilization 
of  the  great  conflict  in  which  he  is  called  to  take  his  part.  This  purpose 
can  not  be  accomplished  merely  by  listening  to  eloquent  speeches;  it  re- 
quires serious  study.  With  this  end  in  view,  the  instruction  has  been  or- 
ganized as  follows: 

War  Issues  I.— The  first  quarter  will  be  mainly  devoted  to  the  historical 
background  of  the  war,  with  due  attention  to  geographic  and  economic,  as 
well  as  political  factors;  the  reasons  for  American  participation  will  be 
studied  in  the  President's  addresses  and  elsewhere.  In  the  second  and  third 
quarters,  the  ideals  of  the  belligerent  nations  will  be  studied  in  their  gov- 
ernments, their  philosophies,  and  their  literatures.  This  outline  covers  the 
work  of  the  first  quarter  only. 

Each  student  will  attend  one  lecture  a  week  and  two  section  meetings 
for  discussion,  as  indicated  in  the  Time  Table  published  by  the  Registrar's 
Office.  The  section  meetings  will  be  devoted  to  oral  discussion  and  written 
work.  In  these  discussions,  which  will  be  based  partly  on  the  lectures  and 
partly  on  required  reading,  students  are  encouraged  to  ask  questions  freely 
and  every  effort  will  be  made  to  help  them  in  thinking  out  their  problems. 

Written  and  Spoken  English.— Clearness  and  accuracy  in  speech  and 
writing  are  essential  qualities  of  a  good  officer  and  will  be  insisted  upon  in 
this  course.  There  will  be  one  or  more  short  written  exercises  each  week 
prepared  In  the  class  room  or  out  of  it  at  the  discretion  of  the  instructor. 
Each  student  will  be  required  to  keep  a  note-book  and  to  take  brief  but 
orderly  notes  on  bis  lectures  and  reading. 

Books  Required. — The  time  required  for  pieparation  will  be  the  same  as 
for  other  University  courses  for  which  three  hours  credit  is  given.  For  this 
outside  study  each  student  will  need  to  secure  the  following  books  in  ad- 
dition to  this  outline:  Holt  and  Chilton,  History  of  Europe,  McKInley,  Col- 
lected Materials  on  the  Study  of  the  War;  and  the  following  pamphlets: 
The  War  Cyclopedia,  Conquest  and  Kultur,  and  Hazen's  Qovernment  of 
Germany.  The  total  cost  will  be  about  four  dollars.  The  topics  to  be  cov- 
ered and  the  readings  assigned  are  indicated  in  the  following  pages  of  this 
outline. 

War  Issues  2. — This  is  a  combination  of  War  Issues  1  with  additional 
training  in  English  composition  based  largely  on  topics  connected  with  the 
subject  matter  of  the  course.  In  addition  to  the  lecture,  there  will  be  three 
discussion  meetings,  making  four  hours  in  all  and  entitling  the  student  to 
four  hours  credit. 

EVARTS   B.    GREENE, 

University  of  Illinois.  Sept  27.  1918. 


I.     GEOGRAPHICAL   ASPECTS   OF   THE   WAR. 

Certain  prominent  physical  facts. 

a.  Rivers,  lakes,  and  mountains:   important  cliiefly  as  natural  defenses. 

(1)  The  Seine  river  system:  a  complex  of  rivers  cutting  the  region 
between  Paris  and  the  German  frontier  (the  Marne,  the  Vesle, 
the  Aisne,  the  Oise,  etc.);  of  great  importance  as  obstructions  to 
German  progress,  especially  since  the  Germans  took  the  Belgian 
route. 

(2)  The  river  system  of  northeastern  Italy;  note  the  importance  of  the 
Piave   and   neighboring   streams   in   the   last  Austrian   offensive. 

(3)  The  rivers  of  western  Russia;  note  their  general  directions;  of 
great  importance  in  the  Russian  retreat,  1915. 

(4)  The  Masurian  lakes:  fatal  to  the  Russian  invasion  of  Prussia,  1914. 

(5)  The  Alps,  the  Carpathians,  and  the  Vosges;  note  that  the  trench 
lines  in  the  Vosges  are  only  a  dozen  miles  from  the  Rhine. 

b.  Military  routes. 

(1)  The  Tigris  valley;  the  Tigris  is  also  important  as  a  navigable 
stream. 

(2)  The  Vardar-Morava  valley  (Balkans):  the  route  of  the  Teutonic  ad- 
vance through  Serbia  southward. 

(3)  The  lower  Danube:  important  in  the  Teutonic  invasion  of  Ru- 
mania. 

c.  Waterways  and  narrow  seas. 

(1)  The  Dardanelles:  note  the  effect  of  the  closing  of  these  straits 
on  Russian  participation  in  the  war. 

(2)  The  Suez  Canal, 

(3)  Strait  of  Gibraltar.  '* 

(4)  The  English  Channel:  note  that  the  better  harbors  are  on  the 
English  side  of  the  Channel. 

(5)  The  Orkney  route. 

(6)  The  entrance  to  the  Baltic. 

d.  The  North  Sea:  shallow  in  places;  extensive  sandbanks;  good  chan- 
nels near  the  German  coast  rare;  Germany  practically  immune  from 
invasion. 

Economic  factors.  -See  Collected   Materials,  90. 

a.  Coal  fields  of  Germany  and  Austria. 

b.  Iron  mines  of  Germany  and  Austria;  note  the  fact  that  Germany  has 
also  had  access  to  the  iron  products  of  Sweden. 

c.  Oil  fields  of  Galicia,  Rumania  and  the  Caucasus. 

d.  Wheat  fields  of  Hungary  and  southern  Russia. 

e.  The  vast  mineral  wealth  and  industrial  establishments  of  Great 
Britain. 

f.  The  phosphates  deposits  of  Alsace;  Gei'man  monopoly  of  potash. 

Advantages  and  disadvantages  of  position  and  location. 

a.  Note  the  fact  that  Germany  occupies  a  central  place  in  Europe  and 
that  she  has  found  it  comparatively  easy  to  shift  men  and  materials 
from  front  to  front.  In  this  respect  the  allies  have  been  at  a  disad- 
vantage; communication  across  the  Channel  is  easy,  but  the  western 
powers  have  found  it  almost  impossible  to  assist  Russia  or  Serbia. 

6 


Note  the  fact  that  England  controls  all  the  waterways  that  allow  the 
central  powers  to  communicate  with  the  larger  world:  Suez  Canal. 
Strait  of  Gibraltar,  the  Channel,  the  Orkney  route. 
Note  that  after  the  Dardanelles  and  the  Danish  straits  had  been 
closed  Russia  had  only  two  outlets,  Archangel  and  Vladivostok;  dis- 
tance and  climate  are  important  in  this  case ;  today  all  the  Russian  out- 
lets are  sealed. 


II.      GERMANY   BECOMES  A   WORLD   POWER.      1864-1875. 
The    Unification    of   Germany. 

a.  The  causes. 

(1)  The  hopelessly  inefficient  organization  of  the  German  Confeder- 
ation: a  union  of  princes,  not  of  states. 

(2)  The  rivalry  within  the  Confederation  of  Prussia  and  Austria,  both 
claiming  leadership.  (It  is  important  to  note  that  the  aspirations 
of  Austria  lay  largely  outside  Germany.) 

(3)  Bismarck;  prime  minister;  most  important  man  in  Prussia;  of  tre- 
mendous force,  unusual  abilities  and  ruthless  methods  (blood  and 
iron);  opposed  to  democracy  and  popular  control  of  government; 
ambitious  to  remodel  the  Confederation  and  secure  the  leader- 
ship for  autocratic  Prussia. 

b.  The  means:   the  Prussian  army;   aggressive  v/arfare. 

(1)  1864.  The  German  states  attack  Denmark  and  deprive  the  Danes 
of  Schles'vvig-Holstein. 

(2)  1866.  Prussia  and  Austria  quarrel  over  the  spoils;  the  Seven 
Weeks'  War;  Prussia  is  victorious  and  annexes  Schleswig-Hol- 
stein,  also  several  German  states — 4,500,000  new  subjects;  organ- 
izes North  German  Confederation   (1867). 

Note:  these  wars  secured  for  Prussia  the  important  naval  station 
Kiel  and  the  future  site  of  the  Kiel  Canal. 

(3)  1870-1S71,  July  to  January.     The  Franco-Prussian   War;    results: 

(a)  France  loses  her  position  as  first  power  in  Continental  Eu- 
rope; becomes  a  republic. 

(b)  The  South  German  states  join  the  North  German  Confedera- 
tion to  form  the  German  Empire. 

(c)  In  the  treaty  of  Frankfort  the  Germans  take  Alsace  and  Lor- 
raine and  exact  an  indernxUity  of  $1,000,000,000;  the  Rhine  be- 
comes a  German  river;  the  boundary  is  pushed  to  the  Vosges. 

(d)  The  problem  of  Alsace-Lorraine  dates  from  this  treaty;  it  is 
kept  alive  and  vigorous  by  Prussian  efforts  at  Germanization. 
Note  the  importance  of  the  iron  fields  of  Lorraine;  interesting 
parallels  may  also  be  drawn  between  the  plans  of  campaign 
of  1S70  and  1914. 

c.  The  result:   the  new  German  Empire. 

(1)  The  most  populous  state  in  Europe  excepting  Russia;  highly  cen- 
tralized in  government — organized  for  efficiency  rather  than  to 
secure  civil  rights;  had  developed  the  most  efficient  educational 
system  in  Europe  from  this  point  of  view. 

(2)  Militaristic:  had  the  most  efficient  army  in  Europe;  the  Germans 
had  great  faith  in  the  Prussian  army— it  had  been  victorious  in 
three  wars  and  had  brought  territorial  increase  and  indemnity. 

(3)  Autocratic:  Prussia  controlled,  and  Prussia  was  ruled  according 
to  the  ideas  of  Bismarck. 

^)   The  first  power  on  the  Continent:  on  terms  of  friendship  with  Rus- 
sia and  Austria    (league  of  the  three  Caesars,  1872-1878). 
The  government  of  Germany. 
a.  Prussia  controls;    has   236  of  397   membei's  in   the  Reichstag    (lower 

house) ;  is  able  to  veto  important  measures  in  the  Bundesrath  (upper 

7 


house);  king  of  Prussia  is  emperor.  (The  Prussian  Landtag,  legis- 
lature, is  not  a  representative  body;  it  is  chosen  and  dominated  largely 
by  the  Junkers  and  the  wealthier  classes;  compare  the  British  House 

of  Commons.) 

b.  Emperor  controls  foreign  policy;  executive  officials  responsible  to 
the  emperor;  government  not  in  any  sense  democratic;  administration 
not  responsible  to  the  legislature. 

c.  Oppressive  as  weil  as  autocratic;  treatment  of  subject  races  (French- 
men, Danes,  Poles)  unintelligent  and  brutal. 

3.     Note:    the   development   of   self-confidence,   arrogance,    and   chauvinism 

among  the  Germans  is  due  largely  to  military  success,  profits  from  war, 

and  swift  rise  to  power  among  nations. 
Literature. 

*Holt  and  Chilton,  History  of  Europe,  74-116,  163-177. 

*Hazen,  Government  of  Germany  (16  pp.). 

*War  Cyclopedia;    see  under  "Autocracy,"   "Alsace-Lorraine,"  "Bundes- 

rath,"    "German    Constitution,"    "German    Empire,"    "Kaiserism,"    "Kiel 

Canal,"  "Reichstag,"  "Schleswig-Holstein." 

Notestein  and  Stoll,  Conquest  and   Kultur  (Jan.,  1918),  11-41. 

Note:     An  asterisk  (*)  indicates  required  reading. 
Map    Study: — McKinlej'-,   Collected    Materials,   92:    growth   of  Prussia   and 

Germany;  on  the  opposite  page  note  the  fact  that  the  German  language 

area  extends  southeastward  into  Austria. 


III.     THE  BALKAN  PROBLEMS  TAKE  FORM,  1875-1887 

1.  Important  geographical  facts 

a.  Constantinople  and  the  straits:  gatewaj^  of  the  Black  Sea. 

b.  Saloniki:  most  important  port  on  the  Aegean  Sea;  route  from  Saloniki 
northward  along  Vardar  River. 

c.  Macedonia:  most  difficult  problem  in  the  peninsula,  population  a  com- 
plex of  mutually  hostile  races. 

d.  Albania:  backward  mountain  country;  Albanians  a  nation  but  incap- 
able of  self-government. 

2.  Conflicting  ambitions  in  the  Balkans 

Turkey  anxious  to  maintain  her  territorial  integrity. 

Russia  planniHg  for  an  outlet  through  the  straits;  this  might  make  the 
control  of  Constantinople  necessary;  closing  of  the  straits  by  Turks 
and  Germans  in  1914  made  it  impossible  for  Russia  to  hold  her  own  in 
a  long  war. 

Greece  ambitious  to  annex  Greek  lands  around  the  Aegean. 

Bulgarians  striving  for  national  existence  and  independence. 

Rumania,  Serbia,  and  Montenegro  eager  for  complete  independence  and 
enlargement  of  territories. 

Austria  hoping  to  annex  Turkish  territory  to  the  Aegean:  Bosnia,  the  Var- 
dar valley,  Saloniki. 

3.  Revolutionary   movements;    the   Russo-Turkish  War 

1875.  Revolt  in  the  northwest  (Herzegovina);  the  movement  spreads. 

1876.  The  Bulgars  rebel;  "Bulgarian  atrocities." 
1877-1878.  Turks  defeated  in  war  with  Russia. 

1878.  Treaty  of  San  Stefano  and  the  Congress  of  Berlin. 

4.  Congress  of  Berlin  (noted  chiefly  for  failure  and  error;  the  present  war 
dates  from  its  sessions;  its  settlement  was  largely  the  work  of  Disraeli 
and  Bismarck) : 

a.  Failed  to  put  an  end  to  the  Turkish  regime  in  Europe;  made  possible 
the  present  close  connection  between  Turkey  and  Germany. 

b.  Failed  to  carry  out  fully  the  principles  of  nationality:  gave  independ- 
ence to  Serbia  and  Rumania  but  left  millions  of  Serbs  and  Rumanians 
outside  the  boundaries  of  these  states;  did  not  satisfy  the  ambitions 
of  the  Greeks;  divided  the  Bulgarian  lands  into  three  parts,  leaving 
one  part  wholly  under  Turkish  rule. 

c.  Gave  the  control  of  Bosnia  and  Herzegovina  to  Austria;  an  important 
Austrian  advance  toward  the  head  of  the  Vardar  valley. 

d.  Failed  to  deal  with  the  Macedoinaii  problem. 

e.  Note:  (a)  Serajevo  is  capital  of  Bosnia;  (b)  the  "Saloniki  front" 
was  established  largely  to  prevent  Austria  from  reaching  Saloniki. 

f.  Compare  the  territorial  arrangements  of  the  treaty  of  San  Stefano  with 

the  settlement  of  the  Congress  of  Berlin. 

5.  The  Triple  Alliance  and  the  Dual  Enieiite  grew  out  of  the  settlement  at 
Berlin. 

a.  Austria  got  two  provinces  without  taking  part  in  the  war;  Russia 
gained  very  little;  Bismarck  forced  to  choose  between  Austria  and 
Russia  chose  to  support  Austria;  Russia  angry  and  humiliated;  League 
of  the  Three  Emperors  dissolved. 

9 


b.  1879,  Austria  and  Germany  form  a  Dual  Alliance. 

c.  France  was  encouraged  (at  Congress  of  Berlin)  to  seize  Tunis;  Italy 
looked  on  Tunis  as  her  own  future  possession;  disappointed  she  joined 
the  Dual  Alliance  which  nov/  became  the  Triple  Alliance,  1882. 

d.  France  seeks  a  friend  and  ally  in  Russia:  Dual  Entente  finally  formed, 
1893. 

5.     Later  developments  in  the  Balkans 

1881,  Rumania  a  kingdom;   1882,  Serbia  a  kingdom. 

1885.  The  two  Bulgarias  united;  1887;  Ferdinand  prince  of  Bulgaria 
(later  Tsar). 

Literature. 

*Holt  and  Chilton,   History  of  Europe,  187-223,  246-254,  283-289. 
Hazen,  iVIodern  European  History,  395-396;  462-463;  540-555. 

*War  Cyclopedia;  see  under  "Balkan  Problems,"  "Bosnia-Herzegovina," 
"Bulgaria,"  "Congress  of  Berlin,"  "Constantinople,"  "Ferdinand  I," 
"Macedonia."  "Saloniki,"  "Serajevo,"  "Serbia,"    "Triple  Alliance." 

Map  Study. 

Holt  and  Chilton,  214:   the  settlement  of  1878. 

Collected  Materials,  88:  Balkan  peninsula;  note  especially  the  river  val- 
leys ;  in  mountainous  countries  these  form  the  obvious  routes  and  high- 
ways in  times  of  war  as  well  as  of  peace;  note  that  the  Morava  and 
the  Vardar  valleys  form  an  almost  continuous  route  from  the  Austrian 
frontier  to  the  Aegean  Sea;  at  present  an  important  railway  runs 
southward  through  these  valleys. 


10 


IV.      ECONOMIC    EXPANSION    OF    GERfi^ANY:       COLONIAL    RIVALRIES 

1.  Industrial  resources:  cheap  labor;  a  limited  supply  of  coal  and  iron. 

2.  Industrial  needs 

a.  Raw  materials:  cotton,  silk,  wool,  rubber,  copper,  precious  metals, 
minerals,  woods,  etc. 

b.  Markets  at  home  and  abroad. 

c.  Food  supply :  at  maximum  efficiency  of  agriculture  Germany  can  pro- 
vide food  for  50,000,000;  but  Germany's  industrial  development  has  led 
to  a  decline  in  agriculture. 

3.  Industrial  growth:  tremendous  development  of  manufacturing  in  Saxony 

and  the  Rhine  country  (note  location  of  Essen) ;  great  activity  in  ship- 
building; stead}^  growth  of  foreign  commerce — almost  trebled  in  40 
years. 

4.  Economic  policy.   Bismarck 

a.  Protective  tariff,  1879:  to  stimulate  manufacturing;  to  close  Grerman 
markets  to  foreigners. 

b.  Concessions  to  foreign  traders  in  order  to  secure  concessions  (mark- 
ets) in  return. 

c.  State  socialism  to  conserve  labor:  various  forms  of  state  insurance 
against  unemployment,  sickness,  old  age,  etc;  1883-1889. 

d.  Colonial  expansion:  to  secure  raw  materials,  markets,  and  homes  for 
surplus  population.  Bismarck  was  at  first  opposed  to  this  policy;  ac- 
cepted it  about  1883. 

5.  "The  scramble  for  Africa,"  1880-1890. 

a.  France  crosses  the  Sahara  from  Algiers  and  Tunis  and  takes  posses.- 
sion  of  the  greater  part  of  Sudan. 

b.  England  works  her  way  from  the  Cape  northward  nearly  2000  miles; 
occupies  Egypt  1882;   Cecil  Rhodes  plans  Cape  to  Cairo  Railway. 

c.  The  king  of  Belgium  organizes  a  state  in  the  Congo  valley  (1885); 
this  has  since  become  a  Belgian  dependency. 

d.  Germany  takes  possession  of  Togoland,  Kamerun,  Southwest  Africa 
(1884)  and  German  East  Africa   (1885). 

e.  Outcome:  Germany  secured  nearly  800,000  square  miles  of  African 
territory  but  was  not  satisfied;  note  that  most  of  these  colonies  are 
located  near  the  Equator  and  therefore  not  suitable  for  settlement  by 
Germans;  the  soil  in  Southwest  Africa  is  not  fertile.  The  plan:  ex- 
tensive possessions  in  the  Tropics  for  exploitation;  colonies  in  temper- 
ate regions  for  settlement. 

Note:   the  Allies  have  seized  all  the  German  colonies  in  Africa  and 
elsewhere. 

6.  Rivalry  with  England. 
a.  Commercial. 

(1)  English  merchants  at  a  disadvantage  in  Germany  because  of  the 
high  German  tariff;  English  markets  open  to  Germans;  English 
irritated;  parliament  (1887)  enacted  that  all  German  wares  offered 
for  sale  in  the  British  Isles  should  be  marked  "made  in  Germany." 

11 


(2)  England  owned  half  of  all  the  tonnage  on  the  seas;  Germans  built 
vigorously;  but  England  built  more  than  all  the  rest  of  the  world. 
Germans  irritated. 

(3)  German  commerce  gained  steadily  on  that  of  England  till  1909; 
since  then  English  trade  has  advanced  more  rapidly. 

b.  Colonial:  England  has  an  empire  of  nearly  13,000,000  square  miles,  in- 
cluding India,  Egypt,  Australia,  and  much  more;  German  writers  have 
demanded  that  England  share  with  Germany. 

Note:     England  has  applied  the  principle  of  colonial  self-government 
more  extensively  and  thoroughly  than  any  other  European  country. 

Literature 

*Holt  and  Chilton,  History  of  Europe,  264-279,  295-299,  317-340. 

Hazen,  Modern  European  History,  368-382,  403-408,  499-514. 
*War  Cyclopedia;  see  under  "Coal  and  Iron,"  "German  Colonies,"  "Ger- 
man Southwest  Africa,"  "Krupp." 
♦Conquest  and  Kultur,  47-51,  71-74. 

Map  study 

Collected  Materials,  90;  maps  of  coal  and  iron  deposits;  note  the  distribu- 
tion of  coal  and  iron  fields  in  central  Europe,  particularly  the  iron 
regions  of  Belgium  and  Lorraine. 

Holt  and  Chilton,  334:  Africa;  note  the  location  of  the  German  colonies 
with  reference  to  the  Equator;  note  also  that  Walfisch  Bay  and  Zanzi- 
bar, the  commercial  outlets  of  German  Southwest  Africa  and  German 
East  Africa  respectively,  are  British  possessions.  (Germany  in  1890 
exchanged  her  claims  to  Zanzibar  for  Heligoland,  see  Holt  and  Chilton, 
174,  for  location  of  Heligoland.)  . 


12 


V.     THE  RIVALRY  OF  ENGLAND  AND  GERMANY  ON  THE  HIGH  SEAS; 

THE   ENTENTES. 

1.  1871-1914;  no  war  in  Europe  (except  in  the  Balkans),  but  nearly  all  the 
great  powers  armed  to  the  teeth;  old  hostilities  alive  underneath  the 
armor:  armed  peace. 

a.  Militarism:  to  maintain  huge  standing  armies,  professedly  for  defense, 
actually  for  aggressive  purposes.  In  1914  Germany  had  the  greatest, 
best  equipped,  and  most  efficient  army  in  Europe;  England  alone  of 
all  the  powers  had  no  great  military  establishment. 

h.  "Navalism":  Germany  has  charged  England  with  "navalism,"  excess- 
ive development  of  her  navy.  England  tries  to  maintain  a  "two-power 
standard:"  a  navy  equal  to  any  other  two.  The  character  of  the  Brit- 
ish Empire  is  such  that  large  and  swift-sailing  men-of-war  alone  can 
hold  it  together. 

c.  A  navy  is  essentially  a  weapon  for  defense;  militarism  is  far  more 
dangerous  than  naval  development;  but  a  combination  of  militarism 
and  "navalism"  is  the  greatest  menace  to  the  world's  peace. 

d.  The  German  army  is  an  element  of  influence  in  the  government;  in 
England  the  military  is  held  to  be  subordinate  to  the  civil  authority; 
the  contrast  is  important. 

2.  The  development  of  the  German  Navy. 

1897.  Von  Tirpitz  becomes  secretary  of  the  navy;  continues  as  such  to 
1916;  policy:  (1)  to  make  the  German  navy  so  strong  that  it  would  be 
dangerous  for  any  nation  to  attack  it;  (2)  to  develop  a  high  seas  fleet 

1898.  German  Navy  League  formed;  to  develop  sentiment  for  a  great 
navy;  200,000  members  in  1900.     Naval  power  increased. 

1900.     Further  increase  in  German  navy. 

1906.     New  navy  law;   rivalry  with  England  grows  more  intense. 
1908.    Navy  law:  four  battle-ships  to  be  built  yearly. 
1912.     Further  increase  in  ships  and  men. 

Note:  a  parallel  development  of  the  German  merchant  marine  promoted 
by  government  subsidies. 

3.  Naval  Policy  of  England 

a.  To  maintain  the  two-power  standard:  1904,  Sir  John  Fisher  appointed 
first  sea  lord;   designs  the  first  Dreadnought,  ready  for  action,  1906. 

b.  To  strengthen  fieet  in  the  home  waters;  this  accomplished  by  series 
of  understandings  and  agreements. 

c.  To  secure  a  limitation  of  armaments:  England  proposed  this  in  1906, 
1907,  1909,  and  1912;  Germany  refused  to  discuss  the  proposals;  Eng- 
land suggested  a  "naval  holiday"  for  1913;  not  acceptable  to  Germany. 

d.  English  navy  (ships  built  or  in  building),  1914,  545;  German,  302. 

4.  The  Ententes 

1900.  England  realizes  failure  of  policy  of  "splendid  isolation;"  she  has 
no  allies  and  many  enemies;  no  fleet  in  the  North  Sea;  Germans  build- 
ing a  powerful  navy. 

1902.  Alliance  with  Japan;  English  ships  brought  from  the  North  Pa- 
cific to  the  North  Sea. 

13 


1904.  The  Entente  Cordiale:  settlement  of  all  disputes  and  questions  be- 
tween England  and  France;  English  ships  transferred  from  the  Med- 
iterranean to  home  waters. 

1907.  Understanding  with  Russia:  the  Triple  Entente.  Europe  now  di- 
vided into  two  powerful  camps,  the  Triple  Entente  and  the  Triple  Al- 
liance; latter  the  more  definite  and  complete. 

Understanding  with  Spain  as  to  Morocco. 
1913.  Effort  of  Sir  Edward  Grey  to  reach  an  understanding  with  Ger- 
many; almost  successful;  Prince  Lichnowsky,  the  German  ambassador, 
favorable. 
5.  The  question  of  Morocco:  Germany  twice  challenged  France  in  this 
region,  her  purpose  being  in  part  to  test  the  strength  of  the  entente; 
found  it  in  "perfect  working  order." 

1905.  Kaiser  visits  Tangier;  serious  diplomatic  crisis;  agreement  reached 
at  Algeciras,  1906.    Importance  of  the  entente  cordiale. 

1911.  A  German  war  ship  at  Agadir;  a  warning  to  France;  England 
again  supports  Prance;  Germany  forced  to  yield. 

1912.  Morocco  becomes  a  French  protectorate;  note  that  Spain  has  a 
share  of  Morocco. 

Literature 

*Holt  and  Chilton,  History  of  Europe,  299-316,  365-387,  456  474. 

Hazen,  Modern   European   History,  406-408. 

*War  Cyclopedia;    see  under  "Disarmament,"   "DreadnaugM,"    "German 

navy,"     "Militarism,"     "Navallsm,"    "Navy,"    "Prussianism,"    "Triple 

Entente." 
*Conquest  and   Kultur,  41-46,  111-124. 

Map  study 

Holt  and  Chilton,  334;  Morocco,  Agadir,  Tangier.  The  student  should 
also  be  able  to  locate  the  chief  naval  bases  of  England  and  Germany: 
Portland,  Portsmouth,  Dover,  Chatham,  the  Orkneys  (Kirkwall) ;  Em- 
den,  Wilhelmshaven,  Bremerhaven,  Kiel. 


14 


VJ.     THE    PAN-GERiVSAN     M0VEIV8ENT.      SINCE    1890. 

The  Pan-German  League 

a.  Founded  1890,  reorganized  1893;  membership  about  50,000;  closely  as- 
sociated with  Navy  League;  influential  with'  the  imperial  government; 
strongly  supported  and  strongly  opposed. 

b.  Aims. 

(1)  To  make  the  German  state  coterminous  with  the  German  race; 
this  would  involve  addition  of  several  Austrian  states,  part  of 
Switzerland,  perhaps  parts  of  Russia. 

(2)  To  add  related  Teutonic  peoples  to  the  great  German  state:  Hol- 
land, part  of  Belgium,  the  Scandinavian  states. 

(3)  To  extend  the  power  of  Germany  throughout  the  world;  to  force 
England  to  surrender  her  best  colonies. 

(4)  To  assist  Germans  in  other  lands  (United  States,  Brazil)  to  main- 
tain Deutschtum:  Grerman  speech,  ideals,  and  mode  of  living.  (The 
Pan-Germanists  have  always  been  hostile  to  the  Monroe  Doctrine.) 

The  Bagdad  Railway  scheme 

a.  The  plan  (first  developed  by  Dr.  Rohrbach  about  1900) :  to  build  a  rail- 
vay  from  the  Bosporus  by  way  of  Bagdad  to  the  Persian  Gulf;  to  con- 
nect this  with  the  railway  system  from  Hamburg  and  Berlin  to  Con- 
stantinople; to  build  a  branch  line  south  through  Syria  and  on  toward 
Mecca  and  further. 

ta.  Future  possibilities  of  the  plan. 

(1)  To   develop   Asiatic   Turkey,   especially   the   Mesopotamian   plain. 

(2)  To  divert  a  large  part  of  the  trade  of  eastern  and  southern  Asia  to 
this  line  (half  of  the  world's  population  lives  east  of  the  Persian 
Gulf). 

(3)  To  seize  at  some  future  time  the  Suez  Canal  and  thus  secure  con- 
trol of  both  short  routes  to  the  Orient. 

(4)  To  connect  the  Syrian  branch  with  the  Cape  to  Cairo  Railway  and 
divert  the  trade  of  East  Africa  to  German  ports. 

c.  England  spoiled  the  larger  features  of  the  plan  by  raising  the  Union 
Jack  over  Kov/eit,  the  proposed  terminal  on  the  Persian  Gulf.  (Koweit 
had  asked  lor  British  protection  before  the  Bagdad  plan  was  com- 
pleted.) 

The  Mid-Europe  scheme   (first  fully  developed  by  Naumann,  1915):   this 

plan  looks  toward  the  formation  of  a  great  military  and  economic  union 

of  Germany,  Austro-Hungary,  and  the  Balkan  states;  the  Bagdad  Railway 

scheme  fits  closely  in  with  the  Mid-Europe  plan. 

Pan-Germanism  ss  a  cause  of  war 

a.  The  Pan-Germanists  realized  that  their  plans  could  be  carried  out  only 

through  war  and  welcomed  it. 
h.  Their  constant  agitation  for  colonial  adventures  disturbed  the  peace 

of  the  world;  they  helped  to  bring  on  the  Morocco  crisis. 
c.  They  preached  constant  hostility  to  England  as  the  great  obstacle  to 

the  achievement  of  their  plans. 


15 


Literature 

*Holt  and  Chilton,  History  of  Europe,  303-304,  531-535. 

*War  Cyclopedia;  "Berlin  to  Bagdad,"  "Drang  nach  Osten,"  "Mlttel  Eu- 
ropa,"  "Pan-Germanism,"  "Place  in  the  sun." 

*Conquest  and  Kultur,  52-66,  75-110,  136-157. 

*The  President's  Flag  Day  Address,  7-30  (including  foot-notes). 
Map  Study:  see  Collected  Materials,  pp.  92-93;  cf.  maps  on  p.  90  and  note 

that  the  Mid-Europe  plan  would  give  the  proposed  union  control  of  grent 

areas  of  mineral  wealth  and  of  the  Danubian  wheat  belt. 


16 


VII,     THE  DECLINE  OF  RUSSIA 

The  Old  Russia 

a.  Racial  situation:  70  languages  spoken;  population  about  70  percent 
Russian, 

(1)  The  three  Russias:  Great  Russia  (central  part),  White  Russia 
(west).  Little  Russia  (southwest). 

Note:  Little  Russia  was  in  1918  made  into  the  Republic  of  Uk- 
raine. The  Ukranians  speak  a  dialect  somewhat  different  from 
that  of  Great  Russia. 

(2)  A  rim  of  non-Russian  peoples  along  the  western  border.  Finns, 
Lithuanians  (and  Letts),  Poles. 

Note:  these  have  all  been  surrendered  by  the  Bolsheviki. 

(3)  To  the  east  a  variety  of  races,  chiefly  Turanian. 

(4)  Russification:  since  1870  a  determined  effort  has  been  made  to 
drive  the  native  languages  of  the  non-Russians  from  public  use 
(in  churches,  schools,  theaters,  administration,  business)  and  com- 
pel the  use  of  Russian. 

Note:  Russification  was  chiefly  responsible  for  the  doubtful  at- 
titude of  the  Poles  in  the  present  war  and  for  the  secession  of 
Finland,  1817, 

b.  Autocratic  and  bureaucratic  in  government:  country  governed  by  a 
host  of  officials  owing  obedience  to  the  Tsar  only;  no  security  of  civil 
rights. 

c.  Medieval  in  social  organization:  nobles  (highly  privileged);  official 
classes  (privileged);  mercantile  class;  peasants  and  laborers.  The 
land  was  owned  in  part  by  the  nobles,  in  part  by  peasants  organized 
into  communities;  individual  property  in  peasant  land  not  general. 
Note:  the  promise  of  the  Bolsheviki  to  distribute  the  land  of  the  aristo- 
crats among  the  peasants  was  an  important  factor  in  the  success  of 
their  revolution,  1917. 

d.  Siberia:  a  vast  region  thinly  populated;  settled  chiefly  by  Cossacks, 
convicts,  political  offenders,  officials,  emigrants,  or  by  descendants  of 
such.  A  broad  belt  of  Russian  population  to  Lake  Baikal;  a  narrow 
strip  from  Lake  Baikal  to  the  Pacific  along  the  Siberian  Railway, 

The  New  Russia 

a.  Revolutionary  movements:   last  half  century. 

(1)  Liberalism:  dissatisfaction  with  autocracy  and  repression;  de- 
mand for  a  constitution,  civil  rights,  religious  freedom,  freedom  of 
the  press;  the  liberal  movement  was  limited  almost  entirely  to 
aristocrats   and   intellectuals. 

(2)  Nihilism:  violent  socialists  assumed  control  of  the  liberal  move- 
ment about  1875;  revolutionary  societies  organized  but  hunted 
down  by  the  police;  Nihilists  declare  war  on  officialdom — assas- 
sination the  chief  weapon;  Tsar  Alexander  II  assassinated  in  1881 
(fourth  attempt). 

b.  Industrial  revolution;    especially  after  1890. 

(1)  Russia  adopts  the  policy  of  state  aid  to  industry  chiefly  by  means 
of  a  protective  tariff;  foreign  capital  drawn  in;  loans  made  largely 
in  France;  great  development  of  manufacturing;  considerable 
building  of  railways:   Siberian  Railway,  1891-1902, 

17 


(2)  New  demand  for  labor;  peasants  migrate  to  the  factory  towns; 
cities  grow  in  size;  dissatisfaction  grows  among  labor.  Proletariat 
and  rich'  middle  class  grow  together. 

(3)  Theories  of  socialism  take  root  in  the  laboring  class;   Bolsheviki. 

(4)  Ideas  of  Tolstoi  (poverty,  communism,  non-resistance)  receive 
wide  acceptance. 

3.  An  experiment  in  constitutional  government;   since  1906 

1904-1905,  war  with  Japan;  unpopular;  disastrous;  revelations  of  dishon- 
estj^  and  inefficiency;  position  of  autocracy  shaken. 

1905,  demand  for  constitutional  rule;    riots  and  massacres;    strikes. 
-     1906,  First  Duma  (legislature)   meets;    quarrels  with  government — finds 
the  Tsar  had  deprived  it  of  real  power;  dismissed;  failure. 
Later  meetings  of  the  Duma  also  failures. 

4.  Situation  in  Russia,  1914:   dissatisfaction  to  the  point  of  revolt  through- 
■  out  Russia,  especially  among  the  socialists  of  the  industrial  centers;  the 

land  problem  unsettled;  the  non-Russians  in  the  west  strenuously  re- 
sisting Russification ;  international  prestige  of  the  empire  shaken  by  the 
outcome  of  the  Russo-Japanese  war. 

Literature 

'^Holt  and  Chilton,   History  of   Europe,  241-246,  341-354,  363-364,  420-425. 
Hazen,  Modern  European  History,  558-573,  580-582,  585-589. 
*War  Cyclopedia,  "Bolsheviki,"  "Finland,"  "Lenine,"  "Milyukov,"  "Nich- 
olas II,"  "Pan-Slavism,"  "Poland,"  "Russia,"  "Slavs,"  "Ukraine." 

Map  Study:  Collected  Materials,  20;  note  that  Russia  is  not  abundantly  sup- 
plied with  coal  and  iron  and  that  the  loss  of  Finland  and  Ukraine  would 
be  a  serious  blovv"  to  Russian  industry;  note  also  that  Ukraine  covers  a 
large  part  of  the  great  Russian  wheat  belt. — The  map  on  page  98  shows 
the  territory  surrendered  by  the  Bolsheviki  in  the  west  and  southwest; 
it  should  be  observed  that  these  regions  were  not  given  to  Germany,  but 
that  Germans  hope  to  organize  and  control  them. 


18 


VIII.     THE    DISINTEGRATION    OF   TURKEY;    THE    BALKAN    WARS. 

1908-1913 

1.  The  Turkish  Revolution,  1908 

a.  Character  of  Turkish  rule:  autocratic,  arbitrary,  inefficient,  oppressive, 
bloody. 

b.  The  Young  Turk  movement:  party  professedly  for  a  constitutional  gov- 
ernment, a  humane  administration,  and  liberal  institutions  of  the  west- 
ern type;  brought  the  army  at  Saloniki  to  its  view;  successful  revolu- 
tion;   constitution   proclaimed;    Young   Turks    seized   offices. 

c.  Failure  of  the  revolution:  Young  Turk  leaders  proved  as  ineificient 
and   blood-thirsty  as   their   predecessors;    attempted    Ottomanization. 

d.  During  the  revolution  (1908)  Austria  formally  annexed  Bosnia  and 
Herzegovina,  which  she  had  been  administering  for  Turkey,  and  Bul- 
garia declared  herself  wholly  independent  under  a  Tsar. 

Note:  this  annexation  was  of  tremendous  importance,  as  the  new 
Austrian  subjects  were  largely  Serbs;  Serbia  protested  and  mobilized 
but  found  no  support. 

2.  The  war  between  Italy  and  Turkey,  1911. 

a.  Italy  proceeded  to  conquer  Tripoli,  a  Turkish  dependency. 

b.  To  hasten  the  end  of  the  war  Italy  attacked  Turkey  in  the  Aegean  Sea 
and  occupied  twelve  islands,  including  Rhodes. 

c.  Turkey  surrendered  Tripoli  to  Italy;  Italy  promised  to  return  the 
islands;  has  not  done  so— Italy  and  Turkey  again  at  war. 

3.  The  Balkan  wars,  1912-1913, 

a.  1912,  Bulgaria,  Serbia,  Greece,  Montenegro  form  alliance  against  the 
Turks;  Venizelos  the  chief  spirit  in  the  league.  Allies  demand  reforms 
in  Macedonia;  Turks  unwilling  and  begin  to  mobilize. 

b.  October,  1912,  the  Balkan  allies  attack  Turkey  at  four  points;  swift 
and  furious  fighting  for  six  weeks;   the  Turk  defeated  at  all  points. 

c.  May,  1913,  treaty  of  London;  dissatisfaction  among  the  allies;  Austria 
insists  on  an  independent  Albania — to  shut  Serbia  from  the  sea. 

d.  Second  Balkan  war:  war  for  Macedonia;  Bulgaria  against  her  allies 
and  Rumania;  Bulgaria  crushed. 

e.  Treaty  of  Bucharest,  August,  1913.  Bulgaria  was  forced  to  return 
Adrianople  to  the  Turks,  to  cede  a  strip  of  the  Dobrudja  to  Ru- 
mania, and  to  leave  the  larger  part  of  Macedonia  to  Greece  and  Serbia. 

4.  General   results. 

a.  The  Triple  Alliance  was  practically  dissolved:  Italy  had  attacked  a 
friend  of  the  Teutonic  powers. 

b.  Austria  forced  Europe  two  steps  in  the  direction  of  war:  (1)  in  1908 
when  she  formally  annexed  Bosnia  and  Herzegovina  and  angered 
Serbia;  (2)  when  in  1913  she  insisted  on  an  independent  Albania  and 
thus  prevented  Serbia  from  securing  an  outlet  on  the  Adriatic. 

c.  Bulgaria  became  the  mortal  enemy  of  Serbia  and  naturally  drifted  into 
the  Teutonic  alliance  in  1915. 

d.  Only  the  Central  Powers  had  shown  any  real  interest  in  Turkey  during 
the  war;   Russia  was  the  ancient  enemy,  England  and  Prance  were 

19 


friendly  to  Russia;  consequently  closer  relations  with  Germany  on  the 
part  of  the  Young  Turks. 
e.  The  present  war  grew  directly  out  of  the  Balkan  wars:   Austria  had 
been  balked  by  Serbia  and  Greece:    Serbia  lay  squarely  across  the 
route  to  the  Aegean;  Greece  had  Saloniki, 

Literature 

*Holt  and  Chilton,  History  of  Europe,  438-465,  477-503. 

Hazen,  Modern  European  History,  409-415,  555-557,  594-606. 
War  Cyclopedia;  see  under  "Austria  and  Serbia,  1913,"  "Balkan  Wars," 
"Enver  Pasha,"  "Macedonia,"  "Saloniki,"   "Turkey,"   "Young  Turks." 

Map  study. 

A  map  showing  the  racial  and  linguistic  situation  on  the  Balkan  penin- 
sula will  prove  very  enlightening;  a  comparison  of  such  a  map  with  the 
boundaries  drawn  by  the  treaty  of  Bucharest  will  to  a  large  extent  ex- 
plain the  attitude  of  the  various  Balkan  states  toward  the  Great  War. 


20 


IX.     THE   EVE  OF  THE  GREAT  WAR.     1913-1914. 

Conditions  and  problems. 

a.  The  balance  of  power  was,  in  German  opinion,  seriously  disturbed  by 
the  outcome  in  the  Balkans:  the  friends  of  the  Teutonic  allies,  Turkey 
and  Bulgaria,  had  both  been  defeated. 

b.  The  feeling  between  Austria  and  Serbia  was  approaching  the  breaking 
point: 

(1)  Austria  had  twice  blocked  the  plans  of  the  Serbs:  by  the  annexa- 
tion of  Bosnia,  and  by  the  creation  of  an  independent  Albania. 

(2)  Serbia  had  blocked  Austrian  nlans  of  future  annexations  in  the 
peninsula  by  extending  her  to^fitories  into  Macedonia  along  the 
Vardar  River. 

(3)  Serbians  were  supporting  a  strong  Pan-Serbian  movement  in  the 
Austrian  provinces  to  the  northwest. 

(4)  About  the  time  of  the  treaty  of  Bucharest  Austria  was  planning 
an  attack  on  Serbia  (August,  1913) ;  see  War  Cyclopedia  under 
"Austria  and  Serbia,  1913." 

c.  The  ancient  rivalry  and  hostile  feeling  between  Austria  and  Russia 
had  become  intensified  as  a  result  of  the  Balkan  Wars. 

d.  Relations  between  Russia  and  Germany  were  becoming  strained: 

(1)  Germany  had  backed  Austria  in  her  Balkan  ventures  in  1908  (Bos- 
nia) and  1913  (Albania) ;  Russia  was  displeased. 

(2)  German  officers  headed  by  General  tiiman  von  Sanders  were  sent 
to  Constantinople  (1913)  to  reorganize  the  Turkish  array;  Russia 
protested  against  the  appointment  of  von  Sanders. 

(3)  The  Germans  feared  that  Russia  would  soon  proceed  against 
Turkey  and  that  her  own  plans  for  operations  in  Asiatic  Turkey 
might  be  upset. 

e.  Relations  between  England  and  Germany  were  improving: 

(1)  Von  Tirpitz  appeared  disposed  to  accept  a  naval  ratio  of  ten  to 
sixteen;  rivalry  passing. 

(2)  Sir  Edward  Grey  and  Prince  Lichnowsky  were  negotiating  an  un- 
derstanding with  respect  to  the  Bagdad  Railway  and  German 
operations  in  the  Portuguese  possessions  in  Africa. 

f.  A  strong  peace  movement  was  active  in  America  and  parts  of  Europe. 
Germany  prepares  for  war. 

a.  Constant  and  deliberate  efforts  made  during  the  winter  of  1913-1914 
to  stir  up  the  war  spirit  in  the  German  nation. 

b.  Widening  and  deepening  of  the  Kiel  Canal  being  rushed  to  com- 
pletion (it  was  finished  July  1,  1914). 

c.  By  the  military  law  of  1913  the  German  army  was  increased  from  723,- 
000  to  870,000  men. 

d.  Plotting  and  intriguing  going  forward  in  the  British  possessions,  par- 
ticularly in  South  Africa  and  India. 

e.  Industrial  mobilization  ordered  early  in  June,  1914  (Sisson  Documents). 

f.  Unusual  military  manoeuvres  ordered  for  August,  1914,  in  the  Rhine 
lands;  see  Collected  Materials,  35. 

21 


g.  German  engineers   completing  a  great  system  of  strategic  railways 
built  from  the  Russian  to  the  French  and  the  Belgian  frontier. 

3.  Panic  in  Europe  after  Germany  decides  to  increase  her  army:  Fiance 
lengthens  the  term  of  service;  Russia  does  the  same;  Belgium  introduces 
universal  service;  powerful  movement  for  preparedness  in  Sweden. 

4.  Murder  of  Archduke  Francis  Ferdinand  by  Austrian  subjects  of  Serbian 
nationality,  members  of  a  great  Pan-Serbian  organization. 

Literature 

*Holt  and  Chilton,  History  of  Europe,  504  538. 

Hazen,  Modern  European  History,  416-426,  590-594. 

*War  Cyclopedia:    see   under  "Austria   and   Serbia,    1913,"   "Berahardi," 

"Pan-Germans  urge  War,"  "Serajevo." 
Collected  Materiais,  32-35. 
^Conquest  and  Kultur,  106-110,  125-131. 

*Prince  Lichnowsky,  My  Mission  to  London. 


22 


X.     THE  OUTBREAK  OF  THE  WAR. 


1.  A  month  of  preparation-,  June  28 — July  28. 
June  28.    Assassination  ol"  the  Archduke  at  Serajevo. 
July  1.     Kiel   Canal  completed;    Germany  ready  for  war. 

July  5.  The  Potsdam  Conference.  (At  this  conference  which  was  at- 
tended by  ambassadors,  high  officials,  military  chiefs,  and  industrial 
magnates  the  procedure  against  Serbia  was  probably  determined  upon 
and  the  European  situation  canvassed.) 

July  21.  Secret  orders  for  German  mobilization  are  said  to  have  been 
sent  out  on  this  date;  see  Collected  Materials,  38. 

July  23.  Austria  sends  her  ultimatum  to  Serbia:  Serbia  ordered  to  put 
down  the  Pan-Serbian  propaganda  and  to  allow  Austria  to  assist  in  the 
work;  an  an.swer  demanded  within  48  hours. 

July  25.  Serbia  replies  accepting  eight  of  the  ten  Austrian  demands;  a 
ninth  is  accepted  in  principle,  the  participation  of  Austrian  agents  in 
the  promised  investigation  of  the  antecedents  of  the  crime  at  Serajevo 
is  refused  as  being  in  violation  of  the  constitution  and  laws  of  Serbia. 

July  28.    Austria  declares  war  on  Serbia,  the  Great  War  begins. 

2.  The  efforts  of  Grey  (England)  and  Sazonoff  (Russia)  to  avert  a  general 
war. 

(1)  July  26.  Grey  proposes  a  conference  of  the  ambassadors  of  France, 
Germany,  iand  Italy  with  himself  in  London  to  discuss  the  Serbian  ques 
tion.    Germany  refuses.    July  27. 

(2)  July  27.  Von  Jagow  (Germany)  suggests  negotiations  between  Russia 
and  Austria.    Austria  refuses. 

(3)  July  27.  Sazonoff  proposes  "friendly  conversations"  with  Austria;  if 
these  should  fail  he  favors  Grey's  plan.  No  results.  Austria  de- 
clares war,  July  28. 

(4)  July  29.  The  Tsar  proposes  a  reference  of  the  whole  dispute  to  the 
Hague  Tribunal.    No  results. 

(5)  July  29.  Grey  asks  Austria  to  limit  herself  to  the  occupation  of  Bel- 
grade and  adjacent  territory — to  give  time  for  meditation.    No  results. 

(6)  July  30.  Sazonoff  (Russia)  agrees  to  stop  military  preparations  if 
Austria  will  modify  her  ultimatum  to  Serbia.  German  ambassador  re- 
plies that  Austria  cannot  do  so. 

(7)  July  31.  Sazonoff  promises  to  maintain  a  waiting  attitude  if  Austria 
will  stay  her  march  and  allow  the  powers  to  discuss  h€r  grievances. 
No  reply. 

(8)  August  1.  Austria  announces  that  she  is  "ready  to  discuss  her  griev- 
ances against  Serbia  with  the  other  powers." 

(9)  Germany  had  already  sent  her  ultimatums  to  Russia  and  France;  sh'e 
declared  war  against  Russia  in  the  afternoon  (August  1). 

Note:  it  must  be  remembered  that  Russia  had  long  maintained  a  sort 
of  Monroe  Doctrine  among  the  Slavic  peoples  and  that  Serbia  re- 
garded Russia  as  her  protector;  an  attack  on  the  Serbs  could  not 
be  a  matter  of  indifference  to  Russia. 


3.  Why  the  Central  Powers  wanted  war, 

a.  Austria:  to  cripple  Serbia  and  promote  lier  own  ambitions  in  the 
Balkans. 

b.  Germany: 

(1)  To  recover  her  position  as  first  power  in  Europe  which  she  felt 
she  had  lost. 

(2)  To  break  up  the  Triple  Entente,  or  at  least  render  it  harmless. 

(3)  To  promote  the  Pan-German  plans  in  the  Near  East. 

4.  The  plan:  a  swift  march  upon  Paris  while  Austria  kept  the  Russians  oc- 
cupied; the  war  was  to  be  short,  first  victory  over  France,  next  the  de- 
feat of  Russia.     The  plan  failed  for  two  chief  reasons: 

a.  Belgium  refused  to  participate  in  the  crime  against  France;  her  re- 
fusal delayed  the  march  upon  Paris  and  the  French  were  given  time 
to  prepare. 

b.  England  entered  the  war  in  defense  of  Belgian  neutrality. 
Note  with  respect  to  Belgium: 

(1)  The  neutrality  of  Belgium  was  guaranteed  by  the  European  powers 
including  Prussia. 

(2)  A  state  must  defend  its  independence  or  (if  its  neutrality  is  guar- 
anteed)  the  guarantee  becomes  void. 

5.  The  European  situation,  August,  1914:   distinctly  favorable  to  Germany. 

a.  The  recent  strengthening  of  the  military  forces  in  Belgium,  France 
and  Russia  had  not  yet  yielded  effective  results. 

b.  Revolutionary  and  disintegrating  movements  were  gaining  headway  in 
Russia. 

c.  The  socialists  in  France  were  in  arms  against  the  military  law  of  the 
year  before. 

d.  England  was  facing  a  civil  war  in  Ireland  and  it  was  thought  likely 
that  she  wottld  have  to  deal  with  revolutionary  movements  in  India 
and  South  Africa. 

Literature. 

*Holt  and  Chilton,   History  of   Europe,  539-579. 
Hazen,  Modern  European  History,  608-618. 

*War   Cyclopedia,   "Albert   I,"    "Belgium,"    "Bethmann-Hollweg,"    "Grey, 
Viscount,"    "Mobilization    Controversy,"    "Potsdam    Conference,"    "Saz- 
onov,"  "Sazonov's  Eiforts  to  Maintain  Peace,"  "War,  Declaration  of," 
"War,  Responsibility  for,  in  1914." 
*  Conquest  and  Kultur,  131-135. 


24 


XI.     "HOW  THE  WAR  CAME  TO  AMERICA." 

The  struggle  to  maintain  our  neutrality. 

a.  President  Wilson  proclaimed  America  a  neutral,  August  4,  1914;  ap- 
pealed for  neutrality  in  sentiment  as  well  as  in  action;  the  act  was 
generally  approved  by   the  nation. 

b.  Controversies  with  belligerent  powers.         '  ■        .    ■ 

(1)  With  England:  the  British  government  set  out  to  prevent  the 
neutrals  from  trading  in  contraband  goods  with  Germany;  this  in- 
volved searching  ships  as  they  entered  or  left  the  North  Sea,  in- 
terfering with  mails,  and  disorganizing  commercial  plans;  ques- 
tions of  what  was  contraband  also  came  forward. 

(2)  With  Germany:  the  Germans  made  war  on  mercantile  shipping 
contrary  to  accepted  principles  of  international  law;  they  tor- 
pedoed our  ships  and  murdered  our  citizens  on  the  high  seas;  this 
led  to  protests  and  lengthy  diplom-atic  discussions,  as  in  the  cases 
of  the  Lusitania,  the  Sussex,  the  Arabic,  etc 

(3)  The  American  government  and  the  larger  pait  of  the  American 
public  regarded  our  controversy  with  Germany  as  the  more  serious 
of  the  two:  in  the  case  of  England  property  rights  were  involved; 
in  the  case  of  Germany  the  question  was  one  of  human  lives. 

The  development  of  anti-German  sentiment. 

(1)  Strong  pro-German  sentiment  among  certain  classes  of  "hyphenated 
Americans"  in  the  early  months  of  the  war;  an  active  minority  openly 
for  the  allies;   mass  of  the  population  anxious  to  remain  neutral. 

(2)  Slow  but  powerful  growth  of  anti-German  sentiment  caused  by: 

(a)  The  outrages  on  the  ocean,  especially  the  sinking  of  the  Lusitania. 

(b)  The  violation  of  Belgian  neutrality  and  more  especially  the  atroci- 
ous treatment  of  patriotic  Belgians. 

(c)  The  barbarous  methods  of  German  warfare. 

(d)  The  discovery  that  America  was  used  as  a  haven  for  plotters 
against  England  in  her  overseas  dominions. 

(e)  The  discovery  that  Germany  was  making  war  upon  us  in  our  own 
country  by  the  destruction  of  munition  plants,  stirring  up  labor 
troubles,  etc. 

.     How  America  was  forced  to  enter  the  war. 

April  18,  1916.  Our  government  threatens  to  break  diplomatic  relations 
with  Germany  over  the  Sussex  affair;  Germany  yields  but  breaks  her 
pledge. 

Dec.  IS,  1916.    President  Wilson  addresses  the  belligerents  in  the  interest 

of  peace;   no  results. 
Jan.  22.  1917.     President  Wilson  addresses  the  Senate  on  the  subject  of 

peace  in  Europe  in  the  light  of  American  ideals  and  principles;   no 

results;  Germany  was  planning  more  violent  warfare. 
Jan.  31.    Germany  informs  America  that  submarine  warfare  in  its  most 

ruthless  form  will  be  resumed;  that  a  million  square  miles  of  the  ocean 

are  closed  to  the  world's  trade. 


Feb.  3.  Ambassador  von  Bemstorfl  dismissed ;  diplomatic  relations  with 
Germany  broken. 

Feb.  28.  The  Zimmermann  note  is  published  through  the  associated 
Press. 

March  12.    Orders  are  issued  to  arm  American  merchant  ships. 
April  2.    President  Wilson  urges  the  recognition  of  a  state  of  war  with 
Germany. 

April  6.  Declaration  of  war  passed  by  the  House  and  signed  by  the  Pres- 
ident. 

Dec.  7.    War  declared  against  Austro-Hungary. 

4.     Why  America  entered  the  war. 

a.  Because  Germany  continued  in  her  violation  of  international  law  and 
the  accepted  rules  of  warfare. 

b.  Because  Germany  was  renewing  her  submarine  warfare  in  a  more  ruth* 
less  form,  resulting  in  the  destruction  of  American  ships  and  the  loss 
of  American  lives. 

c.  Because  a  Prussian  victory  would  endanger  the  future  peace  of  Ameri- 
ca and  make  a  maintenance  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine  extremely  diflB- 
cult. 

d.  Because  a  victory  for  Prussian  autocracy  and  militarism  would  en- 
danger the  future  peace  of  the  entire  world. 

e.  Because  the  war  was  taking  on  the  form  of  a  struggle  between  two 
principles:  autocracy  and  democracy;  to  permit  autocracy  to  win 
would  be  to  repudiate  our  own  history. 

Literature. 

*War  Cyclopedia,  "Ancona,"  "Arabic,"  "Atrocities,"  "Belgium"  (several 
articles),  "Bernstorff"  (two  articles),  "Blacklist,"  "Blockade,"  "German 
Intrigue"  (and  other  articles  on  Germany),  "Hyphenated  Americans," 
"Kaiserism,"  "Lusitania,"  "Mails,  British  Interference  with,"  "Mercier, 
Cardinal,"  "Monroe  Doctrine,  German  Attitude,"  "Neutrality,"  "Neutral 
Rights,"  "Peace  Terms"  (several  articles),  "Permanent  Peace,"  "Sub- 
marine Warfare"  (several  articles),  "United  States"  (several  articles), 
"War  Zone,  German,"  "Why  We  Are  at  War"  (two  articles),  "Zimmer- 
mann Note,"  etc. 

^Collected    Materials,    9-16    (President   Wilson's    War   Adresses);    46-49 

(German  War  Philosophy). 
*How  the  War  Came  to  America, 

'■'The  War  Message  and  the  Facts  behind  it. 
Munro,  Sellery,  and  Krey,  German    War    Practices 
Garner,  Why  we  are  at  War  with  Germany. 

Map  Study:  owing  to  the  importance  of  the  German  submarine  warfare  as 
a  factor  in  our  entry  into  the  war,  It  may  be  advisable  at  this  point  to 
point  out  the  more  obvious  facts  of  the  geography  of  this  warfare:  the 
submarine  bases;  the  routes  followed;  the  location  of  the  more  important 
sinkings;   the  sandbanks  and  shallow  stretches  in  the  North  Sea,  etc. 


XII.     AMERICA  AND  THE  WAR.  , 

War  aims  of  America. 

a.  To  restore  peace  to  the  world.  (This  can  be  accomplished  only  by  the 
defeat  of  the  powers  that  made  the  war.) 

b.  To  secure  the  future  peace  of  the  world.  (It  should  be  recalled  that 
German  leaders  are  already  discussing  the  advisability  of  provoking 
another  great  war;  President  Wilson  hopes  to  prevent  future  warfare, 
to  some  extent  at  least,  by  a  League  of  Nations  to  Preserve  Peace.) 

c.  To  ease  the  economic  burdens  of  the  world  and  to  minimize  the  likli- 
hood  of  future  collisions  by  a  reduction  of  armaments. 

d.  To  promote  the  principle  of  nationality. 

e.  To  give  wider  application  to  the  principle  of  "consent  of  the  governed." 

f.  To  right  the  wrong  done  to  France  in  1871. 

g.  To  restore  and  secure  the  freedom  of  the  seas. 

h.  To  liberate  the  peoples  of  Europe  now  held  in  subjection  (Belgians. 
Serbs,  and  others)  and  to  force  restitution  by  the  enemy. 

War  preparations  of  America. 

a.  Administrative:  the  reorganization  of  our  governmental  machinery; 
extension  of  the  authority  of  the  executive  for  war  purposes. 

b.  Military:  the  creation  of  a  huge  army;  the  draft;  the  building  of  can- 
tonments; the  production  of  munitions  and  equipment;  air  craft;  pro- 
vision  for  the   comforts   and   intellectual   occupation   of  the  soldiers. 

c.  Naval:  expansion  of  the  navy;  the  building  of  ships  for  the  transport- 
ation of  men   and  materials;    the   Shipping   Board. 

d.  Economic. 

(1)  War  taxation  and  liberty  loans. 

(2)  Systematic  production  and  conservation  of  food;  the  Food  Admin- 
istration;   the    farmer's    share  in  the  war. 

(3)  The  conservation  of  fuel;  the  Fuel  Administration. 

(4)  Federal  control  of  transportation  and  of  telegraph  service. 

(5)  Legislation  to  promote  peace  and  efRciency  in  the  industries. 

e.  Moral:  systematic  dissemination  of  information  as  to  the  issues  of 
the  war  and  our  duties  and  share  in  the  conflict. 

The   aciiievements   of   America    in   the   war. 

a.  The  entry  of  America  into  the  war  restored  the  courage  and  confidence 
of  our  Allies  after  the  demoralization    and    defection    of    Russia. 

b.  America  has  succeeded  in  defining  the  aims  and  objects  of  the  Allies 
more  sharply  than  they  have  been  hitherto  stated. 

c.  America  has  sent  an  immense  army  to  France  which  has  rendered  not- 
able service  at  many  points  and  in  many  important  movements. 

d.  The  American  navy  has  assisted  in  reducing  the  danger  from  the  activ- 
ities of  the  Grerman  submarine. 

e.  America  has  lent  vast  sums  and  shipped  immense  quantities  of  food 
to  our  Allies. 

f.  America  has  proved  that  a  democracy  can  strike  as  swiftly,  as  vigor- 
ously, and  as  effectively  as  an  autocracy. 

27 


Literature. 

*War  Cyclopedia,  "Aim  of  United  States,"  "Alien  Enemies"  (two  articles). 
"America"     (several    articles),    "Cantonments"     (two    articles),    "Com- 
mittee on  Public  Information,"  "Council  of  National  Defense,"  "Draft," 
"Espionage  Act,"  "Food  Control  Act,  Enforcement,"  "Food,"   (various 
articles),   "Four  Minute   Men,"   "League   to   Enforce   Peace,"   "Navy," 
"New  Navy,"  "President,"    (two  articles),  "Red  Cross"    (several  art- 
icles), "Ship  Corporation,"  etc. 
♦Collected  Materials,  20-25   (President  Wilson's  Addresses). 
Map  Study:  there  are  several  possibilities  in  this  week's  work. 

a.  The  student  should  become  acquainted  with  the  location  of  the  various 
centers  (cantonments,  etc)  for  the  training  of  the  army. 

b.  The  student  should  learn  the  geography  of  the  Western  Front,  espec- 
ially the  location  of  the  American  units. 

c.  The  student  should  learn  where  in  other  parts  of  the  world  our  men  are 
at  work:  Archangel,  Italy,  Siberia,  etc. 


2S 


